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t'YO'K .
“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XVIII.
ATLANTA. GA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 18,1866.
UMty jBtelligtufer.
PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY
JARED IRWIN WHITAKER,
I’roprlcto r.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, July 18, 1866.
WASHING TON CORRESPONDENCE.
LEiTER FROM “INSIDE.
Don't I'lndorMe It.
Our esteemed cotemporary of the Atlanta
Intelligencer—to whom our thanks are due
for the kindly manner in which we were lately
mentioned—is informed that this paper does not
endorse this call for a “ National Union” Con-
vention—that,on the contraty.it is entirely there
to opposed—and that an article seemingly to the
contrary appearing in our columns a few days
ago was a selection, and appeared wholly with
out our knowledge or consent, by one of those
eventualities that sometimes occur in journalistic
lire Will our esteemed cotemporary set us
right, therefore, in this matter, ami, should his
opinion coincide with our own, strike hands with
us in opposition to this new rendition of a stale
old farce ?
We clip the foregoing from last Sunday morn
ing's Augusia Conxtttutionalixt. Our esteemed
cotemporary has ere this, in till probability, no
ticed that we took the earliest opportunity of
“setting it right” Iwfore our readers, and that
they were all made cognizant of the Constitu
tionalist's position, in regard to the Philadelphia
Convention, ere its request had reached us.
In all truth and sincerity we beg leave to as
sure our Augusta eotemporary that we deeply
regret, in its patriotic efforts to serve the South,
that it. has thought proper to oppose Georgia’s
lying represented in the projiosed National Con
vention. VVe ask it will such opposition succeed
and prevent the Stale’s being represented v We
think not, and so viewing the “situation,” we had
hoped that the Press of the State would have been
a unit, and that its etlorts would have been di
rected, iu the selection of delegates, to the nomina
tion of Georgia’s most discreet and patriotic sons.
The folding by the people of tlie South of their
arms, and the rejection by them of the invitation
of their democratic and conservative Northern
friends to meet and counsel together with direct
relerencc to the principles embraced in the Con
gressional Address, simply because in the orig
inal call terms are used of an equivocal nature,
and may he offensive terms, we respectfully sub
mit to our eotemporary, is an unwise policy.—
Take the Northern and Western press—we mean
that portion ol it especially which has waged
gallant warfare against the Radical party, and
which, like tlie News and the World upon the is
suance of the original rail, opposed the move
ment—and see how grttcefaily they grounded
their opposition, when the address of the con
gressional conservative republicans and de
mocracy made its appearance. Will the
press of the South—will that of Georgia—now
mnr the policy of our Northern friends? Will it
throw obstacles in the way of the President,
who, through the proposed Convention, and the
influence its action will exercise throughout the
land, hopes at last to triumphantly succeed in
his great work of reconstruction, securing to the
Southern States their constitutional rights in a
restored Union ? We trust not. We are not of
those that think the South has nothing to do in
the great work of restoration. She has a great
deal to do. She has to manifest her obedience
to the laws and her acqniesence in good faith to
the terms of the amnesty granted to her people
by the President. And she owes to those who
have hat tied so manfully to save the several Stat es
from being reduced to mere provinces, and her
people from the degraded condition to which
radical republicanism would consign them, that
she appreciates their effortsand will sustain them
in their coming struggle with the radicals. Well
may the friends of the South in the North and
West, in the event of its rejection of their invita
tion to be represented in the Philadelphia Con
vention, exclaim—
•* If that’s the way you I nick your friends,
A plague upon such hacking.”
In such an event, what a triumph it would be
to our radical foes! IIow they would gloat over
it ! How fiendish would he their exultation !—
But this will not be so. Georgia and every
Southern Slate will be represented in the Phila
delphia Convention. And we therefore appeal
to those who are indisposed to second the move
ment not to throw unavailing obstacles in the
way, but to give aid in the selection of proper
persons to represent an ancient and good old
commonwealth in thnt body when it convenes.
our Southern people; that it was intended to
apply to those only who had never resisted the
Federal authority.*
W e do not believe that such was the intention
of those who inaugurated this movement.—
Neither do we believe that the originators of
the Convention would like to see represented
6 tlie iron ' ola(1 ! ident Johnson will visit Chicago on the ocaasion
test oath. On the contrary, we have good reason . . . , , < ^
to believe that the truly conservative men of the j ikying of the corner stone of the Douglas
North and West, desire that we should send men j Monument. I am prepared to confirm the truth
to the Convention who would truly represent 1 of the report. The time has not yet been set-
Washtsgton City, July 9, 1866.
THE PRESIDENT’S VISIT TO CHICAGO.
A report has already been circulated thatPres-
the sentiment of the Southern people at'this time.—
Loyal men are those who are true in their alle
giance to the Constitution of the United States
and the laws passed in pursuance thereof; those
who abide by and sustain the lams of the land.—
Those who do not in good faith accept the pres
ent situation with the determination fully to con
form to the principles of the Constitution and
obey the laws, are excluded in the call from par
ticipation in the proposed Convention. None
others in our judgment are excluded.
The following paragraph from our Washing
ton letter of the 2d inst., shows that we are right
in our interpretation of what is meant in the call
by the term loyal. Our correspondent is, we
know, in a situation at Washington which ena
bles him to speak by the card in what he says of
the President’s position:
“A report is being circulated that it is expected
that the Southern States will send none but men
who can take the test oath to the Philadelphia
Convention. Such is not the case. The South
is invited to send her best and most discreet men,
provided they sustain the policy of him whom
Tennessee sustains—‘Our Andy.’ ”
From au article in the Mobile Advertiser &
Register headed “The Constitutional Conven
tion,” and iu which the editor advises that the
South be represented in the Phiiadephia Con
vention, we extrac t the following, which we most
cordially endorse:
“We think that it will not admit of dispute that
if the South is represented in the body, it should
be by men who truly represent its present feelings
and principles. There is little difficulty in as
certaining what these are. He who deserted her
iu her sore tribulation, and has now an iron-clad
stomach capable of swallowing and digesting
the iron-clad oath, and he who, now that the war
is over, is too passionate and unreasonable to
appreciate the public exigencies, and to .accept
the logic of events, tire equally unfit to represent
this people. Her true exemplars are those who
were faithful to her in her fiery trials of strug
gle, and have the wisdom to see that, now that
they have ended in defeat, her policy and duty
in the discretion of an enlightened and enlarged
statesmanship, point her to the earliest restora
tion ol her political relations with her former con
federates of the Constitutional Union.”
