Newspaper Page Text
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ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, February 14, I860.
The Bank* and (heir Bill-Holder*.
It is proposed that the officers of the Banks
of tliis State be relieved from ■whatever penalties
they may have incurred, during the war and
since, according to the statutes of the State. W c
have no objection to this measure of relief, where
it can be shown, and we believe it can be in most
cases, that the circumstances of war operated to
that end. Thus far we are willing to go, but
no farther, and we trust that the Legislature will
grant relief in ail such cases. When, however,
it is proposed to go farther, and deprive the bill-
holder of liis legal remedy against the Banks, or
their Stockholders, under the “personal liability”
clause, we must protest most earnestly against any
such measure of relief to them, inflicting as it
would a wrong upon the bill-holders—a mon
strous wrong; a gross violation of their right to
resort, in the event of the failure of the Banks, to
their stockholders for the redemption of their bills.
There is too much wc believe of intelligence and
honesty, in the General Assembly of our State,
to enact any such measure of relief. This would
Ikj nothing more than the robbing of one citizen
to relieve another, and for a moment, it ought not
to receive the favorable consideration of any
legislative body. Why not relieve as well the
man who has lost his negroes, as the Stock
holders in banks from their personal liabili
ties Y Why not the poor man from liis
liabilities as the Stockholder* in banks from
theirs? Why not as well relieve all men
from their liabilities, ns they the storkhoUl-
ers in hank V What more favorable claim have
they to such indulgence than any other man en
gaged in any othci business, or avocation ? It is
not the Stole they owe, which might forgive the
debt, but ini/ivtdt/al citizens who hold tlieir “prom
ises to pay,” and whom they ouglitto pay, if able,
to the very last cent., and if not, like any other
debtors, as far as they may be able. As citizen*
we arc willing that the stockholders in banks
shall share the relief bestowed u|>on all by the
law making power; but ns stockholders in those
institutions, they should bo held up to their pecu
niary liabilities. Nothing con be more unjust
than to deny to hid holder* their legal redress;
and nothing that flic present General Assembly
could enact, would meet with severer condemna
tion by the jwople they represent than the mea
sure proposed—the denial to the bill-holders of
the banks of the Stare, tlieir legal remedy as pre
scribed in the charters of the same.
Wc shall watch the progress of tliis measure
before the Legislature of our State, and advise
our readers of the same.
Protection of Frccdmen In SouUi
Carolina.
The New York Times refering to the order of
General Sickles relating to the industrial re
lations of negroes and tlieir employers in South
Carolina, the department over which lie presides
says, if if can he fairly and honorably carried in
to effect, llie objects lie aims to accomplish can
hardly fail to lie accomplished. These objects,
that paper slates are “ to define the rights of the
employer and flic freedmen respectively ; to see
that while I lie soil is cultivated the system of free
labor is fairly undertaken ; that the owners of
estates are secured in the possession of their
property ; that, persons able and willing to work
may have employment; that idleness and vagran-
cy may be discountenanced, and that humane pro
visions may be made for the aged and infirm.—
General Sickles doubtleas knows full well that
this is a stupendous field of labor to enter upon,
and that after all that may be attempted by yen-
end order, much of the real work of harmonizing
the interests of the employer and flic employed
in their new relations must be left to the soothing
influence of time. It is, however, eminently sat
isfactory to find that General Sickles lias begun
in the right spirit, uiul with none of that fero
cious dogmatism which characterizes the pro
fessional philanthropists."
Theprofesxional philanthropist! Just so! These
are the men that are now working injury to the
freedman, and annoyance to tlieir employers all
over the South, if not evils of greater magnitude.
“Ferocious" indeed is their dogmatism on the
pulpit and on the press; in the halls of the na
tional legislature and on the high-ways and by
ways throughout the land. They do not even
stop at the entrance to the White House, but
press forward even into the presence of him who
presides over the destinies of the nation, demand
ing what, may not be conceded, and what wcfccl
confident, will not lie, so long as the Presidential
chair is occupied by “Anoy Johnson.” We are
glad to see that the Times and other leading Re
publican papers at tlic North, recognize and de
nounce the “ferocious dogmatism" of the radical
portion of their party; and that others in mili
tary authority, like Gen. Sickles, view tho “situa
tion" of the South as it is, “that idleness and va
grancy may be discountenanced." Mainly now to
these authorities must we look to save the negro
trom tho "professional philanthropist.”
Senator C’onnkss, of California, has got mail
with “Mack” of the Cincinnati Commercial, be
cause of a remark written by “Mack” about him
over a year ago. “Mack” says: “It was simply
an illusion to a pernicious habit of lioriug the
Senate with remarks on every proposition that
came up, to which Mr. Comics had, unwittingly,
perhaps, became addicted. For so recent an ac
quisition to the Senate ho was altogether too
much given to oratory, lie made seventy-four
speeches on one question—that of taxing whisky,
and 1 thought that lie was going it a little too of
ten. So 1 felt under the painful necessity of ad
ministering a few words of advice to the loqua
cious Senator from the Pacific slope, which I am
sorry to olisorve he did not accept in that kindly
spirit in which they were offered. I must do him
the justice to say, however, that he profitted by
my gentle admonition, though he didn’t like it,
for he has since been less given to verbal dis
charges.
Frederick Douglas, making a siieeclf the
other evening in Brooklyn, was induced to con
sider the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and some
of his recent utterances aflecting the rights of
negroes. “1 do not find fault with Mr. Beecher,”
said Fred, “though I do not always agree with
him. I remember that, not man}’ years ago, he
declared that, if lie could abolish slavery on the
instant, or, by waiting twenty-five years, could
have it so abolished that its overthrow would
wholly redound to the glory of the Christian
Church, lie would prefer the latter. I presume
he was entirely sincere in this preference; and
yet, if I were a Maryland slaveholder, and Mr.
Beecher were my slave, and I had a rawhide, 1^
could take this opinion out ot him in less than
half an hour."
A New York correspondent tolls the follow
ing stories of Commodore Vanderbilt: “ lie lias
a will and au olwtiuacy that cannot lie equalled.
