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“ERROR CEASES TO BE DANGEROUS WHEN REASON IS LEFT FREE TO COMBAT IT.”—Jefferson.
VOLUME XVIII.
ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29,1866.
NUMBER 34.
Oar Country—It* Heal Character.
The real character of our Government Is sel-
THE ADDRESS
PUBLISHED DAILY AND WEEKLY BY
JARED IRWIN WHITAKER,
I*roi>ri«-t«»r.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, August 20, 1866.
The Philadelphia Convention.
We have laid before our readers, from time to
time, reports of the proceedings of the late Phila
delphia Convention, which embrace all of inter
est connected with its official action. It may in
terest our readers now to know how the action
of that body—its PLatfoum of principles and
its address to the people of the United States—
has been rereived North and South. The press
of both sections give the best indications of the
prevailing sentiment, and we are gratified in be
ing able to state, that with very few exceptions
South, and with none, save the “ dyed-in-the-
wool radical ” papers of the North, is any doubt
expressed as to the success of the great and pa
triotic movement. With regard to the former,
some exceptions have been taken to certain por
tions of the address. But—and we produce it
as an example—the Richmond Examiner says :
“ We do not expect to have everything our own
way in these matters. We can render no aid in
the contest. The wants and leclings of the South
are imperfectly understood. If the Convention
had known how thoroughly the South loathes
martial law and the military satraps who bear
rule over her fair borders, they would doubtless
have urged an instant abrogation of the whole
system upon the attention of the President. The
recommendation of general amnesty would have
been both u graceful and a sensible proceeding.
These, indeed, are grave omissions. But we re
cognize most cordially, the Conservative spirit
and objects of the Convention, and we believe
that the eflect of its deliberations will be im
incnsely to strengthen the great popular move
ment which is destined soon to overwhelm utterly
the Radical faction. If it accomplishes this good
end, it will not have met in vain, We have no
votes, and all we can do is to look on quietly,
wishing success to the Conservative phalanx,
hut declining at the same time, to ratify what is
not true, or to reward, by ovations, our own very
unprofitable servants who have paid half fare to
Philadelphia, and done less than half work.”
The foregoing is illustrative of the general
feeling of that portion ol our people who do
not thoroughly endorse the platform of principles
and the sentiments expressed in the address of
the Convention, hut nevertheless “ recognize
most cordially the conservative spirit and objects
of the Convention,” believing “ that the effect of
its deliberations will be immensely to strengthen
the great popular movement which is destined
soon to overwhelm utterly the radical faction.”
Perhaps even the Southern papers that occupy
the, in some respects, dissenting position ot t lie
Examiner, would not have give utterance to some
of their objections, had they known what we see
stated in the editorial correspondence of the Au
gusta Chronicle <f Sentinel, to-irit: that “ the ad
dress to the people of the United States, as pub
lished, is not in the exact phraseology which was
reported by the Committee.” There are (says
General Wright, the writer,) “ a few phrases used
in- describing parties to the late war, which are
offensive to a portion of our people, and they
were ordered to he stricken out of the address,
before it was reported to the Convention. By
some oversight, this was not done, and hence the
official copy oftlic address will he slightly modi
fied in a few not very important particulars.”
The Southern press generally endorses the
proceedings of the Convention, and will give
what support it can to the “ Conservative Party,”
and to President Johnson, in their ctlorts to
overthrow the Radical Party of the North. We
regret here, however, to say, that more opposi
tion was made in Georgia, by its press, to the
Convention movement, than in any other South
ern State, and that, we see no change in the dis
course of those papers since the adjournment of
that body. Pride of opinion, we apprehend, lias
much to do with their murmurings and discon
tent ; more than is warranted by the condition
of the South. This opposition, or dissent, how
ever, does not affect a majority of the papers in
this State, or the masses ol the people—they are
right—and will lend all the aid they can to the
Conservative Party of the North, in the mighty
etlbrt—God speed them in it—they are now
making to overthrow radicalism, and restore
Constitutional Government to ilie Southern
States.
So much for the position of the press and peo-
pi.k of the South.
From the North, the news is cheering. The
Ritdicals are on the wane, and the Conservative
l'arty daily acquiring strength. The Convention
is there recognized as a triumphant success. So
may it prove. But as our Macon cotemporary
—the Journal <£• Messenger—says: “Let our rea
der-; one and all divest themselves of the idea
that they have no responsibility, and need take
no interest in national affairs. We have greater
reason tor interest than we ever had ; and it mat
ters not whether we are citizens of the Govern
ment by our own free volition or no—it is our
Government nevertheless, just as much as it is
Thaddeus Stevens', and we have as deep and vi
tal a concern in its successful and prosper
ous administration. It holds our tate and that
ot our children in its hands, and we cannot be
indiflerent to its welfare without a kind of moral
suicide. We need not be noisy politicians—we
need not run for office—we need not pandei to
office seekers; but we ought, like sensible men,
to stand in our lot and support with earnestness
and fidelity the Course of public policy which
we believe to l>c right and conducive to the na
tional welfare."
1 right to exclude others from representation and j victorious war always confers upon the conquer-
; from all share in making their own laws and J ors, and which the conqueror may waive, in his
dom adverted to in these degenerate limes, and j nL . , r ,. . T . . , | choosing their own rulers, unless they shall com-j own discretion. To this we reply, that the laws
it is really not understood by the great mass oft ™Uaaeipflia National 1111011 lOnveiltlOIl, j ply with suchi condtUons and perform such acts j i* question relate-solely , so fer as the rights they
predated, and how few there are, among the
millions that now inhabit the United States and
the Teritories thereof, that have studied the
character of their governments, State or Fede
ral ! A lamentable ignorance in this respect lots
pervaded, hence, demagogues and the designing
have too oflen succeeded in deluding the people,
and have, at various periods in the history of
this government, attained power, when patriots
and statesmen should have directed its affairs.—
As a people, since the adoption of the Federal
Constitution, we have been a progressive one in
ail that pertains to agriculture, manufactures, me
chanics, education, science and the arts ; hut in
government we have sadly deteriorated, and our
people either know less of, or care less for, their
rights under that Constitution, and to govern
ment under it, than their ancestors did at the
period it was formed. This is especially true in
regard to the people of the Northern, Eastern,
and Western States. With all their industry
and enterprise; with all their colleges, acade
mies, and common schools; and with all their pro
fessed regard for morality and religion; the govern
ment under which we live—its theory and design
—is less understood, than it is in the South, or if
understood, has been and is still being perverted
to ends of self interest and the advancement of
fanatical opinions which, having provoked and
brought about a desolating war, are now being
directed to the procrastination of peace and the
persecution of the people of the Southern States.
