Newspaper Page Text
IlirrMi) ^otfUigtncrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, April 24, 1866.
The AV»r Cloud iu Europe.
It may not be unprofitable to turn for a mo
ment from the unhappy divisions and distrac
tions at home, to notice the signs and indications
in other and distant countries. The telegraph
dispatches yesterday morning announced that
negotiations liatl been broken oil between Prus
sia and France—the former elated by its unpar
alleled victories and acquisitions of last year, and
the latter mortified and chagrined at the defeat
of the favorite scheme of extension and aggran
dizement long entertained by its Emperor.—
Whether the cable report referred to he true or
not, it has been evident for some time that affairs
in Europe were assuming a troublesome and
dangerous aspect, and the. opinion has prevailed
among the leading minds there that a general
war must occur at no distant day. AH the signs
indicate such a contingency, and the only ques-
t ion now Is, how long can it be postponed ? The
Emperor of the French, having the Paris Expo
sition on hand, and who was believed to be mas
ter of the situation, it was supposed would not
permit his country to become involved in war at
least until that allair should lie over, which would
carry it beyond the limits of the present year-
But recent advices, so far as they can be relied
upon, go to show that the question is rapidly
passing beyond his control, and that the conflict
is susceptible of being precipitated at any mo
ment. This is strongly illustrated in the fact
that the Empires, Kingdoms, and Principalities
<•1 the Old World are rapidly arming with wea
pons of the most approved construction, and
straining every nerve in preparation for a fierce
und continued conflict. France, Belgium, Prus
sia, Austria, Bussia, ami the smaller States of
Denmark, Holland, Switzerland, &c., in all these
are the same busy signs, the same stirring energy
and industry in the fabrication of arms and the
accumulation of material for the destruction of
human lib—all indicating a prevalent and settled
opinion that a conflict is inevitable and cannot
he much longer deferred. Indeed, the “ gen
erality with which these apprehensions prevail
in Europe is not the least ominous among the
signs of the lime, lor such fears unhappily tend
hut too ollcn to provoke and realize the very
evils they seek to shun and prevent. The pas
sions which pi4 arms in the hands of men by
the million are not often allayed by the means
thus afforded of giving expression to them in
deeds of blood."
Fuller and more intelligible advices of the
complications and dangers abroad may be ex
peeled by the next steamer, and will be sought
for with great interest.
. The Freedmau.
Surely the negro has cause to be elated at his
present position—with the large space he fills iu
the public mind. Meetings are being held in
every direction, at which he is counselled, ad
vised and flattered. He is made a delegate to
nominating conventions, and addresses his broth
er delegates, the pale white-limed Anglo-Saxon
midst bursts of admiration and thunders of en
thusiaslic applause. As for the newspaper press,
East, West, North and South, its columns are as
black as midnight with his presence, and hft
political significance anil importance form the
chief staple of innumerable discursive and opi
ntie editorials.' It is true, he has not yet been
sent to the halls of national legislation—lias not
been brought forward for the Presidency—lias
not been promoted to the Bench or had his dus
ky limbs enrobed with the judicial ermine; but
from the tendency now so manifest, it is easy to
see that these will come in due time. And it
is all right, too, for is it not written that the
dark places shall be made light, and that Ethio
pia shall stretch forth her hands unto the
Lord ? Yea, verily.
Tlio Bfluanclal Trouble* In England
We learn through our foreign exchanges that
the financial troubles in England, which Iasi
year culminated in a “ crisis,” do not appear to
be over yet. Private advices give a gloomy pic
tore of the present state of things there, and the
general feeling is that, putting improvement out
of the question, no one can sec when matters
will cease to grow worse. The gigantic railway
system of debenture bonds, which is one of the
controlling interests in the market, is sadly rot
ten. That immense concern, the Great Western,
with an annual revenue of two millions sterling,
is unable to pay one sixpence dividend on its
debentures due at the end of the year, or to get
a penny’s credit; and other roads are iu a worse
stale, not paying tlieir working expenses. The
distrust seems to be wide-spread in connection
with everything in the shape of slock companies,
whether of railways, mines or anything else
and shares by the ship load, some of them very
good too, may be had for as many shillings as
they once cost pounds. There is a superabund
ance of money, the rates of interest are extraor
diuarily low, but discount is unattainable except
upon security enough to satisfy the most extor
tionate usurer. This is simply the result of an
universal distrust and lack of confidence arising
from the betrayal of the public trust by leadiug
financiers. They are in deep water, and have
themselves to thank for it.
“Ought We to Allow l alvenal Suf-
rmge.**
The article which appears with the above
heading in this morning's edition of the Intel
ligencer, is from the pen of a former citizen
of Atlanta, who, for honest devotion to the
“Fnion" and zealous opposition to“seeesturn'
previous to and during the whole war, stands, at
least, the peer of the most loyal to the govern
ment within the wide bonds of its jurisdiction,
North or South. The opinions and views of
such an individnal are, in this new era, entitled
to respectful consideration, and to a place in
these columns. We apprehend, however, they
are advanced at a time when it is too late to ef
fect the object he proposes. They may, how
ever, “be seed sown in season” to produce fruit
in the future—that future in which we shall re
cognize a restored “Union,” and when to each
State the regulation of suffrage may be con
ceded. Mb. Stewart is not only a man of
sound judgment, but a vigorous writer. Iu the
past, we differed widely. At the close of the
contest he came out among the victors. Since
then there has been no strife between us. AYe
recognize in him a high-toned, honorable gen
tleman, whose opinions are entitled to the most
respectful consideration.
Soiilb Carolina.
The report ot the Superintendent of Education
for South Carolina shows the schools and other
statistics under the stq*ervision of tbe Bureau
and other agencies, as follows: Number of day
schools, 7?; night schools, 3 ; schools sustained
in part by l'reedmeu, 25; buildings furnished by
the Bureau, ll>. Number of teachers, 144; white
teachers, 100; colored, 44. Number of pupils
enrolled, 8,451 : bovs 3,915, girls 4,536. Pupils
eurolled at hist report, 8,252. Left school during'
March, 743. New pupils during March, 942.—
Average attendance, 6,231. Number of white
pupils, 15. Number always present, 3,827.—
Punctual, 3,822. Number over sixteen years of
age, 956. Number iu the Alphabet, 1,827.—
Number ot those who spell and read easy les
sons, 3,025 ; who read in advanced Readers, 3,599;
in Geography, 1,701; Arithmetic, 5,142; in the
higher branches, 333; in Writing, 4,986; in nee
dle work. 810. Number ot these scholars who
were free before the war, 500. Number of Sun
day schools, 55; pupils in Suuday schools
3,549.