He got mad with Collins and swore he would
run his line off the ocean, and he did it Fif
teen years ago he held some of the bogus stock
of the New Haven Railroad, issued by Schuyler.
He demanded pay of the Company. His de
mand was refused, lie told the Railroad Com
pany he would have it, it lie spent all he was
worth So he has followed the Company
through all the courts for fifteen years, and at
the close of the last term of the Court of Ap
peals, the Court ot last resort, gave him a deci
sion by which he gains $750,000 and costs.—
Vanderbilt is a “big gun," but he will never be
translated on account of his amiability.
The lovely young Queen of Portugal, Maria
Pia, second daughter of Victor Emanuel, is de
scribed as a sweet girl ot nineteen—blonde and
delicate looking, but of singularly well propor
tioned figure. Much prettier than her sister
Clothide, yet she resembles her in the beauty ot
her snowy throat and chiseled shoulders.
The Governor** .Veuajp.
The Governor’s recent message to the Legis
lature which wc publish so-day, embraces recom
mendations on several important topics. Among
them none is, of more interest than that portion
of it which refers to the proceedings of the Stock
holders of the Bank of Augusta, the Augusta In
surance and Banking Company, the City Bank,
and the Mechanic’s Bank, all located in the city
of Augusta. Two of these Banks it appears have
surrendered their charters, and tfic other two in
tend doing the same, while all have provided for
the assignment of their assets, real and personal
for the benefit of their creditors. Under these
circumstances, and with reference to the alleged
fact that but for the large accumulation in tlieir
hands, as the Governor states, of State securities
of different kinds, which have been repudiated,
and of irredeemable Confederate Treasury Notes,
we agree with liis Excellency that “certainly it
would seem reasonable and beneficial, as well to
them and to their creditors, that they be allowed
to go into liquidation under such restrictions as
may avoid protracted and liarrassing litigation,
without inquiring any security provuled by their
several charters for ltill-holders and other creditors."
(Italics ours). This is precisely the view we took
of this matter in our last issue, and before we had
seen the message of the Governor. Justice to
the bill-holders and other creditors of the Banks
demand that there fie no impairing of any
security provided in the charters of these
or any other hanks, by the Legislature
however much these institutions may have suf
fered by reason of the war, and we are pleased
to see that our excellent Governor takes the same
view of the case. Like Ills Excellency, and we
have before so expressed ourself, justice, not
charity, demands that “if, by conforming their
conduct to statutory requirements, the directors
and other officers have been placed in a condi
tion which, if voluntarily assumed, would have
subjected them to penalties imposed by prior
legislation,” they lie relieved from the same. To
go farther than this we me not willing. The
Banks have no reason to expect it, and those
who do will be disappointed in that expectation.
The Legislature must protect the bill-holders;
wc say must, for here again “justice, not charity"
dematuls it. Those who, at the capital or in the
Legislature, contend that the stockholders in
•these Banks, or any others in the State, are en
titled to be relieved from the “personal liability
clause," which is engrafted in most of the char
ters of the Banks of our State, would commit a
wrong upon their bill-holders, which we do not
believe the Courts of the State would sanction,
and which no code of morals would endorse.—
The Legislature, we trust, will not consider any
such proposition with any degree of favor.
Other topics of interest are embraced in this
message of Governor Jenkins—the relation of
the freedmen to the body politic—the final report
of the Georgia Relief and Hospital Association
—how provision should be made to meet the di
rect tax assessed upon the State by the Federal
Government—and some suggestions in reference
to the publication of the decisions of the Su
preme Court.
The message is brief, but it is multum inpurco.
The reader will find it in another column.
On Confiscation.
The Hon. Mr. Dawson, of Pennsylvania, re
cently delivered a speech in Congress oullie pres
ent and prospective condition of the country,
from which wc make the following extract:
“The idea ot a certain class of politicians, of
confiscating, the lands of the Sout h and parcel
ing them out among negroes and adventurer^
has for its object the extermination of the pres
ent generation of Southern whites, and shows
the barbarous animus of that most' impracticable
party. They would adopt that same policy of
irritation which was attempted by Elizabeth and
James in Ireland, which has been fruitful only
of heart-burning and discontent to the present
hour.
It is not the policy of the government to keep
it pressed upon the minds ot the South that they
are subject to a galling yoke. Neither is it right.
The people of the South when they have once
given in their adhesion to the government are as
much freemen, are as much entitled to protec
tion in the rights of self-government, as any por
tion of the North. There is a broad distinction
between power and right, and while the govern
ment possesses the power, she should exercise it
in subordination to those great principles of de
mocracy and republicanism which constitute the
basis of our system. It is a plain violation of
these to force upon the South any modification
of her social condition, any political status not
sanctioned by her people through their law-mak
ing assemblies.
Such a policy may drive a people to despair,
may prepare the fuel for lighting anew the flames
of insurrection; but will never generate love for
the government which thus seeks to oppress
them. True statesmanship will not attempt to
succeed by such means. A strict regard for jus
tice, abatement of extreme pretensions; a steady
effort to show the South that the war was not
waged out of hatred to her people, but only for
the preservation of the national territory un
fractured ; a careful regard lor her interests in
common with those of the other States, tfiese, I
believe, are the - only means which will ever suc
ceed in obliterating the silent but corroding mem
ories of errors, wrongs, and sufferings; of effa
cing the deep scars of civil bloodshed and warm
ing the estranged hearts of our countrymen to
wards a common government once more. The
expressed desire of the South, if conquered, to
belong to a strong government, and her readi
ness to resent the imagined injury inflicted upon
her by the neutrality of the European powers,
should be wisely taken advantage ol' to revive
and rivet the Union feeling.
An Associated Press dispatch says that the
Virginia Legislative Committee had an interview
with the President on Tuesday hist, and present
ed resolutions endorsing his policy. The Presi
dent replied, thanking them for their visit and
expressed his gratification at the sentiments ex
pressed by them, and declared his determination
to follow the principles lie had pursued through
out. They were that the Union could not be
dissolved, and rcsjKmded cordially to the senti
ments of the resolutions and. trusted that the time
would soon come when they could meet under
more favorable auspices than at present.