We, of course, allude only to the controlling ma
jority of the sections referred to. How long these
may retain the power in the government they
have so much abused, we know not; the “signs
of the times” indicate that their supremacy is
fast waning, and that a better day is fast ap
proaching.
The foregoing views have been suggested by
the following article of the Baltimore Evening
Transcript. We commend its perusal to our
readers. Its views on our government and its
real character, are philosophical and sound, and
will interest while they will impart most valua
ble information:
The sovereign power of flie people of these
United States, it is universally conceded, resides
and litis always resided in the people of the sev
eral States, as expressed in separate majorities
in accordance with the prescribed organic law.
These powers are found first in their State Con
stitutions ; and such additional necessary and
proper powers as are deemed requisite to create
a Federative Union were bestowed upon a Fed
eral Government under the Constitution of the
United States established in 1787. This, in a few
words, is the government we live under. As
Mr. Johnson remarked to Queen Emma, here
every citizen of a State was a king, a sovereign,
and though lie was infinitismally atomic in the
exercise of sovereign powers, he was every inch
a king, in arriving at the great result. If sover
eignty he an attribute to American citizenship it
is because each qualified elector is possessed of
those powers which in monarchical countries re
side in the King or Wittenagemote; or it follows
that no sovereign can diminish, or alienate his
sovereignty under well known principles of in
ternational law. It. is essentially undivisible, in
alienable and extra commercivm-, it cannot be
bought, sold, surrendered, or transferred, because
he is tree and is incapable of dimisliing, dispos
ing of or destroying those prerogatives of his ex
istence which he holds for the benefit of his fel
low-citizens and posterity forever. He is not
permitted by the law of nations to commit po
litical suicide. Hence it is a gross error to con
tend in this country that the people have surren
dered anything to the States or the General Gov
ernment.
It is a fatal and false admission, and is wrong
ab initio ad finis. What the people have done in
the plenitude of their sovereign rights was to
breathe the breath of political life into their State
and Federal Constitution, not to diminish their
sovereignty; but in furtherance thereof, the bet
ter to establish, confirm, protest and defend those
powers, and they have said in their Declaration
of Independence, as in the Massachusetts Consti
tution, that tlie people of this Commonwealth are
free and independent, aud have the right to amend,
alter or totally change the government under
which they live, whenever they choose, and that
these rights, without, which freedom and inde
pendence are but empty words, full of sound and
fury, signifying nothing, arc inalienable and in-
divestible. Mr. Hamilton also says in the Feder-
dist on this very point, “7/i strictness the people
surrender nothing”—“they retain everything,
and have no need of particular reservations”—
speaking of Constitutions professedly founded
upon the powers of the people.
These agents, trustees, servants and ministers
of the sovereign will of this great nation, are
sheer usurpers, when they ascribe to themselves
original and undelegated authority iu contradis
tinction to the sovereign rights of the people.—
They invert the whole system of our political ex
istence, and become our masters instead of our
servants, our King, instead of our subjects, our
Creator, instead of our creatures. They pervert
the logic of political mechanics, and expect the
base ol a pyramid to rest where the apex belongs,
and that the government can get along just as
well bv walking on its head as its legs. This is
a heresy more dangerous than nullification, se
cession or radicalism, and the sooner it is explo
ded the better. This is a government ot the
people. The people ot the States have said who
are qualified to enter into this fraternity of Kings,
and how their sovereign pleasure shall be ascer
tained, made known and promulgated, both in
Suite and Federal affairs. It is tlieir voice, ex
pressed through votes which is the vox dei, and it
is absurd to contend that they ever surrendered
one jot or tittle ot their sovereignty by which
their lives, liberty or freedom can be jeopardized.
To secure them forever to themselves and their
posterity they ordained organic laws, by which
all were to he solemnly governed, and it would
be very astounding at this day to discover that
they had only succeeded in creating a change of
masters by the oceans of blood and sacrifice shed
in the name of a fictitious libertv.
our people, from whom emanates the power to i To TUE
govern. It must be studied to be known and ap- j PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
Having met in Convention at the city of Phila
delphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 16th
of August, 1866, as the representatives of the
people in all sections and all the States and Ter
ritories of the Union, to consult upon the condi
tion and the wants of the common country, we
address to you this declaration of our principles
and ol the political purposes we seek to promote.
Since tlie meeting of the last National Con
vention, in the year 1860, events have occurred
which have changed the character of our inter-
fored at the present time. Nor does it find" any
support in the cry that the States thus excluded
: are in rebeftion against the Government, and are
I therefore precluded from sharing its authority.—
j They are not thus in rebellion. They are one
i and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the Gov-
I ernment, and of sworn allegiance to the Consti-
I tution of the United States. In none of them is
j there the slightest indication of resistance to this
j authority, or the slightest protest against its just
J aud binding obligations. This condition of re-
between
have no
regard, in a war waged by
a government to suppress an insurrection of its
own people upon its own soil against its author
ity. If we had carried on successful war against
any foreign nation, we might thereby have ac
quired possession and jurisdiction of their soil,
with the right to enforce our laws upon their
people, and to impose upon them such laws and
such obligations as we might cbeose. But we
had, before the war, complete jurisdiction over
the soil of the Southern States, limited only by
our own Constitution. Our laws were the only
powerful in number, in resources, and in public
spirit, alter a war so long in its duration, so de
structive in its progress, and so adverse in its
issue, have accepted defeat- and its consequences
with so much of good faith as has marked the
conduct of the people lately in insurrection
against the United States. Beyond all question
this has been largely due to the wise generosity
with which tlieir enforced surrender was accept
ed by the. President of the United States, and the
generals in immediate command of our armies,
and to the liberal measures which were after
wards taken to restore order, tranquility, and
law, to the States where all had been tor the
time overthrown. No steps could have been
better calculated to command the respect, win
the confidence, revive the patriotism, and secure
the permanent and affectionate allegiance of the
nal policy aud given the United States a new I newed loyalty lias been officially recognized by national laws in force upon it. The Government people of the South to the Constitution and laws
. r J ® . . — cnloinn nrnolom.itirm rvr tho PvoontT\onn»t I d*.,* it 1 n a I _ c -V . tt • .i n • l. i l
" Truth crushed to earth wilt rise again.
The eternal years of God are hers:
While Error* writhes in fltrony and pain.
And dies amid her worshippers.”
Tlie Ad tire** and other Proceeding* of
the Philadelphia foil vent ion.
These occupy most of our space to-day. We
lay them before our readers, therefore, without
continent. That they will be deliberately read
and pondered over by onr people, and that they
will do much to leconcile those who were orig
inally disposed to decry the movement, we have
no doubt. At least we trust that they ntay. Con
nected with these proceedings, we notice the fol
lowing from the Executive Committee, to which
we invite also the attention of our readers:
Philadelphia, August, 16, I860.