Virginia.
It is stated iu the papers that Gen. Schofield
has informed a member of the Virginia House of
Delegates that the disqualification to vote or
hold office does not apply under the reconstrnc
tion bill to persons' who were forced into the
rebel service by conscription, notwithstanding
that they had taken an oath to support the Con
stitution of the United States, and served in any
ot the capacities enumerated in the prescribed
form of oath. This will reduce the number of
persons disqualified to vote or hold office to a
veay small margin. The disqualification will be
confined altogether to those who volunteered in
the early part of the war, few of whom are now
living. The survivors are principal!}' of the
conscript class, save perhaps, a few officers who
held ranks from the beginning, and obtained
their commissions by appointment.
Tue Labor Question' is New York.—
The prospects of laboring meu iu New York are
said to be gloomy. The master builders say that
the strikes ot mechanics have had the eflect of
repressing various branches of industry. They
say the workmen receive nearly twice as much
wages as in former times, and desire to do less
work per day, which makes labor so dear that
capitalists are atraid (o employ it. On the other
side, the laboring men stale that they cannot live
on present wages, owing to the greatly increased
rents and high prices of everything. The trou
bles on labor questions are such that the pros
pects for both employer and employee are not
very encouraging.
Hon. Richard F. Lyon and Judge O. A.
Lochrane-Interesting Correspondence.
We publish below a very interesting corres
pondence between the two gentlemen whose
names appear at the head of this article. J udgk
Lochrane’s clear and patriotic response to the
letter addressed to him by Judge Lyon, and his
entire vindication of himself in his fetter from
numerous recent assaults made upon him by a
portion of the press of this State, will doubtless
impress the reader with the truth of the old ad
age, that “ it is far easier to assail than to main
tain an assault.” We confess we feel more than
ordinary gratification in publishing the letter of
Judge L., for its tone and temper at once com
mand our respect for the man and the manner
in which he presents his opinions. . We have
known the Judge, long and well. We knew
him when, an exile from his native laud, he
came to Georgia and commenced the practice of
law. We have watched with an interest stimu
lated by earnest friendship his onward and up
ward progress, until to-day he stands among the
foremost in his profession, and probably iu the
receipt of an income from it as large as that of
any other of the most eminent of his profession
in this Slate. That he would not now accept
office to the abandonment of his professional
life we feel assured, for the latter is more conso
nant with his taste, his talents, and his acquire
ments. Resigning the Bench at the close of the
war for private and professional pursuits, we
believe, as he states in ins letter, that he is nei
ther a candidate for office, nor an applicant for
place or power. Though often solicited to give
his views to the public on the present condition
of the Southern States under the recent Con
gressional enactments for their restoration, he
has steadily declined, and we have not seen his
name connected with any political meeting for
the last two years. Those who think that his
ambition is so great as to interfere with his pri
vate interests, or that to gratify the one he would
sacrifice the other and the respect of the people
with whom his lot is cast, as has been intimated
by some, are sadly deceived. If, however, am
bition for greatness be the only object to control
him, we feel that our readers will be satisfied
with the truth of what we assert when we say
that in this there is no crime, but a virtue, suffl
cient of itself to shield and protect him against
the assaults of foes.
But to the letter of the Judge which is a reflex
of his fidelity to principle and truth. \Ve fee
assured of what we say when we assert that pro
bably few meu in Georgia have done more in
Georgia, or bestowed more substantial favors
upon friends than he. All over the State we
know many will respond to the statement that
his friendship and his purse have been alike at
the service of his friends for the last two years of
political and fiuaucial tribulation. Upon several
political poiuts we have differed. We have
thought that he went too fast and too far. We
have sometimes distrusted his judgment in public
affairs, but wc have now to confess that time has
established the wisdom of his opinions, and
proved his sagacity in foreseeing what the pre
sent unfolds. In times of the greatest doubt he
saw the principles of solution, and, governed by
his reason, deduced conclusions which no sane
man can controvert now. That his iriends may
overrate and his enemies underrate his political
sagacity we admit, but of one thing his life and
success bear testimony—that he has but few su
periors as a man of genius, and but few who
equal him in the possession of those elements of
character which constitute greatness. Assailed
as this gentleman has been, an intimate friend
ship of nearly twenty years, has influenced us to
preface the following correspondence with these
remarks. Aside from this personal regard for
Judge L. even-handed justice demands that the
Georgia press should give to him a hearing, and
especially should those papers, which, deceived
by the misrepresentation the correspondence ex
poses, have indulged in severe strictures upon
him, for the supposed utterance of remarks
which he never uttered.
correspondence.
Atlanta, Ga., 18th April, 186
Judge O. A. Lochrane :
Mv Dear Friend :—There are so many ver
sions of your speech at the complimentary sup
per, given to Gen. Pope, recently in Atlanta, all
of which, in my judgment, do you great injus
tice, so much so that I take the liberty ot a friend
in asking you to publish to the world what you
in fact did say.
I ask this because I know you to be a true and
loyal citizen of the United States, devoted sin
cerely to the enforcement of her laws, and the
perpetuation of its government, and at the same
time a deep and sincere sympathizer and partici
pant with all the troubles and suffering of an unfor
tunate people—striving, a3 thousands of other
patriots, only to restore them to what they once
were, a free and happy people.
Yours, &c., R. F. Lyon.
Atlanta, April 18,1867.
Friend Lyon :—I was in hopes, as I am in no
office, and seek none, that whatever I might say,
in a dinner speech, would be so unimportant to
the public, that errors ot either head or heart
might pass under the charity of silence. I have
certainly avoided on all occasions, either public
or private, giving utterance to sentiments which
could engender bitterness of feeling or acrimony
of resentment, and have declined giving my
sentiments upon public questions at the invitation
ot many friends, from the belief that I could
add nothing to the public intelligence, and
needed counsel myself rather than assume the
part of counselor. The strife of storms, that
so recently raged over the country, have left, still,
their shadows upon the public mind, as well
as depression upon the public heart, and to wait
the rising of some star of hope, to illume, it not
enlighten, seemed to those like myself, who nil
only private, and professional stations, the most
sensible, it not the most ostentatious duty of
citizenship. You speak of my “loyalty as a citi
zen of the United States,” aud of my “sympathy
and participation with all the troubles and suf
ferings of our people." To those who know me,
I feel satisfied both these statements will be un
questioned. When the war ceased and I went
to Washington, in my first interview, with the
President, I announced to him my participation
and sympathies with the South daring the strug
gle. That I was iu favor ot reconstruction, and
ending the tear by negotiation, was well known,
are Georgians, my wife is a Georgian, and,
honored by her people when a youth and exile,
by high privileges and office, I would be untrue
to every instinct of my own mature, and to my
own blood, if I did not sympathize iully with
all the sorrows and desolations she has suffered.