11c stated that lie would not be forced to take
the position that any State is out ot the Union.
The interview was a very important one.
At the conclusion of liis remarks the members
of the committee were introduced personally,
and expressed pleasure at the President’s ad
dress.
The Council ot Generals at Washington City
have made the following recommendations to the
Senate army bill: “They approve of the number
of men for which the hill provides and the pro
portion to be taken from each arm of the service.
They also recommend that in addition to the
Major and Brigadier Generals now in the regular
army, five Major Generals, ten Brigadier Gener
als, and a number of Adjutant Generals, be ap
pointed from the volunteer forces—these officers
to rank with the death or resignation of the first
incumbent. The only recommendation of im
portance in regard to the military bill is that the
commander of the army shall have power to or
der inspection. They also report in favor of ta
king the siqierinteudent of West Point from the
army at large instead of confiding the appoint
ments to the corps of engineers.”
The Constitutional Amendment.
A northern exchange says that a Richmond I
paper has already driven a coach and six through |
the proposed Constitutional amendment in re- ‘
gard to suffrage, in this wise :
“ The amendment enacts that when any class
shall lie deprived ot suffrage on account of race
or color, such class shall not lie counted as repre- j
sentative population. Very well; there is no
other restriction; we may fix, as a qualification
for voting, anv amount ot property, say a bun- :
dred thousand dollars in real estate; or we may .
require a voter to understand Hebrew, or solve i
Euclid’s problems on the blackboard, or do any .
other most difficult thing; if we say nothing j
about his race or his color the amendment will
not touch us.”
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENCE
Milledgeville, Feb. 7, 1866.
SENATE.
The Senate met at the usual hour. Prayer by
Dr. Manson.
Mr. J. A. W. Johnson offerred a resolution
providing for the sale of property of the State in
the card factory. Agreed to.
Mr. Strozier introduced a bill to divide the
State into twenty judicial districts, and to pro
vide for four sessions of the Superior Court in
each county every year; also a bill to provide
for the discharge of insolvent debtors, and for
the disposition of the property of the same.
Resolution that the bond of $1,000 of tbe se
curities of Aaron Thornby, shall be regarded on
a Confederate basis. Adopted.
House resolution requiring the Tax Receiver
of each county to take a list of each, person in
his count} - who lias lost a leg or arm in the war.
Adopted.
House resolution calling on the commissioners
appointed by the Convention to inquire into the
financial operations of the State the past four
years, to report to the Legislature at its present
session. Adopted.
House bill to incorporate tbe town ot Dawson.
Passed.
Bill to authorize an extra tax in Elbert county.
P.issed.
Bill to amend the act incorporating the town of
Elberton. Passed.
Bill to prescribe an oath to be taken by voters.
Passed.
Several bills were taken up and laid on the ta
ble for the present.
After reading bills the second time the Senate
adjourned.
HOUSE.
The House met at 9 o’clock, A. M.
Prayer by the chaplain.
Mr. Hudson of Harris moved the reconsidera
tion of the action of the House on yesterday, in
relation to the penitentiary. Lost.
NEW MATTER.
Mr. Pottle of Warren. A bill to establish rules
of evidence in regard to the liabilities of banks;
also, a bill to allow sheriffs to sell cotton that
has been removed out of the State or county in
which it was levied on.
Mr. Wilburn of Terrell. A .bill for the relief
of all persons who may have during the war is
sued shinphisters ; also, a bill to incorporate the
Dawson Manufacturing Company.
Mr. Groce ot Screven. A bill to place the coun
ty of Screven in the 5th Congressional district.
Mr. Ridley of Troup. A bill to regulate the
printing of county officers.
Mr. Dodd of Polk. A bill to allow the Ordi
nary of Polk county to keep the papers of his
office in his residence until t he court house of the
county is re-built.
Mr. Kibbee. A bill to change the line between
the counties of Pulaski and Dooly; also, a bill
to revive the military code of Georgia, and to
repeal all lad's passed since its adoption, incon
sistent with the Constitution and laws of the Uni
fied States.
Mr. Bush of Miller. A bill to amend the laws
allowing administrators and guardians to resign
and regulate such reservations.
McWhorter of Oglethorpe. A bill declaratory
of the laws touching contracts, liens and obliga
tions made and entered into prior to the first of
June, 1S65, where the credit was based in part,
or on the whole upon slave property, and to pro
vide for the payment of the samo, except in the
ratio of the value of all property other than slave
property.
Mr. Willis of Talbot. A bill to provide for
the establishment of lost papers.*
Mr. Render of Meriwether. A bill for the re
duction of members of the General Assembly.
Mr. ltussell of Glasscock. A bill to hold
liens on buildings for the lumber used in said
buildings.
Mr. McWhorter of Greene. A bill to submit
the question of Penitentiary or No Penitentiary
to the people, at an election 1st Wednesday in
May, 1806.
Mr. Woods of Floyd. A bill to incorporate
the Oostonaula Steamboat Company.
Mr. Redwine of Fayette. A resolution that
the Governor cause to be held an election, to see
whether the people desire a Penitentiary.
Mr. Gartrell of Cobb. A bill to authorize
the Mayor and City Council of Marietta to issue
change bills to the amount ot $1,000.
Mr. Adams of Clarke. A bill to abolish the
Penitentiary.
Leave of absence granted to Mr. Smith /if
Hancock; Harrison, of Chatham; Hughes, of
Twiggs; and Bennett, of Brooks—the latter
confined to his room by sickness.
Mr. Gartrell of Cobb. A resolution relative
to the Commissioners appointed by the Provi
sional Governor to receive the Western & At
lantic Railroad from the United States. Adopted.
BILLS ON THIRD READING.
' Bill to relieve all persons over sixty years of
age from jury duty. * Passed.
Bill to define the liabilities of the several rail
roads of this State, in reference to freight received
at their depots for transportation. Lost.
Bill for the relief of Perry L. Cox, confined in
the penitentiaiy. Postponed.
Bill for the relief of J. L. Martin, confined in
the penitentiaiy. Lost.