At a meeitng of the National Union Executive
Committee, held this day at Philadelphia, Au
gust 16, 1866. the following resolution was unan-
imouslv adopted:
R'XiJred, That the National Union Executive
•Committee earnestly recommend to the friends
of peace. Union, liberty, and law, in each county
of the thirty-six States and nine Territories of
the American Union, as early as practicable, to
hold mass meetings for the purpose of ratifying
the action ol tlie National Union Convention,
•and also to provide means to place its proceed
ings iu the hands of every citizen of the Republic.
Joseph T. Crowell.
Chairman National Union Executive Committee.
Personal.
We had the pleasure yesterday of seeing iu our
*ity, the Ilox. O. A. Lochkane, a gentleman
well known, and who has many friends in At
lanta. The Ji’DGE appears to be in fine health
and spirits, and has remained over to attend to
some professional engagements here. He is at
the National Hotel.
Be Cautious.
We call the attention of all interested to the
following extracts from Section 5th, page 108,
Internal Revenue Laws: That it shall be unlaw
ful from and after the 1st day of September, i860,
for any agent ot transportation to receive for
shipment any cotton unaccompanied by a permit
from the Collector or Assessor of the District
front which it is shipped; and such certificate
shall be furnished to the Collector of the Dis
trict to which said cotton is transported, and his
permit obtained before the delivery of said cot
ton.
Any person or persons violating the above pro
vision of this Act shall be liable to a penalty of
£100 for each bale so shipped, or to imprison
ment for not more than one year, or both. All
vehicles employed in such conveyance or trans
portation shall be liable to seizure and forfeiture
by proceedings in any court of the United States.
Hon. A. H. Stephen*.
A Washington correspondent of the Augusta
Chronicle writes that this gentleman had a
lengthy interview with the Presidennt on the
14th. and it is known that the interview was of a
most pleasant and satisfactory character.
We notice also the following paragraph in an
exchange, dated Philadelphia, the 18th instant:
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens left for Milledge-
ville this morning. It was impossible for him to
remain in the city any longer, owing to impor
tant business engagements. His physical condi
tion prevented him from addressing the public,
as he intended, but it is possible he will deliver
a series of lectures in Northern cities during the
coming winter.”
place among the nations of the earth. Our Gov
ernment has passed through tlie vicissitudes and
the perils of civil war—a war which, though
mainly sectional iu its character, has neverthe
less decided political differences that from the
very beginning of the Government had threat
ened the unity of our national existence, and has
left its impress, deep and ineliaceahle, upon all
the interests, the sentiments, and the destiny of
the Republic. While it has inflicted upon tlie
whole country severe losses iu life and in pro
perty, and has imposed burdens which must
weigh on its resources for generations to come,
it lias developed a degree of noble courage in
the presence of national dangers, a capacity for
military organization and achievement, and de
votion on the part ot the people to the form of
government which they have ordained, and to
the principles of liberty which that Government
was designed to promote, which must confirm
the confidence of the nation in the perpetuity of
its republican institutions, and command the re
spect of the civilized world. Like all great con
tests which rouse the passions and test the endu
rance of nations, this war has given new scope
to tlie ambition of political parties, and fresh im
pulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst
the chorus of conflicting sentiments, inseparable
from such an era, while the public heart is keen
ly alive to all the passions that can sway the
public judgment and affect the public action,
while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleed
ing on either side, and fears lor the future take
unjust proportions from the memories aud re
sentments of the past, it is a difficult, but an Im
perative duty which, in your behalf, we who are
here assembled have undertaken to perform.—
For the first time after six long years of alliena-
tion and of conflict, we have come together from
every State and every section of our land, as
citizens of a common country, under that flag,
the symbol of a common glory, to consult to
gether how best to secure and perpetuate that
Union which is again the object of our common
love, aud thus secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity.
In the first place, we invoke you to remember
always and everywhere that the war is ended,
and the nation is again at peace. The shock of
contending arms no longer assails the shudder
ing heart of the Republic. The insurrection
against the supreme authority of the nation has
been suppressed, and that authority has been
again acknowledged by word and act in every
State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction.
We are no longer required or permitted to re
gard or treat each other as enemies. Not only
have the acts of war been discontinued and the
weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war
no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions,
the relations of war have no longer lawful or
rightful place anywhere throughout our broad
dominion. We tire again people of the United
States, fellow-citizens of the country, bound by
the duties and obligations of a common nation,
and having neither rights nor interests apart
from a common destiny. The duties that de
volve upon us now are again the duties of peace,
and no longer the duties of.war. We have as
sembled here to take counsel concerning the in
terests of peace, to decide how we may most
wisely and effectually heal the w'ouuds the war
has made, ami perfect and perpetuate the bene
fits it has secured, and the blessings which, un
der a wise and benign Providence, sprung up in
its fieri' track. This is the work not of passion,
but of calm and sober judgment; not of resent
ment for past offenses prolonged beyond the
limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of
a liberal statesmanship which tolerates wliat it
cannot prevent, and builds its hopes for the fu
ture rather upon a community of interest and
ambition than upon distrust and the weapons of
force.
In the next place, we call upon you to recog
nize, in their full significance, and to accept, with
all their legitimate consequences, the political re
sults of the war just closed. In two most impor
tant particulars the victory achieved by the Na
tional Government has been final anti decisive.
First: it has established, beyond all further con
troversy, and by the highest ot all human sanc
tion, the absolute supremacy of the National
Government, as defined and directed by the Con
stitution of the United States, and the permanent
integrity and indissolubility of the Federal Union
is a necessary consequence; and secondly, it has
put and end, finally and forever, to the existence
of slavery upon the soil or within the jurisdiction
of the United States. Both these points became
directly involved in the contest, and controversy
upon both hits euded absolutely and finally by
the result.
In the third place, we deem it of the utmost
importance that the real character of the war,
anti the victory by which it was closed should he
accurately understood. The war was carried on
by the Government of the United States in main
tenance of its own authority and in defense of its
Own existence, both of which were menaced by
the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The
suppression of that insurrection accomplished
the result. The Government of the United States
maintained by force of arms the supreme author
ity over all the territory and over all the States
aud people within its jurisdiction which the Con
stitution confers upon it, but it acquired thereby
no new power, no enlargedjurisdiction, no rights,
either of territorial possession or of civil author
ity, which it did not possess before the rebellion
broke out. All the rightful power it can ever pos
sess is that which is conferred upon it in express
terms, or by fair and necessary implication, by
the Constitution of the United States. It was
that power and that authority which the rebel
lion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the
Federal arms was simply the defeat ot that at
tempt.
The Government- of the United States acted
throughout the war on the defensive. It sought
only to hold possession of what was already its
own. Neither war nor the victory by which it
was ended changed in any way the Constitution
of the United States. The war was carried on
by virtue of its provisions and under tlie limita
tions which they prescribed, and the result of the
war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way
change or affect the powers it confers upon the
Federal Government, or release that Government
from the restrictions which it has imposed.