“ More dear in her rorrows, her tears, and her showers.
Than the rest of the world in her sunniest hoars.''
IIow to serve her most faithfully, and with the
highest appreciation of the allegiance I owe her,
is the sole question that excites my reflection,
and invokes my acts. When the war closed I
retired from the bench, and policy, influenced by
selfish interests, would have dictated silence on my
part. I had, however, by my position, been ele
vated above tbe passions of war, and by my birth
was associated with the fortunes of a conquered
people. I believed I ought to take part in form
ing opinions. I felt that the fortunes, so many
anticipated would flow back into the same chan
nels of the Constitution, could be directed only by
Congressional legislation, and this would for
years be so controlled by dominant powers, that I
advised acceptance of the condition, and in my
last charge to a Grand Jury of Bibb county, laid
down truths which soon became history—it will
be remembered. Suggested for Congress, I de
clined, because I could not take the test oath;
but advised the selection of men who could.—
My best iriends differed with me, but now most
agree. Such is tbe inexorable decree <£ late.—
The views of qualified negro suffrage I enter
tained have proven more than correct. I refer to
this, not that I knew more than others, for I did
not. I only at the time could lake a more dis
passionate view of public affairs—and now, when
the Military bill has come upon the country,
while refusing to make any public demonstra
tion ot my humble opinions, I entertain a solemn
judgment that it would be the best interest of the
South to organize under it, and, without any re
sistance, ttr follow the path prescribed that leads
the States back under civil order and legally con
stituted authority. Tbe long deferred and un
certain restoration of Georgia depressed her
material interest Investment avoided the in
security of political disorder, and while we
are still blessed with labor, and may, in the Pro
vidence of God, rely lor food in the products of
industrial enterprise; still the downward ten
dency of values and property is too apparent for
discussion, and would be weakened by the im
plied necessity of an argument. Good Southern
meu, 1 found, all over the State, took the same
view, and as we could only hope for real peace
and security, under the administration of laws
executed by officers known to our people, L be
lieved then and note, that it was wisest, and safest,
to accept in good faith the new condition im
posed upon the rights of States and citizenship.
In this spirit, and believing it was proper to pay
respect to the commander of this district, in
whose hands so much power was lodged, I came
to Atlanta, and being complimented by an invi
tation to the banquet, was there a guest. In this
position I responded to the toast to which you
allude,.“Our Country’s Flag;” andin publishing
my remarks, I am not afraid to assert that any
loyal Southern man can indorse them. How
ever, to those s who may difler with my opinions,
I have no vituperative epithets to apply, for I
have no resentments of the past to stifle, and
no personal hostility to repress. Tolerance of
opinion is the evidence of the highest civilization
and intelligence, and I am sure no people ever
had more right, from experience, to be tolerant
than w’e. For over five years our oracles have
not been dumb, but false, and Truth with our
best Statesmen, has had all the contortions ot the
Sybil without its inspiration. As a people we
should be tolerant, bear and forbear with each
oilier, and like Poiybius and Pliny, while differ
ing upon all questions social, moral, religious,
add political, still like them remain the warmest,
the truest, the most devoted friends. I do not
doubt the desire of all to promote the public
welfare; I do not question the loyalty of all to
the national honor; I believe most strive to ad
vantage the public good, and we should there
fore banish prejudice from among us, and not
give malice a single night’s lodging in our
minds. As unity ot opinion is impossible, let us
have tolerance ot opinion, honest difference, and
fair discussion.
In response to the toast, “Our Country’s
Flag,” tliis is all I said then, and would repeat
now, as my honest sentiments:
“Mr. President and Gentlemen—I feel embar
rassed in arising to respond to a toast so com
prehensive as that which has just been announc
ed ; for the flag of a nation embraces everything
•which is within the reach of the national author
ity. A nation’s honor, its interest—indus
trial and intellectual—its glory—civil and mili
tary—are all emblematized by the national in
signia, and covered by its power.
“I leel still greater embarrassment in arising to
respond to this toast in the presence of those
who have done so much to vindicate its power,
aud have attested their loyalty to it by their
lives. But I do not feel like Telamon, who slew’
himself lor envy because unworthy to wear the
armor of Achilles; but rather emulate the Spar
tan spirit of Pedaretus, who, when detested
from being one of the three hundred chief men
of his own city, went home rejoicing that so
many of his countrymen were so much more
worthy than himself. 1 rejoice that so many of
my countrymen have done so much, and been
so much more loyal than myself. Having, how
ever, declined abandoning this land, and adopted
this flag as the flag of my country, it gives me
pleasure to express my gratification that in its
stars and stripes” I behold the emblem of a
mighty and a majestic nation. Wherever it floats,
over land or sea, the citizen of America feels
her bosom I expect to be buried. My children \ the breeze of the Atlantic amid her forests on
the southern border. To develop these resources
should he the object of patriotism, and the first
step in the accompliabment, is to restore the
State to the Union, under this flag, and invite
the investment that pauses for security, to pour
in upon us. The mode of machinery and the
ham of industry arising and blending together,
will beat time for Progress to inarch throughout
the land. I, therefore, as a citizen of Georgia,
pray Heaven for speedy, and lasting, and final
settlement of the issues upon our people, and
cannot sit down without an argent entreaty to
all, to come under this flag, and in obedience to
the constituted authority it represents, make a
grand and determined effort to lift Georgia into
the position which her interests, and the interests
of all her people, so imperatively demand.”
Tbe above contains almost word for word the
speech I had the honor of making in the presence
of over 100 guests. It omits a sentiment uttered
by another more eloquent than I, which has
been, through hurry or misapprehension, appro
priated to me, and in which I am made to appear
as eulogizing the “ triumph of the flag over the
rebellion of the last four years.” I do not desire
to rob another of his thoughts or appropriate bis
expressions, especially as the author called atten
tion in his speech to my omission of that fact—
This language was not mine, I wonld not have ut
tered it as a question of taste. If I had said so
it would have been true, for the world presents
no greater triumph by any nation than that of
conquering a people as gallant, and who fought
with sacb heroic fortitude and courage, as the
people of the South. 'This triumph to the flag
while we may not boast of it, is unquestioned by
aoy man of sense. I dislike publishing this let
ter, but as my friends who have interest in my
personal position have desired it, I hope the tres
pass will be overlooked.