Tlie National Convention.
The Columbus Enquirer, of the 10th instant,
says of the proposed Convention at Philadelphia,
that it has “been shown private letters concern
ing this Convention from two of the most distin
guished and honored politicians of Georgia.—
One of them—a statesman of great political sa
gacity—strongly urges the sending of delegates
from Georgia. The other thinks that we ought
to adhere to tiie policy of the President, and that
if President Johnson favors the Convention we
ought by all means to be represented in it. At
the time of the writing of his letter, it was not as
well known as it now is that the movement has
the hearty approval of the President.
" District Conventions are already called in sev
eral of the Congressional Districts of Georgia,
and, as it is hut about a month to the time of the
assembling of the Convention, it is time that the
people of this District were giving the subject
their attention. While our own impression is
decided Unit we ought to send delegates, we
would rather go unrepresented than that a minor
ity favoring it should call a meeting and appoint
them. Let it be understood, therefore, that the
meetings are not held for the foregone purpose ot
selecting delegates, but rather to take the matter
into consideration and to act as to the majority
may seem best. Will some one suggest a day
tor a count} meeting, or for a preliminary meet
ing, or for a preliminary consultation."
“ A call has been issued in Alabama for the
assembling of a convention at Selma, on the 2d
of August, to appoint delegates to represent that
Slate. The call is numerously signed. The
names of ox Governors Parsons and \Y atts, and
Hons. Alexander White and George S. Houston
(.Senators elect) are proposed as delegates for the
State at large. We also notice in the last Mont
gomery papers a call tor a meeting in that Dis
triet, to be held at Montgomery on the first of
August, for the purpose of appointing delegates.
This rail is signed by T. J. Judge, J. D. l'liel.-tD,
Wade Keyes, 8. F. Rice, A. J Walker, and other
politicians of all former parties.”
” We learn (.not having seen the announcement
in a newspaper! that delegates for the State of
New York have already been selected, and that
among them are Millard Fillmore, Washington
Hunt. Benjamin and Fernando Wood,aud Eras-
ius Brooks. These are sufficient to assure the
people of the South that they will meet in the
Convention men of the North who are disposed
to stand by the principles of the Constitution,
and to unite with us in resistance to all the rad-
j, ,t pLms for our degradation and oppression."
In the Augusta Chronicle d- Sentir.A. of Tues
day last, we notice the following article, headed
••Who are Loyal Men?”
There scenis to lie some difference of opinion
among the Southern peopl
<>f the term “loyal men.
The National Union Convention.
Commenting upon the suggestions made by
this journal some days ago, the Savannah News
says:
Heartily concurring, as we do, in the views
and sentimeuts above expressed, we suggest that
uo time should be lost in taking initiator}" steps
to secure a full and able representation of our
State in the proposed Convention. In further
ance of the suggestion of the Intelligencer,
we propose that a meeting of the citizens of
Chatham he held at an early day,to appoint del
egates to a District Convention, to be lield at
Blackshenr, or some other accessible and central
point, and to invite I lie counties composing this
Congressional District to send delegates to said
Convention, and also to designate the time for
the meeting ot the same.
Neither the South nor the country at large
litis anything to expect from the party who now
control the Congress, and who are only restrain
ed by the opposition of the President from de
stroying the Constitution as they have destroyed
the Union. Passing dead issues and questions
decided by the war, it is believed that there is
yet enough of common interest felt by the con
servative masses of both sections ot the country
in the preservation of the forms and guarantees
of civil liberty, to induce them to stand together
for the defense of the rights of the States and
the principles ot the Federal Constitution.—
The proposed Convention is an appeal from a
corrupt and faithless faction iu Congress to the
high court of the American people. In entering
this court for the maintenance of the true princi
ples of the Government, the people of the South
make no surrender or compromise of those prin
ciples, while a refusal on our part to enter the
Convention to which we are invited, would be to
let our cause and the cause of free government
go by default. By churlishly rejecting the over
ture that has been made, albeit not in such terms
as we could desire, we will effect uo good, while
by giving our confidence and support to those
who are arousing in defense of their own liber
ties, we may, in the re-establishment of the Con
stitution, regain much that we have lost. For
one, we look not so much at the terms of the in
vitation as we do to the great principles involved,
and which are the true basis of the conflict be
tween the convendonists and the radical despot
ism under whose reckless misrule the country is
groaning, and which threatens the destruction of
the last vestige of constitutional government.
The suggestions referred to in the foregoing,
embraced two propositions, to-icit:
First, That each Congressional District shall,
at as early a day as practicable, hold a conven
tion which shall nominate two delegates to said
National Convention.
Second, That the delegates so nominated, shall
soon thereafter, at the call of the delegates from
the First Congressional District, meet at some
central point in the State, and nominate the four
delegates for the State at large.
The.nY.Nf proposition we need not again urge,
for the reason that meetings are being called
in the several Congressional districts, which we
have no doubt will be held, and delegates to the
Philadelphia Convention appointed in each.
With regard to the second propositi on, it was
made with the knowledge that the Governor
would decline to nominate the delegates, as orig
inally suggested bv the Macon Journal if Mes
senger. Nor were we then, nor are we now, dis
posed to leave the nomination of delegates for
the State at large to the press, as suggested by
our eotemporary, the Chronicle & Sentinel; not
that we object to either of the gentlemen named
by that paper, but because the mode of nomina
tion did not, and does not, leave the people of
the State any voice in the matter, either through
their representatives in the several districts, or
themselves. The Governor possibly may consent
to nominate delegates for the State at large, if the
several district conventions request him to do so;
otherwise, we continue to respectfully urge that
the district delegates make these nominations.—
The time is short, and the manner of nominating
for the State at large should be determined ere
the Congressional districts meet in convention.
We therefore submit it again to the press of the
State. Shall the district conventions request the
Governor to make the nomination ; or shall the
delegates appointed by the district conventions
do so ?
“Tlie Sober Second Thought.”
The Augusta Constitutionalist still zealously
opposes the appointment of delegates, by Geor
gia, to the Philadelphia Convention. In its zeal
it indicates in a recent article, that “ the sober
tied by the committee having charge of the mat
ter, for the reason that the President cannot
leave the seat of government while Congress is
in session. As his Excellency is a bold, out
spoken man, you may expect to hear the notes
of opposition to sectionalism and radicalism
sounded in a much clearer key even than in his
memorable 22d of February speech. The times
demand courageous speaking and brave actin,
and Andrew Johnson is the man for such times,-
and the multitudes of devoted followers of the
late great leader of the Western Democracy are
the men to appreciate his warnings.