The Constitution of the United States is to-day
precisely as it was before the war—the supreme
law of the land, anything in the constitution or
laws of any State to the contrary not withstand
ing. And to-day also, precisely as before the war,
all the powers not conferred by the Constitution
upon the General Government, nor prohibited by
it to the States, are reserved to the several States
or to the people thereof.
This position is vindicated not only by the es
sential nature of our Government and' the lan
guage of our Government, in all its departments
and at all times, from the outbreak of the rebel
lion to its final overthrow. In the messages and
proclamations of the Executive it was explicitly
declared that the-sole object and purpose ot the
war was to maintain the authority of the Consti
tution, and to preserve the integrity of the Union,
and Congress more than once reiterated this
solemn declaration, and added the assurance,
that whenever this object should be attained the
war should cease, and all the States should re
tain their equal rights and dignity unimpaired.
It is only since the war litis closed that other
rights have been asserted on behalf of one de
partment of the General Government. It has
been proclaimed by Congress that in addition to
the powers conferred upon it by the Constitution,
the Federal Government may now proclaim over
the States and the territory, and the people in
volved in the insurrection, * the rights ot war—
right ol conquest and of confiscation, the right
to abrogate all existing governments, institutions,
and laws, and to subject the territory conquered
and its inhabitants to such terms and regulations
as the legislative department of tlie Government
may see fit to impose, under the broad and
sweeping claim that the clause ol the Constitu
tion which provides that no State shall, without
its consent, be deprived of its eqnal suffrage in
the Senate of the United States has been annull
ed : and States have been refused, and are still
refused, representation altogether in both branch
es of the Federal Congress; and the Congress in
which only a part of the States and of the peo
ple ot the Union are represented has asserted the
solemn proclamation of the Executive Depart- I of the United States was the only Government I of the Union than those which have beeu so
ment. The laws of the United States have been through which those States and their people had firmly taken and so steadfastly pursued by the
extended by Congress over all these States, and relations with foreign nations, and its flag was I President of the United States,
the people thereof. Federal courts have been re- the only flag by which they were recognized or And if that confidence and loyalty lias beeu
ported, and Federal taxes imposed and levied, known anywhere on tlie face ot the earth. In i since impaired, if the people South are to-day
anc. in every respect, except that they are denied I all tliese respects, and in all other respects in- j less candid in that allegiance than they were int-
representation in Congress and the Electoral Col- yolving national interests and rights, our posses- I mediately upon the close of the war, we believe
lege, the States once in rebellion are recognized I sion was perfect and complete. It did not need I it is due to the changed tone of the Legislative
as holding the same^obligations and subject to ' - - - - — - -
the same duties as tlie other States of our com- 1 victorious war against the rebellion could do I them; to the action by which Congress
mon Union. •. . I nothing more than maintain it. It could only deavored to suppress and defeat the President
It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest I vindicate and re-establish the disputed snprem- j wise and beneficial polievof restoration; to their
and most candid judgment we can bring to the acy of the Constitution. It could neither enlarge | exclusion from all participation in our common
subject, such a claim, so enforced, involves as fa- nor diminish the authority which that Constitu- Government; to the withdrawal front them o‘
tal an overthrow of tlie authority ot the Consti- j tion confers upon the government by which it I the rights conferred and guaranteed by the Con
tution, and as complete a destruction of the Gov- I was achieved. Silch an, enlargement or abridg- I stitution, and to the evident purpose of Congress,
eminent and Union, as that which was sought ment of constitutional power can be effected 1 ' " - -
to be effected by the States and people in armed | only by amendment of the Constitution itself,
and such amendments can be made only in the
modes which the Constitution itself prescribes.
The claim that the suppression of an insurrec
tlou against the Government gives additional
authority and power to that Government, espe-
insurrection against them. It cannot escape ob
servation, that the power thus asserted to exclude
certain States from representation is made to rest
wholly in the will and discretion of the Congress
that, asserts it. It is not made to depend upon
in the exercise of a usurped and unlawful author
ity, to reduce them front the ranks of free and
equal members of a republic of States, with
rights and dignities unimpaired, to the condition
ot conquered provinces and a conquered people
in all things subservient, and subject to the w '
of their conquerors, free only to obey laws
specified conditions or circumstances, nor to be cialiy that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress making which they are not allowed to share. No
1 '“ — ~i—* an( j gives that body the right to exclude States | people has ever yet existed whose loyalty and
from representation in the National Councils,
without which the nation itself can have no au
thority and no existence, seems to us at variance
alike with the principles ot the Constitution and
with the public safety.
Third. But it is alleged that in certain particu
lars the Constitution of tlie United States fails
to secure the absolute justice and impartial equal
ity which the principles of our Government re- _
quire; that it was in tliese respects the result of I j )e imposed upon them. Resentment ot injustice
compromises and concessions to which, however i s always and everywhere essential to freedom
necessary when the Constitution was formed, we anf i tlie spirit which prompts tlie (states and peo
are no longer compelled to submit; and that P le latel y in insurrection, insurgents now no
. . - - . now, having the power through successful war, I longer, to protest against the imposition of un-
snare in the Government, tor one reason, and that an j j us t warrant lor its exercise in the hostile I just and degrading conditions, makes them all
reason removed, the next Congress may exclude conduct of the insurgent section, the actual Gov- tlie m<>re worthy to share in the government of
Q ne gtatc maybe excluded on | eminent of the United States may impose its i a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer as-
own conditions, and make the Constitution con- I yurance ot tlie future power and freedom of the
subject to any rules or regulations whatever.
The right asserted and exercised is absolute,
without qualification or restriction, not confined
to States in rel>ellion, nor to States that have re
belled. It is the right of any Congress, in for
mal possession of legislative authority, to exclude
any State or States, and any portion of the peo
ple thereof, at any time from representation in
Congress, and in the Electoral College, at its own
discretion, and until they shall perform such acts
and comply with such conditions as it may dic
tate. 'Obviously, the reasons for such exclusion
being wholly within the discretion of Congress,
may change as the Congress itself shall change.
One Congress' may exclude a State from all
faith such treatment long continued would not
allienate and impair. And the ten millions
Americans who live in the South would be un
worthy citizens of a free country, degenerate
sons of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become
guardians ot the rights and liberties bequeathed
to us by the authors and founders of this Repub
lic, if they could accept, with uncomplaining
submissiveness the humiliations thus sought to
it for another,
one ground to-day, and another may be excluded
on the opposite ground to-morrow. Northern
ascendency may exclude Southern States from
one Congress—the ascendency' ot Western or
Southern interests, or of both combined, may ex
elude the Northern or the Eastern States from
the next.