Editors who have published the brief report,
or commenting thereon, are respectfully asked
to publish this; and with high esteem for yon, I
am &c., o. A. Lochrane.
[FOR TUB INTELLIUINCER. |
Ought we to Allow Universal Suffrage 1
Fellow Citizens of the South :
We ought not and cannot allow universal suf
frage. Every thing else allowed, irrespective of
race or color, a qualifying age must necessarily
be agreed upon, to secure a conservative and
safe exercise of the elective franchise. Infancy
cannot vote at all; Childhood can only go through
the form as directed by adults; Youth is too im
pulsive to be trusted, and even Manhood is often
deficient in judgment.
Thoughtless and inconsiderate voting is ever
dangerous to liberty; and hence the qualifying
age of twenty-one years, as a necessary restric
tion upon that important privilege, has been
adopted in our country.
Our experience, however, has not decided in
favor of twenty-one years as the safest, but on
the contrary, has suggested a more mature age
—a stage of life when exuberant fancies and
wild impulses have abated, and the mind has
gained wisdom and prudence from the failure of
visionary schemes, and from disappointed hopes
and aspirations. Man thus chastened and sub
dued, as a general rule, can be trusted with the
elective franchise, whilst the wild vagaries and
indiscretions of earlier years serve only as temp
tations to the designing and ambitious to pro
mote the ends of venality and corruption.
In our experiment of free government, the
use that was made of “ Young America ” at the
ballot-box, to promote the ends of party and
partisan leaders, involved us in war—a ruinous
and devastating war. It was an easy matter, on
the part of those who precipitated us into a rev
olution, to fire the hearts of impulsive youth,
and obtain their votes in favor of war, when, if
the question had been left to those only of age
and experience, we would have had no war; but,
on the contrary, would have prevented it, by re
maining true to the Union, under the Constitu
tion. A free people can vote themselves into a
war, but*have no power to vote themselves out.
A free man can volunteer himself into an army,
but can’t volunteer himself out, without incur
ring the penalty of death. Military rule is abso
lute despotism; and it is an easy transition from
universal liberty, to the total loss of every vestige
ot liberty. Peace promotes the growth of liber
ty. War destroys. Could war be forever aban
doned, then universal suffrage could be allowed,
and no serious evil would result from it. Bo
long as the people of the United States retrained
from civil war, they prospered as no other peo
ple on earth ever prospered and this pfosperity
would have endured, had not the indiscretion of
youth, intrusted with the elective franchise, given
support to suicidal and visionary schemes of
revolutionists.
All ages, and all countries, have been cursed
with a class of men, powerful only lor mischief.
Skilled in all the arts of sophistry, eloquence,
and declamation, they bewilder, and lead astray,
even men of mature years. Young men, espe
daily, are thereby easily seduced into tbe sur
render of their,liberties; and through the un
wise exercise ot the elective franchise, vote them
selves into a position of unquestioning obedience
to an absolute despotism. Now with these
views before us, impressed with the irresistible
logic of a recent deplorable war, should we not
hesitate, before granting unrestricted suffrage to
the uneducated negro ? Is it not clear that his
enfranchisement will be the beginning of a more
intense scramble on tbe part of political dema
gogues for place and power, which will finally
culminate in another and still more disastrous
war, blotting out the last ray of civil liberty,
and closing over our once great and happy conn-
age, or some other expedient, an intelligent vote,
so as td guard the peace and security of the peo
ple against the precipitancy and rashness of am
bitions leaders, the encroachments of power, or
the venality and corruption of those seeking to
subvert our liberties.
We should never lose sight of the great under-
fying principle of good government, that of pre
venting men from injuring one another; of pro
tecting the weak, not only against the aggressions
of the strong, the poor against the monopolies
of the rich, but against their own imbecility,
arising from want of education, want of experi
ence, or want of correct knowledge of good gov
ernment. We should all profit by the sad expe
rience of the past, and strive to be better and
wiser men in future. J. A. Stewart.
try, a long night of despotism ? Now, as the
his breast swell 'with the consciousness that his *signs of tbe times indicate the early enfrauchise-
iiberty is secured by the respect it inspires and ment of the black man, or African race amongst
the power it represents. ,
“ I can recall to memory manF flags that have
floated over the ramparts of history. I can re
call the flag Napoleon embraced at Fontainblean,
and shadowed the brow of kingly death at St.
Helena; the flag that went with the eagles of
victory and the sweep of destiny; from the gulf
of the Adriatic to the pillar of Hercules, and
from St. Mark’s to the Kremlin. I can recall
the flag that floated over St. Gudule, and graced
the memories of the immortal names emblazoned
on the monument “ Geefs” sainted by bis genins,
in the city of Antwerp. I can recall the flag
In whose shade reposes sacred ashes at Westmin
ster, and emblematising the highest flight of civ
ilization, has braved a thousand years the battle
and the breeze. But this flag, to the American
citizen, brings back prouder and holier memo
ries. It brings back tbe birth of the nation,
when Washington rocked its cradle to the music
of the rifle on the battle fields of tbe Revolution.
It brings back the fathers of the Republic, who
have set like a cluster of suns in death. It brings
back the ark of the Constitution, oh whose sum
mit it floats as the charter ot a nation’s lile and
the guarantee of its liberty. It brings-back the
hour when its stairy eyes looked down on the
rise and fall of surging armies, over the fields of
Trenton, and Lexington, and Concord, and
Brandywine. Invited under its folds to organize
the State ot Georgia, I take pleasure in giving
utterance to mv conviction and faith, that under
the sentiments which you (addressing General
Pope) have so liberally and generously expressed
to-night, the State will organize and enter upon
new career of glory ; a great destiny, and I
trust in God a glorious prosperity, lies before us.