SEWARD THE ORATOR OF THE DAY.
There is now no longer any doubt that Mr.
Secretary Seward has positively consented to act
the part of orator of the day on tlie occasion al
ready alluded to. During his entire time in the
United States Senate, William H. Seward was
the leading Northern opponent of Stephen A
Douglas. They always cherished a high per
sonal regard for each other, and I predict the
sequel will prove that the committee acted wisely
in devolving the honorably sacred duty of pay
ing proper tribute to the memory of the father
of the young American school of politics, on the
father of the Republican party of the North.—
It will be a gratifying spectacle to see Mr. Sew
ard and his proselytes uniting with the followers
of the late “Little Giant,” swearing fealty to a
restored Union of equal States, and eternal en
mity to latter day Radical aggression over the
grave of the latter.
From the facts I have just stated, taken in
connection with liis late letter to the Tamany So
ciety in New York, and his active part in getting
up the proposed Philadelphia Convention, the
South need no longer have any doubt of Seward’s
intention to_“ tote fair” in the future.
RASCALLY MEXICAN BUSINESS IN CONGRESS.
The proposition to guarantee the payment of
$50,000,000 as a loan to the Liberal party in
Mexico has been revived in Congress, by that old
snapping turtle from Ohio, Ben. Wade. The lobby
ists here inform me that they have a sufficient
number of noses counted to secure its passage
through the Senate, as well as the House. There
is quite an obstacle iu the latter body, however,
in the person of N. P. Banks, of Massachusetts;
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs,
who is understood to oppose it, and who has
thus far succeeded in smothering the proposition
in the committee, and refusing to report on it. The
dodge now is to pass the resolution through the
Senate, send it to the House for concurrence,
and then make the fight on the question of re
ference to Banks’ committee—the friends of the
loan will oppose its reference and insist on taking
a vote direct on concurrence, or non-concurrence
with the Senate, and they will probably suc
ceed. One lobby member informs me it this busi
ness gets through Congress he will realize the
snug little sum of one hundred thousand there-,
by. It is sickening to witness the profligacy of
this Congress, and then to remember the terrible
condition of the people of the South. Here is a
Congress claiming to legislate for thirty-six States,
although eleven of these States are not represent
ed, with a knowledge that the nation is now
burdened with a debt almost defying the powers
of computation, deliberately throwing away fif
ty millions of dollars for the benefit of a band of
Mexican Greasers, who are as notoriously incapa
ble of self-government as the majority of the pres
ent Congress are unsuited to occupy seats once
occupied by Clay, Webster, Benton, Bell, Cal
houn, Douglas and Johnson. The only consola
tion—and it is a good one indeed—is, that our
condition cannot be made much worse than it
has already been, and is now; and that such
reckless extravagance, accompanied by the unre
lenting tax gatherer with his inexorable demands,
will one day arouse the indignation of the North,
and then—well, “ what goes over the devil’s
back is bound to come under his belly.”
THE ROUSSEAU DIFFICULTY
Still attracts a great deal of attention from
persons of all shades of political opinion. It
will not be brought up for the act ion of the House
until the tariff bill is disposed of. One thing is
clear, two-thirds will not vote for expulsion, and
it is just as certain that he will be censured it the
question is brought to a vote. The General has
not determined whether or not he will resign it
censured. I judge the whole matter will be leit
with his friends. Many of them take the posi
tion that the censure of this rump officer carries
no disgrace with it., and that he should not do as
did Preston S. Brooks, some years since. Cer
tain middle men are endeavoring to stave off any
action on the question, with some probability of
success. AU sides admit that the Rev. Grinnell’s
boast, that he “was a mau before he was a min
ister,” justified Gen. Rousseau iu supposing that
he would fight; and all likewise testify that cow
ardice is not one of the vices of the Louisville
member.
B. H. HILL.
Ben. Hill is here, and was at the White House
this morning. I understand that he desires the
extension of his parole, which request will be
readily granted.
Judge Erskine was also here a day or two
since.
THE HOT WEATHER
Has almost prostrated the President. He was
not able to see one-half those who desired inter
views to-day.
FROM HOOSIEKDOM.
There was no State North, during the war,
where the South had bolder sympathizers, or
more determined enemies, than Indiana. Advi
ces, however, from that State are very cheering
for the administration at this time. I have just
had a conversation with two distinguished gen
tlemen, who made more speeches for Lincoln
and Johnson in 1864, and as able ones, as were
made in the State, who assure me that they will
carry the tall elections. The Johnson Unionists
hold a convention on the 17th, and wUl appoint
half the delegates to the Philadelphia Conven
tion—leaving the other half to the Democracy.
This arrangement I understand to be satisfactory
to such gentlemen as the Hon. D. W. Yoorhees,
and others. The Johnson Union men comprise
the fighting portion of the Republican party.—
NUMBER 28.
i Sharpe’s Magazine.
My Own Haee.
.4 Rhyme for all Good Men and : 1Yue.
Whoever I am. whatever my lot—
Whatever I happen to be.
Contentment and Duty shall hallow the spot
That Providence orders for me;
No covetous straining and striving to gain
One feverish step in advance—
I know my own place anifyau tempt me in vain
To hazard a change and a chance !
I care for no riches that are not my right.
No honor that is not my dne;
But stand in my station by day or by night.
The will of my Master to do'.
He tent me my lot. be it humble or high.
And set me my business here;
And whether I live iu His service, or die.
My heart shall be found in my sphere!
If wealthy, I stand as the steward of my King,
the'friend of my Lord,
If poor, as .. ,
If feeble, my Royers and ray praises I bring,
If stalwart, my pen or mv sivord.
If wisdom be-m'ine. I wiH cherish His gift.
If simpleness, bask in His love.
If sorrow. His hope shall my spirit uplift.
If joy, I will throw it above !
From the Augusta Chronfcle Jfc Sentinel,
The Convention.