Bill to provide for the payment of Judges of
Supreme and Superior Courts during suspension
of civil law. Lost.
Bill to incorporate the Dalton Petroleum and
Mining Company. Passed.
Bill to change the line between Henry and
Spaulding counties. Lost
Bill to facilitate the trial of tenants holding
over and intruders. Passed.
House adjourned to meet at 3 o’clock, p. in.
N.
Milledgeville, Feb. 8,1866.
SENATE.
The Senate met at 10 o’clock A. M.
Prayer by Rev. S. E. Brooks of the Baptist
Church.
NEW MATTER.
Mr. Carter. A bill to limit the number of
Judges of the Interior Court to one; term of of
fice four years.
Mr. Casey. A resolution authorizing the Gov
ernor to appoint a commission to goto Washing
ton for the benefit of persons who subscribed to
the Confederate cotton loan, without ever receiv
ing Confederate bonds for the same. Referred.
Mr. Gresham. A resolution to allow the Trea
surer of the State to purchase and open a new
set of books. Referred.
Sir. J. A. W. Johnson. A bill to fix the lia
bilities of persons of African descent It places
them on precisely the same footing, so far as lia
bilities are concerned, as white persons.
Sir. Sloore. A bill to authorize persons ex
empted from jury duty to be made tales jurors.
Sir. Overstreet. A resolution for the appoint
ment of a joint eommitte to examine into the
condition of the State's arsenal and magazine.
Sir. Owens. A bill to amend the charter of
the Oglethorpe Insurance Company of Savannah.
Sir. Quillain. A bill to incorporate the Han-
sell Manufacturing Company of Campbell county.
Sir. C. H. Smith. A bill to exonerate Sheriffs
and their deputies from liabilities in eetain cases.
It applies to cases where those officers have re
ceived ami hold bank bills, Ac.
Mr. Strickland. A bill to change the time of
holding the Superior Courts of Floyd, Polk,
Paulding and Campbell counties.
Srr. Strozier. A resultion to authorize the
Governor to publish ‘By Authority” acts of a
general nature passed at the present session of
the General Assembly, in such papers -as he might
select. The resolution was lost.
The stay law, the special order, was then taken
A recent Washington dispatch says: The
ante-room of the White House was thronged to
day, many Senators and Representatives being
in attendance. Delegations from both parties | up. After various amendments had been adopted
waited upon the President, The Democrats are J {tending the decision of the bill, the Senate ad-
said to have come out clapping tlieir hands. | joumed.
HOUSE.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
February 7,1866.
The House met at 3 o’clock, and spent the
whole of the session in reading bills the second
time.
MORNING SESSION.
The House met at 9 o’clock, A. M- Prayer by
the chaplain.
Leave of absence was granted Messrs. Sale,
Redwine, Scandett, Cameron and Morris.
Resolution in relation to the seizure of cotton
by the United States military authorities.—
Adopted.
BILLS ON THIRD READING.
Bill to incoporate the Empire State Maunfactu-
ring Company, of the county of Newton. Refer
red to Special Committee of seven.
Bill for the relief of securities on criminal bonds.
Lost
Bill to amend section 4512 of the Code. Lost
Bill to extend the time of granting lands sur
veyed on head rights till 25th of December 1868.
Passed.
Bill to amend the charter of the Etowah Auroria
Hose Mining Company. Passed.
Bill to amend section 3764 of the Code.
Passed.
Bill to appropriate a sum of money for the use
State University. Lost
Bill to allow administrators, executors, &c.,
to resign trust Lost.
Bill in reference to retail licenses in Quitman.
Passed.
Bill to allow an extra tax of 25 per cent, on
the State tax in Scriven county. Passed.
Bill for the relief of Isaac Hardeman, of the
county of Jones. Passed.
Bill to allow a legal partner ot an Ordinary
To practice law. Withdrawn.
Bill to allow corporations to tax auctioneers,
and require bond of the same. Passed.
Bill to change the line between Fayette and
Clayton counties. Passed.
Bill to amend section 4597 of the Code. Lost.
Bill to change the line between Baker and
Early. Passed.
Bill to secure persons in rights of bottles.
Lost.
Bill for the relief of administrators in certain
cases. Passed.
Bill to hire out colored persons for debt. Lost.
Bill to amend section 3320 of Code. Paased.
Bill to compensate Commissioners for prepar
ing Freedmen’s Code. Passed. (It gives each
$750.)
Bill to allow Dawson county to levy an extra
tax. Lost.
Adjourned.
Milledgeville, Feb. 9,1866.
SENATE.
The Senate met at 9 o’clock A. M.
The Stay Law, after considerable discussion,
was passed. It provides that one-fourth of the
debt shall be paid on the first day of Januaty,
1867, and one-fourth every y?ar thereafter until
paid; and refers to all contracts made prior to
the passage of the bill.
Mr. Owens introduced a resolution in reference
to the representation of the State in the Atlantic
and Gulf Railroad Company.
Mr. Thornton. A bill to punish the burning
of any dwelling house and burglary in the day
or night with death; also, a bill to incorporate
the Columbus Street Railroad Company.
BILLS ON THIRD READING.
Bill the incorporate Atlanta Street Railroad
Company. Passed.
Bill for the pardon of John W. Martin.—
Passed.
Bill to authorize married women to deposit
money in savings’ banks. Passed.
Bill to change the time of holding Superior
Courts in the Western Judicial Circuit. Passed.
Bill to regulate annual returns of incorporated
companies. Lost
Bill to define the rights of persona owning
landings on water courses. Passed.
Adjourned.
HOUSE.
The House met at the usual hour,
Prayer by the chaplain.
Mr. Edge of Campbell, moved to reconsider so
much of the action of the House on yesterday as
relates to administration in certain cases. Car
ried.
Mr. Brock of Haralson, moved to reconsider
so much of the action of the House as relates to
the compensation of the commissioners appointed
to prepare a code for freedmen. Carried.
Leave of absence was granted to the commit
tee on the Blind Asylum to visit said institution.
Mr. Kirby of Chattooga introduced a resolu
tion to admit no new matter after the 12th inst,
Bill to compensate Ordinaries and Clerks for
administering the amnesty oath. Passed.