Georgia, under the inspiration of peace, can rise
into the majesty of & State, and, restored to her
civil and constitutional relations, stride forward
ith kingly step to tbe fruition ot the highest
aspirations, ambition and civilization paints for
her in the future. More wealth sleeps in her
as Lbelieved then, and know now, it would have j bosom than has been swept off by the wave of
been the wisest and surest salvation of Southern j war. On her frontier minerals sleep that await
interests. It was in view of saving the South, I
entertained these opinions, for I have no inter
ests outside the limits ot Georgia. I have no
hopes or sentiments which are not entwined
with her political and national greatness. In
her soil sleep the forms of those I loved, and in
but the touch of enterprise to leap into,
aud enrich the commerce of the world.—
In Middle and Southern Georgia the fields
still whiten with the snow of the cotton
plant, while timbers that yet will ride among
the nayies of the world, wave t^eir branches to
us, wonld it not be the part ot statesmanship, iu
making a new organic law to take the place of
oar present constitutions, to so confine the vo
ting privilege, without regard to color, to a more
mature age, say twenty-five, thirty, or even forty
years, allowing men under the qualified age to
be eligible to offices suited to the capacity of
younger men.
WHAT IS THE PROPER OBJECT OF SUFFRAGE?
In a government, as ours claims to be, where
“ all power is inherent in the people;” it becomes
necessary in some form or other to give expres
sion to their voice in making such rules and regu
lations as may be necessary to prevent men from
injuring one another. All having an equal right
to life, and the pursuit of happiness, it follows
that each member of a community is entitled to
a voice in securing these rights; but, in reducing
this very just view to practice, we find a large
number of people totally incapacitated by in
fancy, childhood, youth, sex, and other causes, to
vote or make laws. They are necessarily dis
franchised by the inexorable logic of circnm
stances, and yet they are not thereby necessarily
deprived of the equal protection of the law.
Laws of a general character, impartial in their
bearing, will protect all alike, whether we vote or
not. The intelligent exercise 'of the elective fran
chise, however, is necessary to protect ns against
class legislation, or laws having a partial bear
ing—advantageous to one portion of the people,
and detrimental to another; for these are wrong
in their nature, and ought not to be passed. An
intelligent vote is necessary to enable us to se
lect wise and good men to make our laws; since
tbe making of good laws requires the most con
summate wisdom. I would not trust to the
unrestricted exercise of the elective franchise
to choose a millwright to build me a mill, or a
miller to take charge of it; neither would I al
low an unrestricted vote to appoint me a clerk
or superintendent of my business affairs. Then
why adrocateuniversal^offrage to electl Legisla
tors, Governors, and Presidents, when the proper
exercise of their duties requires the highest or
der of wisdom and moral rectitude t
It may be said that the poor men and uneda r
cated of all countries are oppressed by the rich,
and require the right of suffrage to protect them.
This is true to some extent, and ail that is neces
sary is to secure, by a more mature qualifying
Summary or State News.
A half-interest of the Dawson Journal
is offered for sale. The paper states that at 'the
present rate of business the investment will pay
three bun Ired per cent, in twelve months.
The Cuthbert Appeal regrets to learn that
Capt Lord and his command have been ordered
to Rome. It says the Captain and Lieut. Camp
bell have won the regard and respect of the en
tire community by their uniform courtesy and
gentlemanly deportment. In their.hands mili
tary rule has existed but in name ; its rigors are
unknow'n to us.
The same paper says at a meeting of the
stock holders of the Cuthbert Manufacturing
Company, held in.th&t place on the 17tb instant,
for the purpose of electing a Board of Directors
the old Board was chosen, and the name of L.
F. Johnson, of Eufaula, was added to the list.
Tue Citizen, Americus, says : Yesterday, while
on onr way to dinner we were startled by the
report of a pistol fired from .be direction of
Cobb & Allen’s bar room. On inquiry we
found that a difficulty had arisen between two
brothers, in which one drew a pistol and fired
at the other. As the unnatural act could only
have been the result of too much liquor, we for
bear giving names.
The Rome Courier says; Under the new
regime, Rome is made a military post, and the
jurisdiction of the commanding officer extends
over some eight or ten counties. Brevet Lt. Col.
J. F. Ritter, a graduate of West Point in class
of 1856, is in command. The garrison is to be
composed ot companies H—already here—and
G, of 33d regiment, regulars.
The Courier also says; On yesterday we were
shown a letter from Captain Barney, Superin
tendent of the Selma, Rome & Dalton Railroad.
He states that 1700 tons of iron are ready for
shipment, and that the laying or the track will
be commenced in a short time. Ample means
for the completion of the enterprise are secured
and he thinks this will be accomplished in 12 or
15 months.
The Columbus Enquirer of the 19th says:
The reports of a considerable decline in the great
markets had a most depressing effect upon ours
yesterday. Middlings could not be quoted higher
than 20 cents, and Strict Middlings 21 cents.
There was very little done. This is the lowest
point reached since the trade re-opened.
The same paper says: The ladies are prepar
ing for the second anniversary, the 26th of April,
to commemorate the fallen of the Lost Cause.—
We understand the ceremonies will be similar to
those of last year—an oration in the morning,
and decoration of the graves in the afternoon.—
The ladies will unite en masse in this anniver
sary of love and duty. Though the cause may
be lost, loved ones are none the lesB cherished.
The Savannah Republican of Friday says:
The following gentlemen upon written petition
were admitted as Attorneys in this court, on their
taking the amnesty oath, and the usual oath of
office: William K. DeGraffenreid, Wm. A. Wal
ton, Clairbome Snead, Emoiy P. Beat, Lawrence
D. Lallerstedl, A. T. Mclntire, Rufus E. Lester,
Geo. T. Barnes and Frank H. Miller.
The Savannah Republican also says: Rumors
of scenes of violence were brought by the Central
Railroad last evening. Passengers stated that
two persons were discovered hanging dead on
trees contiguous to the railroad. Further parti
culars were not to be obtained, and we trust that
the rumors are lalse. Another day will bring
confirmation or make the falsity of the informa
tion apparent.
A printer who calls himself C. M. Bentz,
and hails from New York, is advertised in the
Macon Telegraph of yesterday as having gone
through the pockets of a gentleman at the board
ing house to the extent of one hundred dollars,
and then made his escape in the direction of
Savannah.
The radical writers and penny-a-liners are do
ing everything in their power to bring the bu
preme Comt. of the United Stales into contempt
and ridicule, that high tribunal having, in the
discharge of its appropriate duties, thrown some
^obstacles in the way of the destructives. In the
Cincinnati Gazette, eminently radical, is what
purports to be pen and ink sketches of the
Judges, written, evidently, by one incapable ot
doing justice under any circumstances. Having
hemmed in and hedged the President, if the
radicals can now destroy the Supreme Court by
contempt and ridicule, or by other means, their
work will he about complete and the destruction
and overthrow of the ■ Government secured be
yond peradventure. We copy the article in the
Gazette that the Southern reader may see the
spirit that animates the parties who now control
affairs:
THE JUSTICES—MR. DAVIS.