I The following letter, from one of the most ex
perienced and conservative of Southern states-
men, and one in whom the people of Georgia
, have heretofore most confidently relied in times
I of difficulty and trial, we take pleasure in pre-
I seating to our readers. Although entirely pri-
j vate, and intended only for the eye of the gen-
| tieman to whom it was written, we feel assured
! that we will be forgiven lor this partial breach of
j confidence in giving publicity to its contents.—
| We wish that we could give the name of the
■ writer, but the confidence of private correspond-
> ence forbids it at present.
I It will be seen that the distingnished write? is
j in favor of the South’s being represented in the
i Philadelphia Convention. Since this letter was
| written we have received the address of the
; Democratic members of Congress endorsing the
' call for the Convention and urging the propriety
of a full representation from the Southern States,
The good that it jrieaaea my God to bestow.
I gratefully gather and prize.
The evil—it can be uo evil, I know.
But only a good in disgojge ;
And whether my station be lowly or great.
No duly can ever be mesa;
The factory-cripple is fLxedln his fate
As well as a King oi
From the National Intelligencer.
The Oldest Newspaper In America, and
Oldest Newspapers In General.
The Newport Mercury, in its last issue, com
memorates with just pride that with that num
ber it enters upon the one hundred and eighth
year of its existence, the paper having been es
tablished in 175S. General Peter Force’s library
library
contains files of this paper, commencing in 1702,
which seems, from the editorial remarks in the
last number of the paper, to be many years
earlier than the date of any copy ot the paper
within the reach of its present conductors. The
paper was considerably enlarged in 1762, and
was then printed on a sheet 144 by 19 inches,
with the following as its heading: “The New
port Mercury : Containing the Freshest Adeices,
Foreign and Domestic.”
With what authority the Mercury, however,
assumes to place under its caption, in large
type, the words, “The oldest paper in America,”
we are not able to understand, though we are
aud which we published in our issue of yester- j very glad that our excellent Rhode Island co-
temporary should wear that honor if entitled to
For Duty’s bright livery
With brotbefr- '
mg or .Qapn!
es all
Ibejmg, as ch
That places i
t places aa where 1
A servant—thp badge of t
As a jewel invested by 1
A monarch—vein ember tt.
Much service, where so i
1 free,
fcvenly call,
Dala be;
’ servitude shines
•ven;
justice assigns
“ch is given!
Away then with “helpings? that humble and harm,
Though “bettering” trips from your tongue;
Away! for your folly wouliLscatter the charm
That round my proud poverty hung:
I felt that I stood like a mfri at my post.
Though peril aud hardship were there.
And all'that your wisdom would counsel uc most
Is—“Leave it;—do better elsewhere.”
If “better” were better indeed, and not “worse,”
I might go ahead with thereat.
But many a gain and a joy is a curse,
Aud many a grief for the beet.
No !—duties are all the advantage I use ;
I pine uot for praise or for help,
And as for ambition, I carepot to choose
My better or worse for myself!
I will not, I dare not, I cannot I—I stand
Where God has ordained me to be.
An honest mechanic—or lord in the land—
He fitted my calling for me.
Whatever my fate, be it weak, be it strong.
With honor, or sweat, off'my face,
This, this is my glory, my strength, and my song,
I stand, like a star, in jit flack.
second thought ” of the Southern press is sus
taining its cause. It is upon this ” soier second j One of them remarked to-day, in conversation,
thought ” we rely. We have yielded to its influ- that “those who employed substitutes during the
cnees, and so have very many ot our people, aud war are now making a devil of a fight against
very many presses, North and South. The Con- j rebels on their own book.” “Ransey Sniffle”
stitnUonali.4 will have to erase from the list it ! still lives
publishes, of papers entertaining its views, names | pardons.
every day until, we feel satisfied, it will be left i ^ le President has issued orders for the issu-
almost a’ionc in opposition to the movement.- j ance of P ardons to ^ applicants under the thir-
We suggest to it now that it should strike off the * t€enth exception.
Mobile^Advertiser J- Register, as well as the New
to the meaning
It is feared by some
used iu the call tor the
Era, of this city. Well it is that 11 sober second
thought” is prevailing. Our AYashington City
correspondent, in liis letter published t«»-day. in
dicates to us that “ sober second thought ’’ has
prevailed in Indiana, which State will be repre
sented iu tlie Convention by six democrats^ and
six conservative republicans—the patriotic Yoor
hees approving the same. We thank thee,
that these words ....
Philadelphia Convention, in a sense which would brother of the Constitutionalist for these words
exclude from representation the great body of. the sober second thought !
This being the case, those
who have not already applied should do so at
once, for, as Gen. Etheridge, of Tennessee, says,
“ The late Confederate who has his pardon in his
pocket, has one more title to his land than the
Southern Union man, because, under the Thad.
Stevens theory, that the States are out, the prop
erty of the unpardoned Union man can be con
fiscated for an alleged crime in which he was not
in his own person guilty. Inside.
Wit and Justice In Missouri.
It is well known that some of the Judges in
Missouri are very reluctant to enforce the law
against ministers of the gospel for exercising
their profession without having taken the test
oath, and avail themselves^ of every pretense to
discharge those who are accused. We tell the
following tale as ’tis told to us, vouching for
nothing:
Three ministers charged with the crime of
preaching “the glorious gospel of the Son of
God,” were arraigned before~a Judge. They
were regularly indicted, and it was understood
that the proof against them was very clear.
“Are you a preacher?” said the Judge to one
of them.
“ Yes, sir,” replied the culprit.
“ To what denomination do you belong ? ” •
“ I am a Christian, sir. ’ (With dignity.)
“ A Christian! What do you mean by that ?
Are not all preachers Christians ? ”
“I belong to the sect; usually called, but
wrongly called, Campbellites.” (Not so much
dignity.) |
“Ah! Then you believe in baptizing peo
ple, in order that they may be born again, do
you?”
“ I do, sir. ” (Dignity-)
“Mr. Sheriff, discharge that man! He is an
innocent man! he is indicted foi preaching the
gospel, and there isn’t £ word of gospel in the
stuff that he ureacheL^ it’s only some of
Alexander Campbell’s nonsense: Dicharge the
man.” , f<
Exit Campbellite, greatly rejoicing.
“Are you a preacher?” said the Judge ad
dressing the next criminal.
“ I am, sir, ” said the miscreant.
“ Of what denomination are you ? ”
“ I am a Methodist, sir,” (His looks showed
it.)
“ Do you believe in falling from grace ? ”
“ I do, sir. ” (Without hesitation.)