Mr. Peeples of Berrien. A resolution that no
new matter be introduced after the 16tl> instant
NEW MATTER. •
Mr. Hardeman of Bibb. A bill to incorporate
the Wilcox Iron and Coal Company.
Mr. Morrow of Columbia. A resolution that
the roll of the counties after the 12th instant lie
dispensed with and that no new matter after that
time he received without a two-thirds vote.
Mr. Thomas of Floyd. A bill to extend the cor
porate limits of the town of Rome.
Mr. Morris of Franklin. A bill to repeal an
act amendatoiy of the 24th section of the Code.
Mr. Maddox of Fulton. A bill to incorporate
the Gate City Insurance and Banking Company.
Mr. Baker of Lownds. A bill restraining the
frequent changing of the Code.
Mr. Render of Merriwether. A resolution to
publish the laws in such newspapers as the Gov
ernor may direct
Mr. Dubose of Hancock. A bill to allow ex
ecutors to resign their trusts in certain cases.
Mr. Davenport of Oglethorpe. A bill to author
ise the Inferior Coutr of Pickens county to appro
priate any money arising from the sale of cotton
after the surrender of the Confederate States
army, to the building of a jail in said county.
Mr. Snead of Richmond. A bill to authorize
the Inferior-Court of Richmond, to levy an extra
tax.
Mr. Stewart of Spaulding. A bill to incorpo
rate the Grand Bay Manufacturing Company, in
tlic county of Berrien,.
Mr. Speer of Lumpkin. A bill to authorize a
waiver of legal principles in certain cases.
Mr. Ridley of Troup. A bill to make the sal
ary of the resident physician of the Lunatic Asy
lum $3,500; also a bill to provide for the pay
ment of the officers and members of the General
Assembly.
Mr. Pottle of Warren. A bill to amend the
laws of this State in reference to Inferior Courts.
Mr. Robson of Washington. A bill to pre
scribe the time for advertising property to be
sold by sheriffs and constables.
The bill for the pardon of Terry L. Cox was
passed.
Leave of absence granted to Mr. McWhorter,
of Greene, and Mr. Hicks.
House adjourned to meet at 3 o’clock P. M.
Milledgeville, Feb. 10.
SENATE. ,
The Legislature met at 10 o’clock, A. M. Pray
er by Rev. L E. Brooks. The journal was read
and approved.
NEW MATTER.
Mr. Carter. A bill to relieve the people of Geor
gia tfie present year from the payment of taxes,
and to provide for the raising of $2,000,000 by
the sale of the bonds of the State.
Mr. Butler. A bill to change the line between
Greene and Morgan counties.
Mr. Gresham. A bill to amendjsection 4420 of
the Code. Also a bill to provide for the taking
of the census of the State, and a bill to enlarge
the powersof the City Council of Macon.
Mr. Strozier. A bill to change the time of hold
ing the inferior courts of Worth county.
Mr. Kenan. A bill to reduce the bonds of the
sheriffs of Washington, Hancock and Baldwin
counties. ’
Mr. Moore. A bill to enlarge the powers of the
city court of Augusta. Also a memorial from
citizens of Richmond county in reference to aid
to Mrs. Brown.
The bill to alter the second and third congres
sional districts was passed.
Bill to amend sections 4793 and 4793 of the
Code. Passed.
Resolution in reference to persons who sub
scribed to the Confederate loan. Passed.
HOUSE BILLS ON THIRD READING.
Bill to fix the salaries of State Librarian and
clerks in the State House. Passed. The salaries
are fixed at $1200 each.
Bill to incorporate the Blairsville Mining and
Manufacturing Company. Passed.
Bills were then read the second time.
Adjourned.
HOUSE.
The House met at 9 o’clock A. M.
Prayer by tbe chaplain.
Mr. Byrd of Mitchell, moved to re-consider so
much of the action of the House on yesterday in
the passage of a bill to compensate Ordinaries
and Clerks tor administering the amnesty oath.
The motion prevailed. The bill was afterwards
passed.
The use of the hall was granted to an agent of
an emigration society to address the members of
the General Assembly on Monday night.
BILLS ON THIRD READING.
Bill to incorporate the Empire Manufacturing
Company of Newton county.
Bill to require defendants to give bond for the
forthcoming of property in certain cases. Lost
Bill to incorporate the Gate City Gas- Compa
ny. Passed.
Bill to carry out au ordinance in reference to
■executors, &c.; also, to carry into effect the 5th
article of section 708 of the Constitution of the
State in reference to judgments of courts. Passed
Bill to regulate jail charges for diet of prison
ers. Passed.
Bill to increase the fees of county officers.—
Passed.
Bill to incorporate the North Georgia Petrole
um and Mining Company. Passed.
The House adjourned till Monday 1 morning
9 o’clock.
LIST OF ACTS SIGNED BY THE GOVERNOR.
1. An act to consolidate the offices of Secreta
ry of State and Surveyor General, and to pro
vide salaries for the Comptroller General, State
Treasurer and Secretary of State, and State Li
brarian.
2. An act to make free persons of color compe
tent witnesses in the courts of this State in cer
tain cases therein mentioned,and to authorize tlic
making and declaring the force of affidavits by
them in certain cases.
3. An act to change the place of holding the
Supreme and Inferior Courts and Courts of Or
dinary of Bartow county, until a court house is
built.
4. An act to authorize an advance of payment
to be made to the Public Printer of the present
session of the Legislature.
5. An. act to amend the several acts of force in
relation to the city of West Point in Troup
county, and to grant Mayor and Aldermen addi
tional powers and to define the same.
6. An act to encourage the Richmond Fire
Company No. 7, and for other purposes.
7. An act to extend the corporate limits of the
town of Forsyth, Monroe county Georgia, and
to increase the powers of Commissioners thereof
as to taxes and the enforcement of fines and pen
alties.
8. Au act to appoint certain persons herein
named Trustees of the Knoxville Camp Ground
in Crawford county, and to vest certain powers in
them.