Beginning on the right of the bench. Justice
Davis presents himself lor the first notice. _ lie
was a prairie friend of Mr. Lincoln, aud received
his appointment from him. He was an old-fash
ioned pro-slavery Whig, who, when the election
of Lovejoy denoted the dawn ot progress in the
State, left the party in company with a small
conservative clique, and continued to stand aloof
from it till it brought out his triend Mr. Lincoln,
when he returned to the fold and worked vigor
ously for him. He had very little reputation as
ft lawyer, and as a consequence .was troubled
with little practice. He took a State Circuit
Judgeship to prevent utter stagnation. Trans
planted from the ice-houses ot Maryland con
servatism, the cool winds ot the prairie kept him
from thawing, and even the warm life ot the
new era into which Mr. Lincoln caused him to
be born, did not start the blood in his veins, and
with his last decision he has stamped himself as
false to his honor, and a satire upon his appoint
ment. . , ,
His is a large head set on broad shoulders,
and covered with dark brown hair, which is
parted ou the side, and allowed to lie carelessly.
The face is a rough one, embelished by short,
brindled side-whiskers. It has au overgrown
boyish look, and he lolls and lounges in his
chair like a lazy school boy anxious to get out
to play, or at any rate to escape work. It is
heavy, weak, fatigued, aud animal in its expres
sion. . .
He is already heartily sick ol' his decision in
the Miligan case, and lias declared to friends that
if he could be placed back where lie began to
write it, he would confine himself strictly to the
points before the Court. Wliat a commentary
upon that decision, that the very man who made
up the majority, and thus made the decision pos
sible, should himself repent of it iu the few short
weeks that have passed since it was delivered !
Well might Mr. Stanton declare it to be the
greatest crime ever committed against the coun
try. And yet it stands, though those who made
it no longer believe it sound.
JUSTICE SWAYNE.
Next to Davis sits a man ot totally different
lace, form, and character. Mr. Justice Swayne
has a head eminently Websterean. It is covered
with dark hair, and the resemblance in feature
to Mr. Webster is quite marked. Taken alto
gether, it is the most striking lace on the bench,
with its dark eyes and heavy, black, jutting
brows overhanging them. It is a strong face,
the face of a man in the hight of his intellectual
power. He is one of the best read lawyers, aud
most experienced and skillful practitioner of all
his associates. He is as ripe a scholar as Mr.
Chase, though perhaps not as finished an intel
lect. But he has been a lawyer all his life, while
Mr. Chase has been little else than a politician.
JUSTICE GREER.
Washington City.—A letter from the Na
tional Capital of the 17th says: Washington was
threatened with a perfect avalanche of negroes
to-day, to witness the darkey celebration of
emancipation in this district. The weather be
ing unfavorable, the Colored Loyalists were
compelled to postpone their parade, which was
a sad disappointment to many loyal white ladies
hereabouts, who at considerable trouble and ex
pense, had procured boquets and wreaths of
flowers, to present to their sable companions of
the sterner sex.
It is stated from Washington that the admin
istration is in daily receipt of correspondence
from leading men of the South, giving assurance
that the great body of the Southern people are
determined to organize under the reconstruction
laws lately passed, and that the only disturbing
elements in the South are the imported politi
cians frqm the North, who are making every
effort to bring about discord between the white
and colored people.
The Nashville District.—Chaplain Judge
Lawrence, of the Freed men’s Bureau; and
rather recent transplant from an inhospitable
clime, is a contestant for the Congressional can
didacy in the Nashville District. Judge Law
rence is evidently a modest man, and entirely ig
norant of the peculiar character of his claims
upon the confidence and support of the people
whom he proposes to represent.
Death of an English Earl.—The death
of the Ear! of Brownlow is announced in Eng
land. The deceased was worth a hundred and
thirty thousand pounds a year, and used to ask
thirty or forty poor people who were invalids
like himself to spend the winter with him at
Madeira—he paying all the bills. No kin to the
present Governor of Tennessee.
Ajpril Fool.—The Fredericksburg (Va.) Her
ald tells of a merchant who had a pleasant April
fool joke all to himself. He gave a ten-dollar
counterfeit greenback to a country boy whom
he did not know, but who, while the merchant
was out, passed it upon his clerk for fifty cents’
worth of sugar, receiving f9 50 in change.
A Washington letter states that the President
is now determined to stand by his constitutional
rights, so far as Congress has left any to him.—
He will not nominate another Radical opponent
to please tbe Senate. Therefore, he sends in
the names of his own friends just as fast as they
are rejected.
Melancholy Fate.—The Indianapolis Herald
thus records the melancholy fate of a cotempe
rary:
Swindler of the Madison Courier, came to an
untimely death last Monday. Suffering from
toothache, he tied a piece of catgut around the
raging grinder, fastened a fifty-six pound weight
to the other end, and climbed a soar apple tree,
with the weight in his band. Crawling out on
limb, he braced himself and dropped the
weight. The tooth came out, bat the shock
broke poor Swineherds neck. He was a fellow
of infinite jest, and we could have better spared
a better man.
Just Punishment.—At Zng, in Switzerland,
a land owner was recently tried and convicted
of patting water in the milk he sold, and-was
condemned to eighteen months’ imprisonment,
the payment of the costs of the suit, and a lose
of civil rights. Served him right!
Mr. Greer looks the fossil which he is. It is
seen at a glance that he dates back to the sau
rian period of political geology. He is a vener
able looking man, with thin, white hair, smooth
face, and well-shaped head. He has been a man
of much good sense, and is now the wreck of a
good lawyer. Old age has done its work upon
him, and the only question now is whether lie
shall sleep on a couch at home, or be helped into
court by his servant to sit during its sittings, and
at the close to be helped back again fro n Ills
easy chair on the bencli to liis lounge at home.
His palmy days were during the times of the
Dred Scott decision.
JUSTICE WAYNE.
Mr. Wavne was the only Southern Judge who
remained loyal when the rebellion began. He
has passed beyond the age allotted to man, and
with his tottering and shattered frame his in.
tellect is crumbling too. In his prime he was a
man of no particular mark, a most ceremonious
gentleman of the old school, but never distin
guished for intellectual vigor.