Improbable as such usurpations may seem, the
establishment of the principle now asserted and
acted upon by Congress will render them by no
means impossible. The character, indeed, the
very existence of Congress and the Union, is thus
made dependent solely and entirely upon the
party and sectional exigencies or forbearances of
the hour. We need not stop to show that such
action not only finds no warrant iu the Constitu
tion, but is at war with every principle of our
Government, and with tlie very existence office
institution. It is, indeed, the identical practice
which has rendered fruitless all attempts hither
to to establish and maintain free governments in
Mexico aud the States of South America. Party
necessities assert themselves as superior to funda
mental law, which is set aside in reckless obedi
ence to their behests. Stability, whether in the
exercise of power in the administration of gov
ernment of in the enjoyment of rights, becomes
impossible, aud the conflicts of party, which an
der constitutional governments are the conditions
and means of political progress, are merged in
the conflicts of arms,- *> which they directly and
inevitably tend.
It was against this peril, so conspicuous, and
so fatal to all free governments, that our Consti
tution was intended specially to provide. Not
only the stability, but the very existence of the
government is made by its provisions to depend
upon the right and the fact of representation.—
The Congress, upon which is conferred all the
legislative power of the National Government,
consists of two branches—the Senate and the
House of Representatives—whose joint concur
rence or assent is essential to the validity of any
law. Of these, the House of Representatives,
say's the Constitution, (Article 1st, section 2d.)
shall be composed ot members chosen every se
coud year by the people of the several States.—
Not only is the right of representation thus re
form iu all its provisions to its own ideas of
equality and the rights of war. Congress, at its
last session, proposed amendments to the Consti
tution, enlarging, in some very important parti
culars, tlie authority of the General Government
over that of the several States, and reducing, by
indirect disfranchisement, the representative,
power of the States in which slavery formerly
existed ; and it is claimed that these amendments
may be made valid as parts of the original Con
stitution without the concurrence of the States
to be most seriously affected by them, or may' be
imposed upon those States by' three-fourths of
tlie remaining States, as conditions of tlieir re-
admission to representation in Congress and iu
the Electoral College.
Republic; for whatever responsibilitv the South
ern people may' have incurred iu resisting the
authority ot the National Government aud
taking up arms for its overthrow, tliey may be
held to answer for as individuals before the judi
cial tribunals, of the land, and for their conduct
as societies and organized communities they
have already paid tlie most fearful penalty that
can fall on' offending States, in the losses, the
sufferings, and humiliations of unsuccessful war.
But whatever may be the guilt or the punish
ment of tlie conscious authors of the insurrec
tion, candor and common justice demand con
cession to the great mass of those who became
involved in its risks and acted upon what they
deemed to be their duty, and iu defense of what
It is the unquestionable right ot the people of they flfhl been taught to believe were their rights,
the United States to make such changes in tlie or under a compulsion, physical and moral
Constitution as they, upon due deliberation, may which they were powerless to resist. Nor can it
deem expedient. But we insist that they shail I he amiss to remember that, terrible as have been
be made in the mode which tlie Constitution it- j the bereavements and the losses of this war, they
sell points out, in conformity with the letter and | have fallen exclusively upon neither section and
spirit of that instrument, and with the principles
of self-government and of equal rights which
.lie at the basis ot our republican institutions.-
We deny the right of Congress to make these
changes in the fundamental law without the con
currence of three-fourths of all the States, in
cluding especially those to be most seriously af
fected by them, or to impose them .upon States
or people as conditions of representation or of
admission to any of the rights, duties or obliga
tions which belong, under tlie Constitution, to
all the States alike ; and with still greater em
phasis do we deny the right of any portion of
the States, excluding the rest of the States
from any share in their councils, to propose
or sanction changes in the Constitution which
arc to affect permanently tlieir political relations,
and control or coerce the legitimate action of the
several, members of the common Union. Such
an exercise of power is simply a usurpation, just
as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern
States as it would lie if exercised by Southern,
and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in
tlie past history either of those hy whom it is at
tempted or of those upon whose rights and lib-
cognized as possessed by all the States and by er ti es it is to take effect. It finds no warrant in
every State, without restriction,_ qualification, or j the Constitution. It is at war with the funda-
upon neither party; that they have fallen, in
deed, with far greater weight upon those with
whom the war begun ; that in the death of rela
tives and friends, the dispersion of families, the
disruption of social systems and social ties, the
overthrow of Governments, of law and of order,
the destruction of property and of forms and
modes and means of industry, the loss of politi
cal, commercial, and moral influence in any
shape and form, which great calamities we are
sure tlie States and people which er traged in the
war against the government of the United States
have suffered ten-fold more than those who re
mained in allegiance to its Constitution and laws.
These considerations may not, as they certainly
do not, justify the action of the people of the
insurgent States ; but no humane, generous mind
will refuse to them very considerable weight in
determining the line of conduct which the Gov
ernment of the United States should pursue to
wards them. They accept, if not with alacrity,
certainly without sullen resentment, the defeat
aud overthrow they have sustained. They ac
knowledge aud acquiesce in tlie results to them
selves and the country which that defeat invol
ves; they no longer claim for any State the right
to secede from tlie Union; they no longer assert
condition of any kind, but the duty of choosing men tal principles of our form of government. If | for any State an allegiance paramount
representatives is imposed upon the people of | tolerated iu one instance it becomes the prece- | Which is due to the General Government.
to that
- s prece- I wmen is uue Tome uenerai urovernuiem. They
each and every' State alike, without distinctions 1 ffeut for future invasions of liberty and constitu- I bave accepted tlie destruction of slavery—abo-
or the authority to make distinctions among them tional right, dependent solely upon the will of the fished it by their State Constitutions—and con
fer any reason or upon any grounds whatever.— party in possession ot power, and thus leads by I curred with the States and people of the whole
Anri the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to t jj rect an( j ne cessary sequence to the most fatal Union in prohibiting its existence forever upon
and intolerable of all tyrannies, the tyranny of the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United
shifting and irresponsible political factions. It States. They indicate and evince tlieir purpose,
is against this, the most formidable of all the jest so fast as may be possible and safe, to adapt
dangers which menace the stability of free gov- | their domestic laws to the changed condition of
ernment, that the Constitution ot the United
And the Senate, so careful is the Constitution to
secure to every State this right of representation,
it is expressly provided that no State shall with
out its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage
in that body, even by an amendment to the Con
stitution itself. When, therefore, any State is
excluded from such representation, not only is States was intended most careiully to provide.—
the right of the State denied, but the constitu- \y e demand a strict aud steadfast adherence to
t ie State ig impaired, and the jjg provisions. In this, and in this alone, can we
validity ot the government itself is brought in fi n( f a basis of permanent union and peace,
question. But Congress at the present moment [ Fourth. But it is alleged in justification of the
tnus excludes from representation m both branch- | usurpation which we condemn, that the condi-
their society, and to secure by the law and its
tribunals, equal and impartial justice to all classes
of tlieir inhabitants. They admit the invalidity
of all acts of resistance to the national authority
and of all debts incurred in attempting its over
throw. They avow their willingness to share
the burdens and discharge all the duties and ob-
other States aud other sections of the Union, and
they renew, through their representatives in this
Convention, by all their public conduct in every
way, and by the more solemn acts by which
States and societies can pledge their faith and
allegiance, through all time to come, to the Con
stitution of the United States, and to all laws
which may be made in pursuance thereof.