9. An act to change the place of holding the
Justices’ court of the 97th district, Georgia Mili
tia, Washington county.
10. An act to suspend the action of section
1528 of the Code ot Georgia.
11. An act to alter and amend the 10th para
graph of the 2d article, parti, title 16, chapter5
of the Code.
12. An act to change the line between Worth
and Irwin counties so as to include No. 30, sec
ond district of Irwin in Worth county.
13. An act to repeal an act assented on the
21st of December, 1857, requiring the Court o
Ordinary of Tatnall county to be held on the
2d Monday in October, instead of 1st Monday as
provided for by law.
14. An act to authorize and require the freed
men of this State to make certain advances, and
for other purposes.
15. An act to establish the seal to be used in
the office of Secretary of State.
16. An act to change the time when the Jus
tices of the Inferior Court must draw juries foi
the Supeior Courts.
17. An act to amend the charter of the city of
of Rome by authorizing the Mayor and City
Council to raise the fee for retail license, and to
prohibit the erection of wooden buildings.
18. An act to authorize and empower the
Judges of the Supeior Court of this State to hold
special terms for the trial of criminals, and for
other purposes.
19. An act for the relief of securities on recog
nizances in certain cases.
20. An act to confer certain powers on the
commissioners of Louisville.
21. An act to permit certain persons to build
stock gaps on the Western and Atlantic Rail
road.
22. An act to amend an act assented to March
9,1865, entitled an act to extend the civil juris-
•diction of the city courts of Augusta, to abolish
the tax or court fee, and to make the fees of the
officers of that court the same as the Superior
Courts of the State.
23. An act to make all suits, writs and process
es which were returnable to the Houston Supe
rior Conrt9, as October term, 1865, returnable to
the February term of said Superior Court to be
held in the year 1866.
24. An act to repeal an act entitled an act to
alter and amend an act to incorporate the city of
Americus, and to alter and amend an act to in
corporate the town of Americus in the county of
Sumter, and for other purposes, assented to De
cember 7tli, 1861.
25. An act to prevent the spread of small-pox
in this State.
26. An act to enable the Superior Court of the
several counties in the State to raise a fond to
pay off the indebtedness of their several counties
in this State, and for other purposes.
27. An act to legalize the issue of bills and
bonds by the Mayor and Council of the city of
Atlanta.
RESOLUTIONS.
1. Resolution relative to adjournment.
2. In reference to continuation of cases against
the banks of this State.
3. Authorizing the Treasurer to make certain
advances.
4. In reference to selling the debris of the
Georgia Military Institute.
5. Requesting the revocation of the order of
the Secretary of War relative to branded stock
in this State.
6. To instruct the Superior Courts to report
destitute widows, orphans and disabled soldiers.
7. In relation to the improvement of the pub
lic grounds and buildings.
8. In reference to the President of the U. S.
j 9. Relative to a revision of the Code of Geor-
! gia by Hon. David Irwin of this State.
10. Authorizing liis Excellency the Governor
to borrow upon the faith and credit of the Slate,
the sum of one hundred thousand dollars.
1L Requesting of the President of the United
Statesjif not a withdrawal of the troops, a sur
render of private property, and the restoration of
the writ of habeas corpus.
12 To appoint a committee of three from the
House and two from the Senate, to take into
consideration that portion of the Governor’s
message, which relates to the State’s interest in
the cotton card factory.
13. Authorizing the appointment of a joint
committee to inquire into the present condition
of the Executive Mansion.
14 Requesting the Governor to intercede with
the President for the restoration of property on
Wilmington, Witemareh, Skidaway, Sapelo and
other islands to their lawful owners, &c.
15. Requesting the Governor to call upon the
several banks of this State to make a return of
their condition conformable to law now existing
within ten days.
16. To authorize the Governor to prosecute
the claim of this State for cotton lately seized by
the Federal army.
17. In relation to the Card Factory recently in
operation in the Penitentiary of this State.
18. In reference to a final settlement of the
State’s interest in the Cotton Card Factory.
N.
[COMMUNICATED.]
Speech of the Hon. Josli. Hill.
The writer, in common doubtless, with many
of Mr. Hill’s past friends, has read with great
pain the recent speech of that distinguished gen
tleman before the Legislature ot Georgia. As
the writer, in his humble way, occupied the same
position with Mr. Hill, being sternly opposed to
secession, he feels it due to thousands ot eo-ope-
rationista, as well as to himself, to express
his dissent from the position taken by Mr. Hill.
It would be a grievous wrong to allow those
at home who differed from us, and also the Gov
ernment, to suppose that Mr. Hill correctly re
presents the present sentiments of the great body
of those who were most decidedly and actively
opposed to secession.
In order to accomplish the object of this com
munication, it will be necessary to follow Mr.
Hill somewhat in the order of his remarks.
The first part of the speech is occupied with
the recital of Mr. Hill’s past public fife. That
public life, as portrayed by him, has for the most
part received the sincere approbation of the wri
ter. The deeper, therefore, is the regret at its
unhappy termination. The word “termination”
is used, for Mr. Hill can never again expect pub
lic favors at the hands of the people of Georgia.
That this speech will gain him friends elsewhere
is evident. That it will be followed by Federal
honors is probable. Bat neither these new
friends, or Federal honors will compensate for
the loss of those friendships ordinarily dearest
to man, or for the unmitigated, defecated mis
chief which this unhappy speech must occasion.
Mr. Hill asks, “what was it that gave me the
power of doing good ?” “Nothing hut the con
viction on the minds of all that I had been true
to the Government throughout the frightful
scenes of conflict.” Passing by minor acts, how
could Mr. Hill consent to be a candidate for tiie
gubernatorial chair of a State then in arms
against the Government? Did he design, if
elected to cripple the State in the contest in
which she engaged ? This supposition is impos
sible, for it would involve a meanness below con
tempt. Did he design, if elected to enforce the
thenlaws and constitution of the State according
to the solemn oath he was to take f If so, how
could he have been “loyal to the Government
throughout these frightful sconces of conflict ?”—
After the expression just quoted, there is little to
choose between, either horn of the dilemma.—
The difference between Mr. Stephens and Mr.