THE CHIEF JUSTICE.
Governor Chase’s is a familiar face to Western
people. His is a large, full, well-developed head,
with a fleshy face, set with a thick neck upon
broad shoulders. A little thin hair combed up
from the back and sides ot the head serves to
cover tbe central baldness to a very slight de
gree. Intellectually, morally and physically, as
all know, he is a noble man and a great man.—
He i3, however, more a politician than a lawyer,
and whatever liis judicial merits may be, they
will never be developed while he remains a can
didate for the Presidency-
JUSTICE NELSON.
Mr. Nelson is one of the venerable members of
the Court. He lias a rather slight figure, sharp
features, long white hair, white side-whiskers, is
quick for his age, of nervous temperament, gen
erally wide-awake aud on the watch. He was,
when appointed, an ordinary lawyer, with plenty
of common sense aud much wit. Thirty years
of practice at the expense of the Government,
has made him a fair lawyer. But he has gained
his principal reputation, or notoriety, as the read
er chooses, by his copperhead decisions which
have ever bordered on treason itself.
At the outbreak of the rebellion it is said that
he declared publicly, upon the Avenue, that the
South did right in seceding, and that if he had
resided there he would have gone with them.
Before the late decisions the Court suffered trom
the copperheadism of Greer aud Nelson; since
the sudden inroads of conservatism, however,
this has been somewhat less observable.
JUSTICE CLIFFORD.
Mr. Clifford was appointed by Buchanan be
cause he fully reflected the servility of the latter,
being a disciple ot tbe theories that tbe Govern
ment had not vitality enough to preserve itself
from internal attacks. His appointment excited
the wonder of the bar, and even called forth the
earnest protest of the members then on the
bench.
His great characteristic is' avoirdupois fatness,
The flesh hangs down loose upon his face. His
roundhead is covered with dark hair,and the
thick, short neck that fixes it low down between
his shoulders, carf hardly be discovered. He is
dark featured and 1 voks obstinate and sleepy.—
He suggests the fat boy in Pickwick at once, and
one feels constrained to call out to his next neigh
bor, “Mr. Nelson, wake that boy up!” His
forehead is low aud narrow, and there is a most
decided animal expression on the features. If
bis gown were white, he would pass anywhere
for a butcher who had grown aged at his trade.
He was one of the old Public Functionary’s
right bowers, and as a judge has been defunct
these many years.
JUSTICE FIELD.
Mr. Field belongs to a remarkable family,
which is perhaps more to his credit than to
theirs. He was a Democrat in California, but
when the war broke out was active in all move
ments looking to the relief of the soldiers. He
is now doing what so many Democrats have
done, namely, traveling back to the platform he
occupied when he first began to show signs of
progress. He has rather a fine head, well de
fined features, a high forehead, is bald on the
crown, has rather thick brown hair on the side
and back ot the bead, light side whiskers, and a
lull brown chin beard. He has a hard, scornful,
obstinate countenance, and looks with his smooth
white face, spectacles and gown, like a high
church ritualist.
JUSTICE MILLER.
Mr. Miller is of medium height, square face,
low and very broad forehead, dark hair, and
heavy black eyebrows. He is an earnest, active,
honest man. As a lawyer, he ranks much above
the avesage, and though, perhaps, not a legal
genius, is emphatically a rising judge. He is de
voted to principle, and all of his duties are ably
and conscientiously performed. With Justices
Chase and Swayne, be makes up nearly all the
life and energy of the court, certainly all of its
loyal force.
political divisions.
Upon the late political questions the position of
the Justices of the Court are well known, bat
still it may not be out of place to introduce them
here as a matter of reference.
In the Bowles-Milligan case, the Court was
thus divided : For tbe conspirators—Davis
Green Clifford, Nelson, and Field against!
Chase, Miller, Swayne, and Wayne.
Upon the test oath the divison was as follows •
Against oath—Green, Clifford, Nelson, Fieldaud
Wayne. For it—Chase, Miller and Davis.
Such are salient points iu the appearance and
sentunepts of a body to which the conservatism
ot the North, and the rebel element of the Sonth
are looking for help. Three, as already named,
represent its ability and loyalty. Three are una
dulterated copperheads, and these, with one oth
er, are broken down by age, while tbe two re
maining ones are very conservative, to speak
mildly, and besides, far from brilliant lawyers.
It will be well for the country to turn its atten
tion to its Supreme Court, and study“it carefully,
before allowing its dicisions to have much
weight, so far as they condemn those measures
which have received the popular assent. The
voice of the people just now has far mure value
than the voice of such a Court. II. V. N. B.
Tbe Staiidartt of Journalism.
We find some views expressed in the New
York Round Table upon the subject of journal
ism, which are worthy of attention:
We cannot help thinking that in the main the
esteem iu which editors are held, either in Wash
ington or out of it, depends upon themselves and
not upon people, however eminent., who are ex
terior to tbe profession. The editorial calling is
second in importance -and dignity to no other
practised in this country; and a respectable edi
tor is surely any day, the superior ot a trading
politician. When our. brethren of the press will
once, and irt combination, awaken to a just sense-
of the elevation, the influence, and the responsi
bility of their functions;. when they cease to
truckle to politicians, however influential, and
make these men feel that they cannot control
the press in the interest of corruption; when,
they resolutely determine to speak truth without
fear or favor about the existing abuses of our
system, whether in common councils, State as
semblies, or national legislatures; then, and not
till then, will the profession of the journalist rise
to its true level and command the respect to
which it is intrinsically entitled.
The press ot this country has a magnificent fu
ture before it. No other power can accomplish
its work or till its niche. There have been some
circumstances, and some meu, unfortunately,
whose tendency and personal character have
lowered the position and impaired the influence
ot American newspapers. News, indeed, lues
been thought too much of, and the editorial
comment which accompanies it has been re
garded too little. The public has learned to
attach little importance to the editorial expres
sion of opinion because the editors have fallen
into the habit of attaching 100 little importance
to it themselves. A crude and hasty manner
of writing—producing articles which will bear
no analysis and whose single aim is to subserve
a party interest—has thus become common,
very much to the prejudice ol the highest pur
pose and truest interest of the journals them
selves.
The suspicion, too, that newspapers are man
aged with a view to political advancement ot in
dividuals, rather than for the edification of the
public, inevitably weakens influence, and ulti
mately brings contempt. Self-respect is as po
tential with newspapers as it is with individuals
in commanding the respect of others and iu
keeping it when got. It is of unspeakable coc-
sequence to the future of this country that its
professed journalists should be men ol pure life,
of wide attainments, of unequivocal patriotism.