Fellow countrymen, we call upon you, in full
es of Congress ten States of the Union, denying t i on 0 f the Southern States and the people is not ligations which rest upon them in common with
them all share in the enactment: of laws by which I suc h as renders safe their teadmission to a share ' '' ' 3
they are to be governed, and all participation in j ; n government ot the country; that they are
the election of the rulers by which those laws still disloval in sentiment and purpose, and that
Are to.be enforced. In other words, a Congress neither the honor, the credit, nor tlie interests of
in which only twenty-six States are represented, tl)e nation would be safe if they were readmitted
asserts the right to govern, absolutely and in its I to a share in its councils. We might reply to
ow n direction, all the thirty-six States which this
compose the. Union ; to make their laws and First. That we liave'no right, for such reasons,
choose tlieir rulers, and to exclude the other.ten to deny to any portion ot the States or people . „ , ,
from all share in their own government, until it rights expressly conferred upon them by the Con- reliance upon your intelligence and your patriot-
sees fit to admit them thereto. What is there to gtitution oi the United States. ism, to accept with generous and ungruding
distinguish the power thus asserted and exercis- Second. That so long as their acts are those of confidence this full surrender on the part of
ec * f r ?l n 1 *' e n* ost absolute and intolerable tyran- loyalty ; so long as they conform in all tlieir pub- those lately in arms against your authority, and
ny. Nor do these extravagant and unjust claims jj c conduct to the requirements of the Constitu-
on the part of Congress to powers and authority Hon and laws, we have no right to exact from
by the Con- [ ti ie m conformity in their sentiments and opin
ions to our own.
Third. That we have no right to distrust the
purpose or the ability of the people of the Union
to protect and defend, under all contingencies,
and by whatever means may be required, its
honor and its welfare. These would, in our judg
ment, be full and conclusive answers to the plea
thus advanced for the exclusion of these States
When this shall have been done, the Govern
ment will have been restored to its integrity,
the Constitution of the United States will have
been re-established iu its full supremacy, and the
American Union will have again become what
it was designed to be by those who formed if—
a sovereign nation, composed of separate States,
each like itself moving in a distinct and inde
pendent sphere, exercising powers defined and
reserved by a common Constitution, and resting
upon the assent, the confidence, and co-opera
tion of all the States and all the people subject
to its authority. Thus reorganized aud restored
to their constitutional relations, the States aud
the General Government can enter, in a fra
ternal spirit, with a common purpose and a
common interest, upon whatever reforms tlie
security ot personal rights, the enlargement of
popular liberty, and the perfection ot our republi
can institutions may demand.
appointment of committees—closing scenes.
The Chair here announced the following
names as constituting the National Union Ex
ecutive Committee, tlie Resident Executive Com
mittee at Washington, the Committee to Wait
on the President, and the Financial Committee :
COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON T1IE PRESIDENT.
Hon. Reverdy Johnson, Chairman.
Maine—\V. C. Gosby, Calvin Record.
New Hampshire—J. Hosley, J. H. Smith.
Vermont—L. Robinson, Gen. Isaac McDaniel.
Massachusetts—E. C. Bailey, Edward Avery.
Rhode Island—Amasa Sprague, Gideon Broford.
Connecticut—Jas. E. English, G. H. Hollister.
New York—Owens W. Smith. S. E. Church.
New Jersey—T. H. Herring, Theo Hnnyou.
Pennsylvania—J. R. Flanigan, G. W. Cass.
Delaware—S. G. Laws, C. H. B. Ray.
Maryland—J. Morrison Harris, J. I). Jones.
Virginia—James Barbonr, G. W. Balling.
West Virginia—J. J. Thompson, Daniel Lamb.
North Carolina—D. M. Barringer, G. Howard.
South Carolina—J. L. Manniug, Jns. Farrow.
Georeia—S. J. Smith, J. S. Wimberly.
Florida—J. P. Sanderson, J. C. McKlbbon.
Mississippi—Giles M. Hillyer, H. T. Limerall.
Louisiana—T. P. May, W. C. King.
Texas—D. J. Bnraett. B. H. Epperson.
Tennessee—A. A. Kvle, D. B. Thomas.
Arkansas—Juo. D. Lucee, C. Boudiuot.
Alabama—Lewis E. Parsons, Jno. Gill Shorter.
Kentucky—J. W. Stephenson, A. Harding.
Ohio—Henry B. Paine, A. NcD. McCook.
Indiana—S. E. Meredith, D. S. Gooding.
Illinois—Geo. C. Bines, K. R. Morrison.
Michigan—C. O. Loomis, G. A. Custer.
Wisconsin—A. W. Curtis, Robert Flint.
Iowa—H. Madaiy, B. B. Richards.
Kansas—H. Sleeper, Orlin Thurston.
California—J. A. McDougall, Jacob P. Lecse.
Nevada—Gideon J. Tncker, John Carmichael.
Oregon—W. H. Farrar, E. M. Barcum.
District of Columbia—Thos. B. Florence, Tt. T. Swart.
Idaho—H. H. DePny. S. Cummins.
Nebraska—Geo. L. Miller, L. Lowerie.
Washington—Geo. D. Cole, C. P. Egan.
Minnesota—H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton.