Hill is simply thi9: Mr. Stephens took office un
der the Confederacy, Mr. Hill tried to obtain of
fice and failed.
After speaking of his availability, Mr. Hill
goes on to say—“If you feel a reluctance to elect
a man who can take the oath, then is it because
you disapprove his loyalty.” Is no man loyal
who cannot take the test oatli ? Is no man loy
al who will not vote for Mr. Hill ? It may be that
he may refuse to vote for a man for meanness, or
timidity, or double-dealing, or other causes.—
What is loyalty to a Government? Does it ne
cessarily involve love to the Government ? Does
it require that we should vote for a man for a
given office, whom we think disqualified for it,
simply because he has done nothing against that
Government, and in preference to another man
eminently qualified, who has, indeed, resisted
that Government under conviction of duty, but
who has sworn ever afterwards to be a loyal citi
zen to it ?
If loyalty at the present time requires that a
man should never have done anything against
the Government; if it requires that we should
love the Government we have offended; then is
the writer disloyal; then are ninety-nine out of
every hundred men in Georgia disloyal. The
good Book requires that we should kiss the hand
of Almighty God when he smites us; but there
is no similar injunction as to man. To say that
we love the Government, with widows and or
phans, with men crippled and enfeebled, with
faams laid waste and despoiled, with towns sack
ed and burned, with the fresh graves of our
countless dead ever before us, would prove
us destitute of human hearts. The terri
ble events of the war are too recent to
admit this. Love for the American Union was
once a passion with the writer; its banner then
to him was sacred. When in foreign cities, alone
among strangers, he has seen an American man-
of-war enter the port, come to an anchor, fold
up her sails as the sea-bird folds its wings, and
then fling out the stars and stripes, he felt that,
the arms of a giant were around him—that all
Europe dared not molest him; he was proud
that he was an American citizen. The first gun
fired upon that flag was to him like the shock of
an earthquake. All this has passed away. No
thing is left but obedience to a superior power.
He can he a loyal citizen of the Government he
cannot lOve. If a solemn oath to be good and
orderly citizens, to maintain and defend the laws
and Constitution of the United States, if lives in
accordance with this oath prove loyalty, then are
the people of Georgia at this day loyal. Ifthisdefi-
nition of loyalty be correct, the refusal of the
Georgia Legislature to elect Mr. Hill to the Sen
ate does not prove that body to be disloyal. The
tone of Mr. Hill’s remarks on this point is auda
ciously arrogant. It is not dignified resentment,
but querulous petulence. It is not comminution,
hut reprobation. It is not expostulation, but vi
tuperation. It is the style of a powerless peda
gogue towards unruly schoolboys too large to be
switched.
Mr. Hill says he can take the test oath. How
he can take it, with his unforgotten candidacy
for the Governor’s seat, it is difficult to imagine.
If it he not aiding a rebellion for a man to say to
a State engaged in rebellion, “Make me your
Governor and I will lead you; I will swear to
enforce your laws,” then what in the name of
common sense is aiding it? He is sorry that so
few can take the oath. It is the boast of Georgia
that there are not a dozen men of respectable
position in the State who can take it The man
who, after the State was invaded, could coolly sit
down in odious nentrality and see his neighbors’
sons killed, perhaps his own, his neighbors’ houses
burned and their farms laid waste; who could
hear the agonized cry of women for help and
raise no hand or fire no gun, is either more or
less than man. If more than man, he would be
better off in a better world; it less than man, he
is nnworthy a place among men.
Mr. Hill quotes the example of South Caroli
na. We have had quite enough of the example
of South Carolina in her connection with our re
cent struggle.
He complains that we love the President and
do not like him. The position of the two men
differ widely as the poles. Andy Johnson was
an honest enemy; and, since his elevation, has
exhibited a combination of qualities moral and
mental that would have made him illustrious in
any age or any countiy. Ills policy towards the
South lias been liberal, clement and magnani
mous beyond precedent. The South loves him
—the word is not too strong—the South loves
him and wifi be as true as steel to him and his
administration. If, under conviction of duty,
Mr. Hill had imitated President Jolmson—if he
had sacrificed kindred and property—if he had
gone to the North and taken np his abode among
those with whom we were at war—this, at all
events, would have been honest and manly. But
to remain among ns ? to seek office among as,
and now to tell us he was all the time loyal to
the Government we were fighting, can he won
der that high-minded men at the South do not
like him, while they love the President. Mr.
Hill has asked the question; he cannot complain
that it is answered.
Mr. Hill tells us the President readily distin
guishes between mere lip service and genuine
devotion. “You will not be able to deceive him.”
This sentence is an insult to' the representatives
of the people of Georgia. It gives them the odi
ous character of hypocrites, rendering mere lip
service. The imputation should be repelled with
honest indignation. Professing no love for the
Union, per se, while they do love the President
they are prepared to keep their pledge and con
tinue to be as they now are, good and loyal citi
zens to the end of their lives. Nothing more
can be asked, nothing more expected.
The most exceptionable sentiment of this most
exceptionable speech is found in the following
extract: “It you shall madly and revengefully
choose a man over me, prominently identified in
either a civil or military capacity with tlic rebel
Government, I will denounce the folly and infat
uation of the act.” This threat is made by one
who tried to he Governor of the rebel State of
Georgia, and couldn’t! It is bullying, and what
is worse, bullying in very bad taste. It is like
the child in a quarrel for an apple, who, finding
that he is about to lose it, cries out—“You give
it to me, or I’ll go right straight and tell my
ma.” Seriously, if those distinguished men,
Messrs. Stephens and Johnson, are refused then-
seats, so far as in him lies, the blame will rest
with Mr. Hill. He will occupy the unnatural
position of a Georgian thwarting the efforts of
Georgia to obtain the restoration of law, order
and civil liberty among her people.