The congressional standards, and, indeed, those
of popular representation altogether, are falling
lower aud lower year by year; and il the press
paunot take a higher stand than it has done, we
know not to w liat the people are to look for crit
icism of things bad, encouragement of things
good, or for the germs of regeneration.
Tbe End ot tlie World.
A LIVELY AND INTERESTING PROGRAMME FOR
THE NEXT EIGHT YEARS.
A new Canadian book of the prophetic sensa
tion order, is thus sketched by the Detroit Post :
“ Coming wonders expected between 1807 and
1875,” are fearful to contemplate, if the predic
tion thereof can be at all relied upon. The data
of the prophecy are found, as they always are, in
the book of Daniel and the Revelations. In the
first place, Louis Napoleon is, it appears, t lie
“ last head of the Roman Empire.” Among other
proofs is the fact that the term Louis in Latin is
Ludovicus, and the numbers corresponding to
the letters ol that name are L—50—u (v) 5—d
500—o v5—i 1—c 100—u 5—s—66G; that the
Greek dative Napaleonti iu an equally ingenious
manner, gives GG6, and that Louis Napoleon
Bonaparte, iu Hebrew, also makes 6GG. But
there is also an identity between Napoleon and
the Greek form Apofeon, and the Greek word
nai or truly; hence Napoleon is the “.True Ap-
polyon.” Now 6G6 is the number of Wild Beast
iu Revelation xiii, 8-7. Hence the present Em
peror of the French is the last head of the Ro
man Empire, who is soon to make a seven years]-
covenant witli the Jews. Then he is to absorb-
ten European kingdoms, being the ten-horned
beast ot the “ prophecy.” A great agitation in
the Church militant will arise, the Jewish tem
ple will be restored, and the sanctuary cleansed,
for Christ’s coming. These are tlie wonders of,
the first year. In the second year, there w ill be
an increased activity of the three frog-like de
mon spirits of infidelity, democratic despotism
(of which, perhaps, the Connecticut election is
the commencement), and Jesuitical propagan-
disra; Napoleon will make war upon Egypt and
conquer it; the Turkish Empire will be dissolv
ed, and the “lour horn kingdoms” of Greece,
Egypt, Syria and Thrace be re-established. The
third year opens with the resurrection of all the
deceased saints who, with 144,000 watchful
Christians, are to be caught up together in
to Heaven. This will be followed by aii un
paralleled religious revival, and in successive
years, hail and fire, mingled with blood, are
to scorch a third of tlie earth. Michael and
Satan are to renew their war, the Christians
are to Uee to a wilderness aud be miraculously
supported for three years and a half, then eight
months of universal war, a third of the sea to
become blood, a third ot the rivers, and even
lake tunnels, like that of Chicago, cannot save
the numerous victims of this impure waiter, a
third of the sun, moon and stars are to be eclipsed,
(nothing, it will he observed, is to be done by
halves.) Napoleon is to unite under himself the
ten kingdoms of Great Britain, France, Spain,
Italy, Algeria, Tripoli, Egypt, Greece, Syria, and
Turkey. Napoleon will capture Jerusalem, com
mence a general persecution of Christians, con
fiscate the Romanish church property, institute
public worship of liis image, imprint his name
on people’s foreheads and hands, then famine for
eighteen months, a great smoke for three weeks,
five months of locusts, horsemen and horses
breathing brimstone (which, let us hope, will ex
terminate tlie rheumatism and a popular corn-
plaint of Scotland) with various sores and foun
tains of blood, and tbe battle of Armageddon,
and earthquakes, and a variety of other agreea
ble experiences which will keep men in An ex
ceedingly lively and disturbed condition for
seven years. This nonsense is propped up by
quotations from fifty or more other writers as
crazy as the Rev. Mr. Baxter, tlie author of thia
work. He urges an immediate discussion on
this subject, as, “by these unparalleled trou
bles and calamities, the present opportunity ot
ireely traversing tbe countries and preaching the
gospel, and announcing the coming of (Christ,
will, ere long, to a great extent, be taken from
us.”
Crime in New York.
Tlie great commercial mart of the nation is a
nice place for a man to start to heaven from.
The following is from the World of the 18tli:
Crime lias assumed some peculiar phases in
the city of late, which would indicate nei
ther the hours of daylight nor the publicity of
the location afford any protection against vio
lence, abduction, and murder. Three or four
cases of great aggravation have occurred! within
a very short period that are calculated to create
no little alarm. Tbe first ot these was that of a
gross felonious assault committed upon a woman i
in a hotel in Cortlandt street, where it might be
supposed that protection was insured by the pre
sence of numerous boarders and attaches. Still
more recently au attempt to murder a school
teacher in the grammar school in Ninth street
was made in open day. A German grocer was
murdered in his own store in Broome street, two .
or three nights ago, by some parties who entered i
from the street and fell upon him while readin«-
a newspaper. A shocking murder was commii°-
ted in James street early in the morning of Tues
day, the victim being the wile of tbe murderer.
There were plenty of people about at tbe time,
and two or three policemen were soon on the
spot, but failed to aW-est the fugitive. There is a
dismal history connected with this honse. It is
the same in which Ferris, who expatiated his
crime on the gallows, murdered his wife, and in
which a man was murdered some years ago by
being thrown from an upper window. Added to
this category of crime we have the abduction of
a young girl in Uuiversity place a few mornings
ago, which, now that she has been recovered,
although not assuming the suspicious shape it
did at first, shows pretty clearly that sucli things
can be done with impunity in our most crowded
thoroughfares.
A PnuNNY Editor.—The man of the Chicago
Post perpetrates the following joke:
The opponents of the Republican party are de
ceiving themselves in the supposition that its
policy for the last four years is but an ebullition
of revolutionary insanity, and that it will soon
wear away as did the madness of the Jacobin
Convention in France. The latter was founded
on fanaticism and disregard fur constitutional
laws, and therefore fell; the former is based on
the enduring principles of justice, and therefore
will stand so long as free representative govern
ments exist.
“Based on tlie gnduring principles of justice”
is good.
Church Music.—The Home Journal contains,
this Laid one: Snch lively music was rendered
by an organist at a “high church,” iu New York,
the other evening, that an old man actually got
in the aisle and commenced to dance a break
down.