Missouri—E. A. Towis. John M. Richardson.
stitution, find any warrant in the argument or
excuses urged on their behalf. It is alleged—
First.- That these States, by the act of rebel
lion and by voluntarily withdrawing their mem
bers from Congress, forfeited their right of rep
resentation, and that they can only receive it
again at the hands of the supreme legislative au
thority of the government, on its own terms and
at its own discretion. If representation in Con
gress and participation in the government were
to share with them tlie honor and renown that
await those who bring back peace and concord
to jarring States. Tlie war just closed, with
its sorrows and disasters, has opened a new
career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has
swept away the hostilities of sentiment and of
interest which were a standing menace to its
peace. It has destroyed tlie institution of
slavery, always a cause of sectional agitation
and strife, and has opened for our country tlie
way to unity of interest, of principle, and of
from the Union. But we say, further, that this plea | action through all time to come. It has devel-
, ,7 -, „ i rests upon a complete misapprehension, or an
simply pm-deges conferred and held by favor, unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not
this statement might have the merit ot plausi- hesitate to affirm that there is no section of the
bility. But representation is, under the Consti- coun try where the Constitution and laws of the
tution, not only expressly recognized as a right, United States find a more prompt and entire
but it is imposed as a duty, and it is essential m obedience than in those States and among those
both aspects to the existence of the government paople who were lately in arms against them, or
and to the maintenance ot its authority. I?i free tvhere there is less purpose or danger of any fu-
govemments fundamental and essential rights tul0 attempt to overtluow their authority,
cannot be forfeited, except against individuals by | It would seem to be rational and inevitable
due process^ of law, nor can constitutional duties j that irf States and sections so recently swept bv
and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The the whirlwind of war, where all the ordinary
enjoyment ot rights maj be for a time suspended modes and methods of organized industry have
by a failure to claim them, and duties may he tieen broken up, and the bonds and influences
pvfirlpri nv q fnimrp to np,rforin thpm TMi** i i * i * j
evaded by a failure to perform them. Tlie with
drawal of their members from Consress by the
States which resisted the General Government
was among their acts of insurrection—was one of
the means and agencies bj* which they sought to
impair the authority and defeat tlie action of the
government; and that act was annulled and ren
dered void when the insurrection was suppressed.
Neither the right of representation, nor the dntv
to be represented, was in the least impaired by
tlie fact of insurrection, but it may have been
that, by reason of the insurrection, the condi
tions on which the enjoyment of that right and
the performance of that duty for the time de
pended, could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact,
tlie case. An insurgent power, in the exercise
that guarantee social order have been destroyed;
where thousands and tens of thousands of turbu
lent spirits have been sud J ,nly loosed from the
discipline of war, and thr ,vn without resources
or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic so
ciety, and where the keen sense of defeat is add
ed to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes
of violence should defy for a time the imperfect
discipline of law and excite anew the tears and
forebodings of tlie patriotic and well disposed.
It is unquestionably true that local disturbances
of this kind, accompanied by more or less ofvio
lence, do still occur. But they are confined en
tirely to tlie cities and larger towns of the South
ern States, where different races and interests
are brought most closely in contact, and
of usurped and nnlavt ful authority m the terri- | where passions and resentment are always most
fory under its control, had prohibited that idle- ! easily fed and tanned into outbreak; and even
giance to the Constitution and laws of the I ni- there thev are quite so much the fruit of untime-
ted States which is made, by that fundamental ; i y an j hurtful political agitation, as of any hos-
law, the essential condition ot representation ir ; tility on the part of the people to the authority
the Government. No man. within the insurgent 1 0 f (fie National Government. Bnt the eoncur-
States was allowed to take the oath to support j rent testimony of those best acquainted with the
the Constitution of the L nited States, and, as a condition of society and the state of public sen-
necessary' consequence, no man could lawfully timent in the South, including that of its repre-
represent those States in the councils of the Un- j sentatives in this Convention, establishes tlie fact
ion. But this was an obstacle to the enj03Tnent j that the great mass of the Southern people ac-
of the right, and to the discharge of a duty; it eept, with as full and sincere submission as do
did net annul the one, nor abrogate the other, j the people of other States, the re-established su-
and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by j premacy of the national authority', and are pre-
whieh it was created had been overthrown, and j pared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal
the States had again resumed their allegiance to j quickened alike by their interest and their pride,
the Constitution and laws of the United States, j to cooperate with other States and sections in
Second. But it is asserted in support of the i whatever may be necessary to defend tlie rights,
authority claimed by the Congress now in pos- ! maintain the honor, and promote the welfare of
session of power, that it flows directly from the 1 onr common country'.
laws of war; that it is among the rights which 1 History affords no instance where a people so
oped in both sections a military capacity' and
aptitude for achievements of war, both by sea
and land, before unknown even to ourselves,
and destined to exercise hereafter, under united
councils, an important inlluence upon the char
acter and destiny of the continent and the world.
And while it has thus revealed, disciplined, and
compacted our power, it has proven to us be
yond controversy or doubt, by the course pursued
towards both contending sections hy foreign
powers, that we must be the guardians of our
own independence, and that the principles of
republican freedom we represent can find among
the nations of the earth no friends or defenders
but ourselves.
We call upon you, therefore, by every con
sideration of your own dignity and safety, and
in the name of liberty' throughout the world,
to complete the work of restoration and peace
which the President of tlie United States has
so well begun, and which the policy' adopted
and the principles asserted hy the present Con
gress alone obstruct.
The time is close at hand when members of
a new Congress are to be elected. If that Con
gress shall perpetuate this policy, and by ex
cluding loy r al States and people from representa
tion in its hails shall continue the usurpation by
which the legislative powers of the Government
are now exercised, common prudence compels
ns to anticipate augmented discontent, a sullen
withdrawal from the duties and obligations of
the Frederal Government, internal dissensions,
and a general collision of sentiments, and pre
tensions which may renew, in a still more tear
ful shape, the civil war from which we have just
emerged. We call upon you to interpose your
power to prevent the recurrence of so tran-
sceudant a calamity. We call upon you in every
Congressional district of every 8tate to secure »*« i«iv, v. «*«« **»vnuu oty —uunuuuuu^.
the election of members who, whatever other j Those opposed No—none. It is carried, and
NATIONAL UNION EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
Jos. T. Crowell, Chairman.
Maine—James Mailu, A. P. Gould.
New Hampshire—E. Burke, S. Cutter.
Vermont—B. D. Smalley, H. N. Worthau.
Massachusetts—Israel Dunham, R. S. Spofford.
Rhode Island—Alfred Anthony^Jas. H. Parsons.
Connecticut—Jas. T. Babcock, D. S. Scranton.
New York—Robert H. Periene, S. J. Tilton.
Pennsylvania—S. M. Seilis, J. S. Black.
Delaware—J. H. Comegys, E. L. Martin.
Srfyland— 1 T. Swann, T. G. Pratt.
. irginia—J. F. Johnson, E. C. Robinson.
West Virginia—Daniel Lamb, J. Jackson.
(North Carolina—T. S. Ashe. J. H. Wilson.
South Carolina—J. L. Orr, B. F. Terry.
Georgia—J. H. Christie, T. Hardeman.
Florida—W. Morton, Wilkins Call.
Alabama—W. S. Cruiksliank, C. C. Hackstee.
Mississippi—Wm. L. Sharkey, G. L.|Potter.
Louisiana—Randall Hunt, Alfred Henning.
Arkansas—Lorenzo Gibson, E. II. English.
Texas—B. S. Epperson, John Hancock.
Tennessee—D. T. Patterson, W. D. Campbell.
Kentucky—R. H. Stanton, Hamilton Pope.