“ Do you believe in sprinkling people, in
stead of baptizing them ? ”
“ I believe that people can be baptized by
sprinkling. ” Much offended.)
“ Do you believe in baptizing babies? ”
“ It is my opinion, sir, that infants ought to
be baptized. ” (Indignantly.)
“Not a word of scripture for anything of tlie
kind, sir!” shouted his Honor. “Mr. Sheriff,
turn the man loose! He is no preacher of the
gospel! The gospel is the truth, and there
isn’t a word of truth in what that man teaches!
Turn him loose ! It’s useless to indict men on
such frivolous pretenses! Turn him loose! ”
Methodist disappears, not at all hurt in his
feelings by the judicial abuse he had received.
“What are you, sir?” said the Judge to the
third criminal.
“ Some people call me a preacher, sir. ”
(Meekly.)
“What is your denomination?”
“ I am a Baptist. ” (Head up.)
His Ilouor’s countenance fell, and lie looked
very sober and staid. After a pause be said :
“ Do you believe in salvation by grace ? ”
“ I do. ” (Firmly.)
“ Do you teach that immersion only is bap
tism ? ”
“ That is my doctrine. ” (Earnestly.)
“ Aud you baptize none but those who believe
iu Jesus Christ ? ”
“That is my taith aud practice. ” (With em
phasis.)
“My friend, I fe$r it will go hard with you ; I
see you are indicted for preaching the gospel,
aud it appears t6 me that by your own confes
sion you areguiltv.”
Baptist looked 5 pretty blue.
“May it please your Honor, ” said t]>e Bap
tist’s counsel, springing to his feet, “ that man
never preached the gospel. I have heard him
say a hundred times that he only tried. I have
hear him try myself. ’’
“ Air. Sheriff, discharge this man ! He’s not
indicted for trying. There’s nothing said about
the mere effort! ,Let him go, sir! Turn him
loose! Send him about his business! I am as
tonished that the State’s attorney should annoy
the court with frivolous indictments.
Exit Baptist, determined to “ try ” again.
Court adjourned.
“God save the State and this Honorable
Court! ” exclaimed the Sheriff.
“Amen!” said the three preachers.
This action of the Democratic leaders fixes, it
seems to us, the duty of the Southern States to
be represented in the Philadelphia Convention,
we hope and trust that we shall have no division
amongst ns on this question. The objectiohs
which have been urged by someot the Southern
press against the co-operation of our people in
this movement, have been fairly and fully met in
the following letter of our gifted aud esteemed
correspondent. We have seen no one who was
willing to endorse and accept all that is contained
in the original call for the Convection. The
main object of the Convention, the people of tlie
South are most deeply interested in. They are,
by the dominant party in Congress, denied all
participation in the government while they are
subjected to all the burdens and obligations
which are imposed upon the States that have a
voice in the National Legislature. We are held
as conquered provinces, without rights, except
such as are dependent upon the bare will of the
llnmp Congress.
Tlie President has labored faithfully to restore
us to our constitutional rights and obligations.—
In this he has been warmly supported by the
Democrats and Conservative Republicans. They
have not been able as yet to defeat the mad
schemes of the Disunionists. This failure lias
arisen mainly from want of organization. This
want, it is now determined, shall be overcome
by the inauguration of a great National party,
whose leading and distinctive principle is the
rights and equality of the States under the Con
stitution of the United States. Shall we not join
with our whole hearts in this great and good
work?
But to the letter.
“ July 3d, 1866.
“ My Dear Sir.
do so.
A Story of John Phcenix.—A California pa
per tells the following of Lieutenant Derby,
“John Phoenix,” the humorist: “One evening
at the theatre, Phoenix observed a man sitting
three seats in front whom he thought he knew;
he requested the person sitting next to him to
punch the other individual with his cane. The
polite stranger did so, and the disturbed person
turning his head a little he discovered his mis
take—that he was not the person he took him
for. Fixing his attention steadfastly on the play,
and affecting his unconsciousness of the whole
affair, he left the man with the cane to settle with
the other for the disturbance, who, being wholly
without an excuse, there was, of course, a ludi
crous and embarrassing scene, during all of which
Phoenix was profoundly interested in the play.
At last the man with the cane asked, rather in-
dignantlv:
“Didn't you tell me to punch that man with
my stick ?”
“Yes.”
“And what did you want ?”
“I wanted to see -whether you would punch
him or not”
An Unfortunate Scotchman.—A Scotch
man had reason to perform a journey to London.
Beside him in the train .was a fellow-passenger
with whom he enteied into conversation, and
anon the twain became quite intimate. During
a pause in the conversation, the gentleman reach
ed back his hand in the direction of the pocket
of his swallow-tail coat, saying:
“I believe we must have snuff.”
On this, Sawnie, by a series of vigorous blows,
immediately proceeded to set his nose in order
for the reception of the titillating beverage; but,
after thoroughly searching all his pocketsin vain,
the gentleman was at last obliged to conclude he
had unfortunately forgotten his snuff-box on leav- j
mg home. With the most utter disraaj
on his countenance, Sawnie, on hearing the an
nouncement, cast a reproachful look at the stran
ger, exclaiming:
“My God, man, what made ye dee that ? I had
as much in my nose as would hae kerried me to
Lunnud!”
“The language of the call is not such a3 I
would liave used to answer the same object which
I think was intended. But it is no time with us
to stickle too much on words where the meaning
and intent may he matter of doubt. The worst
feature iu the programme is the principle to be
acknowledged by all the delegates to the Con
vention of the indissolubleness of the Union and
the non-existence of any right anywhere to put.
au end to its perpetuity. But I take it, the
meaning of this is simply that secession is aban
doned ; and the whole programme on that point
is equivalent to an acceptance of the Constitu
tion and the Union as it was originally accepted.
The Constitution aud the laws made in pursu
ance thereof, are to be the supreme law of the
land, and for all time, just as it was originally
accepted—nothing more and nothing less. Tlie
right of secession I take it has been abandoned.
But nothing in this programme, I imagine, could
be intended to cover any future arrangement that
might he made by consent of the parties. Most
treaties that are made, are by their terms to be
perpetual, and yet it has never been considered a
violation of faith on either side, to change, alter
or modify them by the consent of the parties.