But this protracted notice must be closed.—
Tbe effect of this speech with the President is
not to he feared. He understand us better than
Mr. Hill does. But its effect is greatly to be
feared among the Radicals. It is giving a wea
pon to our enemies. It is the endorsement of an
odious and unconstitutional Test Oath by a
prominent Southern man. It will given urrency lo
the impression among them, that our oath of
loyalty is a peijury. It will lead to the opinion
that there is a party in Georgia who entertains
Mr. Hill’s views, when there is not a corporal’s
guard, and to the results which followed a simi
lar error before tbe war. To Mr. Hill and to the
State, it can be followed but by disaster. This
criticism is penned under no personal feeling to
ward Mr. Hill. It is written not in anger, hut
in sorrow. No one can regard Mr. Hill, in pri
vate life, but with respect, to his many virtues.
His talcuts are decided. Prior to the war, his
political course was worthy of all admiration.
How unfortunate, that in a moment of disap
pointment or passion, with one sad blow he
should have struck down the fair fabric which
himself had reared. Georgian.
Tlio Sick of Bagdad-Demolition, I’iltnge
and Outlawry.
The Matamoras Ranchero, of the 9th, thus
fastens the responsibility of a war between Max
imilian and the United States on the latter
country:
The Federal commander, upon being apprised
of the unholy and hellish pillage of Bagdad by
liis own soldiers, lelt Brownsville for that place.
Two days after the pillaging commenced, lie
crossed into Bagdad a force of three hundred
men, with the object, we are told, of protecting
the lives of the non-combatant population. But
remarkable to relate, did not restore Imperial
authority, hut instead, recognizes the authority
of a pack of highway robbers, who received the
place from his soldiers, and who went into it
from the Texas side. Thus he recognizes the
right of his soldiers to take and sack a town of
the Mexican Empire and after they had enjoyed
two days, pillage, he sends into it a force and
commands the peace, but instead of putting the
place into the hands of those from whom his
soldiers took it, lie virtually turns it over to Lib
eral robbers and makes himself and government
responsible for the whole affair.
His soldiers attack and take a city from the
hands of the Imperial Government of Mexico;
his soldiers capture the Imperial garrison; assas
sinate Imperial citizens; shoot Imperial soldiers;
sack the city, and turn all over to fillibusters and
so-called Liberals, who enter the place from the
soil of the United States. Such, even, Is the
picture we arc called upon to contemplate ; and
such is not only a declaration of war on the part
of the United States but the commencement of
actual hostility by the government.
Whether the Federal authorities have commit
ted this awful crime wilfully, or whether they
are guilty of the higher crime, inertia, stupidity,
ignorance, we leave it for the public to determine.
One thing, however, is certain, the course which
the Federal commander has taken, fastens, ir
revocably fastens, the entire responsibility of the
ignoble affair upon his government.
The Ranchero, of the 10th gives further parti
culars of the sacking of Bagdad, from which
we take some extracts:
The pillage of Bagdad continues, but on a
small scale in comparison to the first i. w days
proceeding.
The negroes cross boxes of ebampaigne and
other wines and liquors, besides packages of mer
chandise without molestation from the federal
officials, but when the whites attempt to carry
on the same work, they are picked up by the
federal custom house officials and made to pay
duties.
All the principal houses of Bagdad have been
gulled completely. Some firms in this city in
form us of tlieir receiving houses and branches
have been robbed of cveiy article worth carrying
off, including their safes, which had been taken
to the Texas 9ide and blown open.
The federal commander has been at Clarks
ville, and has sent a force over to this side to
keep order, and was holding the place in con
junction with outlaws and fillibusters. He bail
done nothing toward restoring the place to those
from whom his soldiers took it. He left here tor
Brownsville, having been, and saw, and done
nothing.
The federal commander arrived up yesterday,
from below, and has ascertained that very few of
his soldiers had a hand in the taking and sacking
of Bagdad. Those few he was going to have ar
rested. |
We do not understand that he computes the
number ot his soldiers who took part in that
hellish affair. Lest he should arrest too many of
them we would inform him that not more tiian
from five hundred to eight hundred took ltand
in the work of pillage. Only a few—very few.
We are told that goods taken at Bagdad con
tinue to arrive in Brownsville, and are already
affecting that market.
The number of killed and wounded at Bagdad
is so variously estimated that without something
more reliable it would not be worth while to
make an estimate,
Louis Napoleon** mistake.
The intervention in Mexico was a mistake,
though we are precluded from condemning it ton
loudly. Our own government was ill-advised
enough to concur in the moderate attempt as
first suggested, and we can only congratulate
ourselves that it had the discretion to retire as
soon as it could with decency. It ought to have
been seen from the first that it would be impos
sible to restrict the movement to its proposed di
mensions, and even were it possible, the move
ment would still be impolitic. The practical
question is, however what shall the Emperor Na
poleon do ? Luckily, it is not our function to de
termine his future policy. There are some situ
ations in which it seems equally impossible to
advance or retreat. The Emperor may, however,
persuade himself that he most either advance
or retreat; it is impossible to do both, as so many
people would willingly do, and it is equally im-
.possible to stand still. If he retreat, he exposes
himself to the imputation of failure, and must run
the risk of tiie disfavor which the French are
very apt to feel toward anything like a want of
military success; but he would be relieved from
considerable exposure, would mitigate some do
mestic opposition, and would appease the Amer
ican people. If he persists, he must be prepared
for growing embarrassments and must brave
American resentment: We are not inclined to
reckon this last danger so threatening as it is
sometimes assumed to be. American officials
must, of course, resent the establishment of an
Empire in Mexico; it is opposed to every tra
dition of American policy, and it is a simple du
ty'to protest against it. American politicians and
writers must and will declaim against it, were it
only because a little bluster against Maximilian
is such an easy escape from the discussion of
delicate domestic problems. But were he to
withdraw his support, it is most probable that
the Emperor Maximilian would soon return to
Europe, and the Emperor Napoleon would have
to acknowledge that a scheme upon which he
had lavished thousands of French lives and mil
lions of French money had ignoininiously failed,
and that the French army had been compelled
to reciol from before a contemptible enemy. It
is a most painful dilemma.—London Times.
The future wife of the heir apparent of the
crown of Italy, the Princess of Leuchtenberg, is
the niece of the Emperor of Russia. The young
princess has been brought up as a member of tho
Greek Church.