Ohio—Lewis D. Campbell, G. D. Smythe.
Indiana—D. L. Gooding. T. Dowling.
Illinois—J. A. McClernand, J. O. Norton.
Michigan—Alfred Russell,Byron J. Stonp.
Missouri—Berton Able, J. S. Rollins.
Minnesota—H. M. Rice, D. S. Norton.
Wisconsin—S. A. Pease, J. A. Norman.
Iowa— G. A. Parker, Wtn. A. Chase.
Kansas—J. A. McDowell, W. A. Tipton.
New Jersey—Joseph T. Crowell, The. F. Randolph.
Nevada—John Carmichael, G. K. Hail.
District of Columbia—J. D. Hoover, J. B. Blake.
Nebraska—II. H. Heath, J. S. Norton.
Washington Territory—It. Willard, Ehvood Evans.
California—Samnel Hardy, J. P. Sege.
Oregon—J. W. Nesmith, E. M. Rarhurn.
Dakota—W. K. Armstrong, N. M. Miner.
Idaho—Wm. H. Wallace, Honry tHunmine.
RESIDENT EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE AT WASHINGTON.
Charles Knap, Chairman.
Hon. Montgomery Biair. A. E. Perry.
Hon. Charles Mason. Samuel Fowler.
Ward H. Lamon. Col. James R. O’Biente.
John F. Coyle. Cornelius Wendell.
COMMITTEE ON FINANCE.
CharleBKnap, Chairman.
Maine—A. W. Johnson, John Burleigh.
New Hampshire—Daniel Marey, W. li. Blair.
Vermont—R. W. Chase, C. L. Davenport.
Massachusetts—F. O. Prince, George ML. Bentley.
Rhode Island—A. Sprague, Janies Waterhouse.
Connecticut—J. H. Ashmead, F. M. Brown.
New York—Abraham Wakeman, Richard Sclicll.
New Jersey—J. L. McHugh, F. S. Lathrop.
Pennsylvania—It. L. Martin, H. M. Phillips.
Delaware—Charles Wright, T. F. Crawford.
Maryland—R. W. Fowler, W. P. Manlsby.
Virginia—E W Hubbard, George Blow, jr.
West Virginia—C. T. Beale, Thomas Sweeney.
North Carolina—A. n. Arrington, A. McLean.
South Carolina—V. J. Moses, W. H. Shingler.
Georgia—L. Tumlim, William W. Tonney.
Florida—G. W. Scott, W. C. Maloney.
Alabama—Lewis Owen, J. S. Kennedy.
Mississippi—E. Pegnes, J. A. Bingford.
Louisiana—A. W. Holbrook.
Arkansas—W. L. Bell, C. L. Fellows.
Texas—M. B. Ochiltree, J. Hancock.
Tennessee—W. B. Ferguson, J. Williams.
Kentucky—M. J. Durham, W. W. Baldwin,
Ohio—T. E. Cunningham, J. H. James.
Indiana—Levi Sparks, M. Drake.
Illinois—William B. Ogden. Isaac Underhill.
Michigan—G. C. Monroe, W. S. McCreesey.
Missouri—Thomas L. Price, Charles M. Elliard.
Minnesota—C. F. Buck, Charles F. Gilman.
Wisconsin—J. B. Dow, C. L. ^Shales.
Iowa—W. D. Henry, S. A. Bn tier.
Kansas—T. P. Fitzwilliam, G. A. Colton.
California—John H. Baird, II. T. Williams.
Nevada—Frank Herford, L. H. Newton.
District of Colombia—Charles Knap, Esau Pickroll.
Dakota—J. B. S. Todd, F. E. Dewilt.
Idaho—C. T. Powell, T. W. Betts.
Nebraska—James R. Porter, P. B. Becker.
Washington—Edward Sander, Elwood Evans.
Rev. Mr. Elliott then advanced to the front
of the stage and delivered the following prayer :
THE CLOSING PRAYER.
O Thou Great Ruler of the universe and Au
thor of all peace, and harmony, and law in eartli
and Heaven, it is meet and light that we should
bow our hearts before Thee on this deeply in
teresting occasion, and offer thanks to Thee,
the Great Preserver of men and of nations, that
e have been permitted to meet together after
the confusion of years, under such favorable
auspices, surrounded and protected by that
providence and by that disposition to order and
law that is now about us. We recognize Thy
gracious providence, and offer thanks to Thee,
the Author ot all our mercies. We thank Thee
that Thou hast put it into the hearts of these
Thy servants to come together aDd to organize
themselves in harmony from the various parls
of this Union, and once more to take the friendly
greeting with each other in Thy presence, and
to renew with hearty sincerity their friendships
here on earth. O fyord God of our fathers,
who planted us, who built us up, who made us
great, and kept us uffited, and hy whose gracious
will and providence we are again one people,
we offer thanks to Thee for the harmony of this
body, for the union of hearts that has been
maifested throughout this Convention ; for that
conciliation of spirit that Jhas been seen iu all
its members and in all its proceedings. We
thank God for the blessings that now crown our
nation, and especially for the President of these
United States, who is so worthy of his situation
and position. O Lord God Almighty, who
raisest and who sustaineth those that are in
authority, let Thy blessing come upon him, and.
sustain him in his difficult and arduous task,
that he may carry out to complete success the
plan by which we may become one united and
great people now and perpetually. 3Iay the
blessing of God rest upon all the committees
and upon all the resolutions and addresses, and
upon all tlie arrangements by which these Thy
servants propose to carry out the principles of
the Union. O Lord God, do Thou go with them
to their several States aud direct them in all
their work. Be with us and remain with us
through life, and when fife is done, may we
meet in that place above, where union is the
law that pervades the society, and where, united,
we shall reign immortal. These, with all other
blessings, grant us, for the sake of Him that
lived and died to save us, and to Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost we will ascribe praise due now'
and forever. And may tlie blessings of Almigh
ty God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, rest upon
this Convention, upon this nation, urion its ru
lers, now and forever. Amen.
THE FINAL ADJOURNMENT.
Tlie President. The motion is that this Con
vention do now adjourn without day. Those
in favor of that motion say Aye—unanimous.
differences may characterize their political ac
tion, will unite in recognizing the right ot every i
State of the Union to representation in Congress, j
and who will admit to seats in eitiier branch, j
every loyal Representative from every State in
allegiance to the Government who may be found
by each House, in the exercise of the power
conferred upon it by the Constitution, to have
been duly elected, returned, and qualified for a
seat therein.
the Chair does now pronounce this Convention
adjourned without day.
The wildest enthusiasm ensued, hearty and
prolonged cheering being given for the Union,
lor President Johnson, and for the triumphant
success ot the Convention.
Catharine Luther, the last of the Reform
er’s family, aud a Catholic, died recently in
Germany,