The objection to the word loyalty in the call is
by.no means an insurmountable one tome. I
have before given you my views very fully on
this word. It is as distasteful to me, as com
monly used, as it can be to any one. But the
word is with us—we cannot exterminate it, and
our course towards it should be to give it the
only proper and legitimate meaning that it is en
titled to in our institutions—that is, being true to
plighted faith—true in devotion to the principles of
the Constitution. When the rains have fallen,
and the floods are threatening to sweep away not
only the dam, but the mill-house too, it is worse
than folly for the proprietor to stand with folded
arms grumbling and cursing the elements—the
dictates of duty and common sense in such a
situation, is to put forth all exertions promptly,
so to direct the current as that it may do as little
mischief or damage as possible. • So I think we
should now do with this \fford loyalty, especially
as wc ourselves—I mean our own people and
press—did as much to give it currency in its
obnoxious and detestable sense as the people and
the press of the North did. When this illegimate
and improper use of the word was first introduc
ed amougst us, I warrgd as sternly and fiercely
agaiust it then as now. I endeavored to teach
our people that loyalty with us could only mean
fidelity to the Constitution, and not to a dynasty,
or men in power, or any bare administration of
the government. In its proper sense it is a word
of good import witli us. It signifies true and
noble qualities, and in this sense I am not asham
ed and do not feel the least reluctance in' declar
ing myself as loyal as the loyslest. In fidelity
to the principles of the Constitution ot the
United States I yield to no man living or dead.
“ But enough of a 1 this. The conclusion of
the whole matter is this: I still think that we
should favor the call of the Constitution, and
should send delegates to it unless some disclo
sures should be made showing that the real ob
jects are not such as I am now inclined to think
they are. * * * * We ought as a people to
meet the Conservative element at the North in
common council on their invitation, if the object
be, as it seems to be, to favor the immediate ad
mission to their seats of members of Congress
from the South who stand pledged in good faith
to support the Constitution of the United States,
and who will give the only constitutional test of
such loyalty—their oath on entering upon the
discharge of their duties to support the Consti
tution. * * * * I am very anxious to see
how this call is responded, to by the Democratic
press of the North. If the Democratic party at
the North generally favor the movement and go
into it, much good may, I think, come of it. But
if the Democracy do not go into it generally, I
am satisfied that but little good can be made of
it, and it will not matter much whether the South
is represented in it or not—our main hope now,
as it was before the war, is with the Democratic
organization of the North. Outside of that, our
friends and the true friends of constitutional lib
erty in the North are few and fur between. * *
I write in great haste, but you will, I tr st, un
derstand me. While I do not at all approve tlie
exact language of the call, and think it might
have been greatly modified with the same object
in view, yet I look upon this as but the covering
—the shell of a germ within, which, if properly
and wisely matriculated and manipulated, ,may
be brought to vegetate and bring forth good
fruit Yours, truly, ***■**>’
“ General A. R. Wright.”
The New Hampshire Gaqptte, which still sur
vives in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, was es
tablished in 1756, and is consequently some two
years older than the Mercury. In 1856 the
Portsmouth people celebrated the centennial
anniversary of the introduction of printing into
New Hampshire, re-printing on the occasion a
sheet in imitation of the first number, dated
(if our memory is correct) October 6, 1756.
The earliest file of this paper iu General Force’s
library is for the year 1770.
The following is the statement printed on the
corner of tlie paper, above t)ie name in the issue
for Friday, September 28,1770:—“ This paper
compleats the fourteenth year of the,” and then
follows the title—“New Hampshire Gazette and
Historical Chronicle, containing tlie freshest ad
vices, foreign and domestic,” and beneath it,
“Friday, September 28,1770, Hum. 728 weeks
sinee this paper was first published.” This would
seem pretty conclusively to settle the fact that
the New Hampshire Gazette, and not the New
port Mercury, is the oldest newspaper in Amer
ica. The Gazette was printed on a sheet about
17 by 20 inches, by “Daniel and Robert Fowle.”
It is curiously instructive to turn over the
pages of these old newspapers, of which this re
markable library of General Force contains an
cient files of some more than forty different
papers. The following advertisements from the
Gazette, April 6, 1770, in connection with the
events of these times, are interesting:
To be Sold Cheap For Cash—A likely ac
tive negro boy, nineteen years of age ; sold for
no fault, but for want of employment. Inquire
of the printers.
To be Sold Cheap For Cash, or short credit
—A likely negro man, about thirty years of age,
well built and fit for any sort of labor. Also, a
negro girl, about eighteen years of age; under
stands cookery and most other sorts of house
hold work; both sold for want of employment.
For further particulars inquire of John Sullivan,
of Durham.
The Newport Mercury, of June 27,1763, has
the following:
Newport, June 6,1763.
On Thursday last arrived from the coast of
Africa the brig Royal Charlotte, with a parcel of
extreme fine, healthy, well-limbed Gold Coast
Slaves, men, women, boys and girls. Gentle
men in town and country have now an opportu
nity to furnish themselves with such as will suit
them. They are to be seen on board, at Taylor’s
wharf.
N. B. Those that remain on hand will be
shipped off very soon.
This Daniel Fowle, of the Gazette, figured with
some prominence in the events which led to the
Revolutionary drama. In 1754 he was arres .ed
aud imprisoned by the order of The Massachu
setts Legislature, and after his release lie pub
lished a pamphlet, a copy of which is in Gen.
Force’s library, and of which the. following is a
copy of the title page:
total eclipse of liberty,
being a true and faithful account of the arraign
ment and examination of Daniel Fowle before
the honorable House of Representatives of the
Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England,
October 24,1754, barely on suspicion of his being
concerned in printing and publishing a pamphlet
entitled
the monster of monsters.
The Atlantic Cable—The Work of UayHiat
the Cable to be Comineace4 July 8.
[From the London Times, June 19.]
As the time draws near for the departure of the
Great Eastern the greatest activity prevails on
board, in order that the great ship may be ready
to leave her moorings iu the Medway, at the
latest, on Saturday, the 30tli. With this view re
lays of workmen are employed, almost without
intermission, both by day ancl night. Up to Sat
urday evening at the hour for tlie hands discon
tinuing work there only remained a length of ca
ble of a little over four hundred miles to be re
ceived on board, and by extra exertions tlie re
maining length will be shipped by the end of the
present wqek. The whole of the one thousand
six hundred and sixty knots of new cable has
been completed, and in the course of tlie present
week the two Government vessels, the Amethyst
and Iris, lent by the Admiralty, and employed
from the commencement ju transporting the ca
ble from the works to the Great Eastern, will re
ceive on board their last freights, for conveyance
round to the Medway.
The weight of the new cable is about 38 cwt.
per mile, which is almost double the weight of
the original Atlantic cable. The total quantity
will exceed 2,700 miles.
of cable to bo taken out
The steamer Medway, 1,900 tons, belonging to
the company, will accompany the Great Eastern,
and will convey about 400 miles of cable on
board. The tanks for the stowage of this quan
tity of cable have been fitted on board that vessel,
and by the time the Great Eastern is ready to take
her departure everything will be in readiness on
boad the Medway. The paddle wheel steamer
Terrible will again accompany the Great Eastern;
but it would seem that the Admiralty have inti
mated that a second vessel-of-war can not be
spared this year. The screw steamer Albany, a
vessel of 1,500 tons, will accompany the expedi
tion to render assistance, and to carry stores and
supplies, beside which the screw steamer William
Corry is also being fitted to proceed to sea with
the other vessels. After completing her coaling,
the great ship will proceed to Valentia, and com
mence the work of laying the cable about the
7th or 8th of July. No doubt whatever is enter
tained by Captain Anderson of his being able to
place the Great Eastern as near as possible over
the spot at which the lost end of the cable lies,
notwithstanding that the buoys which were left
to mark the locality were swept away. Suppos
ing the exact spot to be reached, the work ot
grappling for, and, when found, hauling the lost
cable, will be commenced, to accomplish which
new machinery of enormous strength has been
constructed and fitted on board. Twenty miles’
length of wire grappling-ropes have been manu
factured at the company’s works, and some idea
of the enormous strength of this rope may be
formed when it is stated that it is nearly eight
inches in circumference, and is manufactured of
the toughest possible steel wire.
During tlie brief interval which will elapse be
fore the Great Eastern takes her departure from
the Medway, there is still a considerable amount
of work remaining to be completed on board.—
Chief among this is the fitting up of the enor
mous “crinoline” guard, weighing upward of
seventeen tons, over the screw, the object of
which is to prevent the cable, while being paid
out, from coming in contact with the propeller.
Some improvements, suggested by the experi
ence of last year, have also been made in the
machinery of the Great Eastern; among other
things the paddle-wheel is being fitted with dis
connecting gear. Everything is now completed
aloft, new wire rigging replacing that which was
found to be unsound, masts and rigging entirely
painted down, and funnels repaired. The decks
are still crowded with machinery, workshops,
and gear for coiling the cable, but much of this
will be cleared away during the present week.—
The three tanks in which the cable is deposited
have been repaired and painted, and are again
water-tight, while extra precautions have been
taken in tbe way of additional supports to resist
the enormous pressure duriug the possible roll
ing of the great ship in a beam sea. The work
of coiling will be carried on up to the moment of
the vessel leaving Chatham, and even then an
additional quantity will have to be taken in at
■Bearhaven.
Also his imprisonment aud sufferings in
Stinking" Stone Gaol, without the Liberty of Pen,
Ink, or Paper, and not allowed to see his nearest
Friends; nor to write a Line to his Wife, with
many other Incidents and Aggravations, which
shows it to he
A Child Poisoned by the “Eggs of Pha
raoh’s Serpents.”—On Thursday or Friday
last a woman named Kearney, residing on Buffalo
street, came near putting an end to the existence
of her child, a boy eleven years of age, by ad
ministering to him*three “Pharoh serpent eggs,”
for worms, with which the child was afflicted.—
Mrs. Kearney, it appears, on the day mentioned
was engaged in cleaning a house for a lady re
siding in Centre Park. In rummaging the house
she discovered a box of the eggs, and reading
“serpents” on the cover, she at once concluded
that they were pills—medicine for worms—and
pocketed three of them. These she gave to the
child, who soon commenced vomiting, throwing
up blood, and was made very sick. The alarmed
mother ran to the house where she had been
working, and asked if there was poison in those
“pills.” She was told they contained deadly poi
son, and without another word she ran for Dr.
Shipman, who repaired to her house, and by
promptly administering antidotes, it is believed
has saved the child’s life. It was very low last
evening. It will be a great wonder if the child
lives. Mrs. Kearney says she intended tell tlie
lady for whom she worked that she had taken
three “pills” from a box in her bureau, but did
not do so.—Rochester Union.
The New Haven Palladium learns from a
friend of General Thomas that a fine residence
With the most utter dismay pictured was recently purchased in Nashville, by his
friends, at an expense of $60,000; but the Gene
ral declined the present on the ground that he
had enough to support himself and wife (having
no children,) and requesting that the money be
added to the fund for Soldiers’ Widows and Or
phans.
MONSTROUS TREATMENT.
Written by Himself.
Oh, give me Liberty!
For were e’en Paradise itself iuy Prison,
Still I should long to leap the Crystal Walls.—Rryden.
Boston. Printed in the year 1755.
It is well known that the first newspaper print
ed in this country was the Boston News Letter. It
was established in 1704, and tbe earliest volume
in General Force’s library is for the year 1762,
then printed semi-weekly on a sheet 16 by 19
inches. In a large miscellaneous manuscript
volume iu this library is tlie original petition, in
the handwriting of John Campbell, postmaster
of New England, the establisher of the News
Letter, in which lie calls on “ His Excellency
Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain General and Gov
ernor-in-chief in and over her Majesty’s province
of New Hampshire, &c.,” and “ honorable her
Majesty’s council” to assist him in maintaining
the enterprise. This was in 1705. The petition
sets forth that the petitioner had the year pre
vious started “ a weekly letter of intelligence,”
“ expecting that the journal thereby being set at
a moderate rate would be sufficient to defray the
necessary charge thereof. The which it did not
do,” Tlie fact embraced in this last quoted sen
tence has been realized in quite many cases since
John Campbell, Postmaster of New England,
started the Boston News Letter, and liow he suc
ceeded with his petition we have not time to in
vestigate.
In’this collection there are volumes of the New
York Gazette as far back as 1733, printed on a
sheet about thirteen by seventeen inches; the
New York Gazette revived in the weekly Post
Boy as early as Marcli 5,1749-50, number 372,
and the New York Mercury as early as Decem
ber 16,1754, number 273.
There are also volumes of these ancient and
immensely valuable papers, representing, among
other States, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Mary
land, and Virginia. The volume of the Penn
sylvania Gazette for 1765, Benjamin Franklin’s
paper, contains the last number of that journal
in which Franklin’s name appears as a proprie
tor and publisher. On the day prior to that on
which the stamp act went into effect, October 31,
1765, he clothed his paper in mourning and an
nounced its temporary suspension. It was re
vived after a vacation of three week, flic num
ber in mourning being 1,923, and the next issue
numbered 1,926. thus making tlie time good by
adding the three weeks of suspension to tlie
number. A sheet, not called Gazette, however,
was issued each week of the suspension. The
paper was “printed by B. Franklin and D. Hall,
at the new printing office near the market,” and
afterwards by Daniel Hall.
A complete file of the first paper printed in
this city is in this collection. The heading of
the first number, in the first volume, is as follows :
“ The Washington Gazette. Number 1, vol
ume I. From Saturday, June 11, to Wednesday,
June 15, 1796. Published by Benjamin More,
every Wednesday and Saturday. Price, $4 per
annum, at the house next West of the Hotel.”—
“ The Hotel ” stood till consumed by fire some
twenty years ago, on the spot now covered by
the Southern central portion of the General Post
Office structure.
Mr. Moore seems to have been a man of a busi
ness-like turn. In his salutatory remarks in his
first issue, he says, “that he throws himself on
the patronage of a generous public with but little
doubt that they will allow him to pursue his plan,
which is in tlie first place to obtain a living for
himself, and in the second to amuse and inform
his fellow-inortals.” The “living” which lie ob
tained from his enterprise, however, seems to
have been sorry indeed, aud after a hard fortune
The Washington Gazette ended its career with the
thirty-fifth number of the second volume, March
24, 1798.
Tbe Proposed Union Convention at Phil
adelphia.
It is proposed to assemble a Convention of
delegates from all the States, in August next, for
the purpose of organizing a party, composed of
every shade of former political opinion, who be
lieves that the restoration of the Southern States
to their sovereign powers and position in the
Union, should be the paramount object of all
lovers of the Union at this time; and who be
lieve that the policy adopted by the President in
this regard is sure, and built upon a sound Con
stitutional basis. We are glad to see the Clarion
and Standard in favor of the movement. We
were somewhat surprised to realize such a thing,
as that sheet has repeatedly expressed the opin
ion that any sympathy for the President’s policy,
displayed by the people of the South, would only
result in prejudice to our rights. We opposed
this erroneous opinion, as our readers will well
remember, and contended that the true way to
know strength was to show it; that the President
expected the co-operation and approbation ol the
conservative men North and South, and to refuse
any demonstration of our acquiescence or adop
tion of his policy, would take so much strength
from his arm. We congratulate our neighbor that
he has discerned the error of his ways, and hope to
have his aid hereafter in all movements aiming
for the prosperity of our common country ^inde
pendent of the power and threats of the North
ern Radicals. We are decidedly in favor of
sending delegates from Mississippi to the pro
posed Convention, and we think the delegation
should be selected with a view to ability to
represent the State in so important 4 i/iatter, and
should be composed equally of men heretofore
acting with the Whig and Democratic parties,
but men who faithfully accept the situation, and
who will go to the Convention with a determi
nation to say nothing and do nothing that is not
calculated to enhance the prosperity of the peo
ple and the glory of the country. We trust that
the proper movement will soon be made to se
lect delegates. We would be glad to hear from
the people throughot the State on this important
subject.—Jackson Mississippian.
General McClellan seems to be in favor
with the God ot War. The Prussian armies
were recently in Saxony near Dresden, eagerly
advancing to pounce upon that artistic capital.
The Austrian armies were to the south of Dres
den, hastening north to save it from Prussian
seizure. General McClellan, with his family, has
a beautiful bouse just in the suburbs of the dis
puted city. It is certain, says the Citizen, that
Count Bismark has offered our great soldier very
high inducements; and nearly as certain—at least
so Parisian rumor runs—that the Austrian Em
peror has “ seen ” Count Bismark’s offer and
“ gone two hundred better.”
Plunder Pretexts of the Prohibitory
Ring.—The Chicago Tribune, the leading Re
publican paper in Illinois, continues its vigorous
warfare upon the proposed tariff at Washing-
ton. It says:
“ The issue in Congress on the tariff question
has taken a definite shape. The Western mem
bers generally are in favor of a tariff that will
yield the largest amount ot revenue, and at the
same time afford adequate protection to Ameri
can manufactures. As the existing tariff does
both those things to a remarkable degree, the
Western members are opposed to impairing its
usefulness, or reducing its revenue producing
power. They want to * let well enough alone.’
It affords from forty to sixty per cent, of pro
tection to American manufactures, and it poured
into the National Treasury $170,000,000revenue
in gold for the fiscal year ending July 1,1866.
“ On the other Land, the Eastern members
are clamoring for a prohibitory tariff, that shall
cut off importations and reduce the revenue from
imposts $50,000,000 to $70,000,000 per annum.
This is the issue. It is safe to say that
ninety men of every hundred in the Western
States are opposed to reducing the revenue from
the tariff by making the impost prohibitory.
And it may be further stated, that the Illinois
member who betrays the interest of the West
and of the National Treasury, by supporting
the prohibitory scheme, most surely digs his po
litical grave. If he is resolved to vote for it, we
advise him to secure bis pay in advance, and to
charge the ring of speculators enough to enable
him to retire from Congress and spend tbe re
mainder of bis life ‘ infamous and contented.’ ”
What is Fame?—The following is front the
Washington correspondent of the New York
Commercial:
The numerous public schools of Washington
City are now being examined, and also tbe freed-
men’s schools. A good stoiy is told of the pri
vate secretary of Senator. Sumner, who attended
one of these institutions for teaching the contra
band idea how to shoot, and was invited to pro
pound some questions. “ Children,” said he, in
a CTave tone, “what Senator can you name?”
There was a pause, and then the bright boy of
the class exclaimed, “ Abrum Lincum!” “ No,”
said the young gentleman, “ I mean what Sena
tor in Congress do you know, or have you heard
of?” Another pause, and then another specimen
of ebony and ivory timidly suggested, “ Andy
Johnson.” “ He’s not a Senator, either.” Just
then another pupil was inspired, and exclaimed,
“ General Washington !” Poor little ignorant
colored boys—at school under the shadow of the
Capitol, arid didn’t know the name of a Senator
(especially Sunmner), when Senators are doing
so much for them.
i