Newspaper Page Text
tUfrklp Jntflligfafrr.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
Wednesday, August 28, 1867.
Freedom of tbe Press u4 of Speech j
II. It is the duty of the military authorities in
//,/a District to secure to the people the utmost free
dom of speech and of the press consistent iriih law;
nut to restrict cither. No satisfactory execution of
th, hit, acts of Congress is practicable unless this
fr<>■Jam is secured and its exercise protected icy the
usual legal means.
III. No officer or soldier in this command 'will
hereafter interfere with newsjtapers or speakers on
any pretense whatever.
The above is extracted from an order of Gen.
Pojjc, hearing date of June 3. It was brought
forth by the act of Col. Shepherd, at that time
commanding tlje post of Mobile, who suppressed
a radical paper of that city called the Nationalist.
What a wonderful change has taken place in
the distinguished gentleman’s mind in a little
over two months! First, we have order 49,
which ostracises seven-eighths of the journals in
his military district, and virtually suppresses not
a few of them.
Secondly, comes the small matter (!) of the
State University, whose time-honored doors were
closed, and the annual sum of $8,000 paid
to it by the State withheld, because a beard
less youth is enthusiastically cheered, by an au
dience composed largely of ladies, for some pa
triotic allusion to the “vital principle of nations.’
it is snid to have been a fine piece of oratory—
breathing the very soul of eloquence—but enun
ciating no political sentiment at all objectiona
ble. Upon being earnestly appealed to, howev
er, this order was modified, and permission giv
en for the University to re-open, but the State
Treasurer must pay it no more money, and the
jo-ois of the State must not comment upon the ac
tion of the General commanding ! Such was the
■proviso, nnd while there is not a journal in all
Georgia but feels a due sense of pride in the
classic liplls of old Franklin, we doubt if they
will be louud a ready party to so nice a little
black mail arrangement for its benefit.
Thirdly, we have the two-column letter of Gen.
I>ope to General Grant, which appeared in these
columns several days ago, and which is admit
ted North and South to be one oi tbe most re
markable documents of the present age. We
deem no further allusion to it necessary, more
than to direct the reader’s attention to the com
ments of other journals published elsewhere this
morning. Our space to-day enables us to give
only a lew of them, selected from whole columns
now on tile.
Major General John Pope’s Estimate of
the White People of Mis military Dis
trict.
Tbe following passage occurs in General Pope’s
letter to General Grant:
“ The condition and the future of the colored
are far more hopeful and encouraging. The
earnest and touching anxiety of the freed people
to learn, cannot but make a profound impression
upon the mind of any one who has had the op
portunity to observe it. It may safely be said
that tbe marvelous progress made in education
ami knowledge by these people, aided by the no
ble charitable contributions of Northern societies
and individuals, finds no parallel in the history
of mankind. If continued, (and if continued at
all it must he by the same agencies,) and the
masses of the white people exhibit the same in
disposition to be educated that they do now, five
years will have transferred intelligence and edu
cation, so far as the masses are concerned, to the
colored people of this District. The social and
political results of such a change cannot fail to
be important and to a great extent decisive of
tliu quoulions which we arc scckiug to solve. It
becomes us, therefore, to guard jealously against
any reaction which may and will check this most
desirable progress of the colored race. In this
view also we Hhould assure ourselves that the
reconstruction we are attempting to set up in the
South is of a character and possesses the vitality
to encourage and maintain this progress and per
petuate its results.”
We have here au astounding prophecy at tbe
hands of our military commander, and we shall
not bo surprised to see it nearly fulfilled if radi
calism is to prevail, and such despots as he as
pires to be are permitted to reign over us. If
the press is to be proscribed, free speech forbid
den, our statesmen expatriated, and our institu
tions of learning closed whenever intelligent
youths shall Indulge in flights of patriotic elo
quence on the occasion of collegiate festivals, it
w ill not be wonderful if even a people, whose
valor on the battle field (as Gen. Pope has had
occasion to observe) and ability in the halls of
legislation, is equal to that Qf any under the sun,
should relapse into a state of despicable igno
rance! Hut fire years will not suffice, we can
tell the general, nor cau he hope, ardent as may
be bis attachment to the colored man, to witness
so appalling a metamorphosis during his natural
life-time.
The intelligence of the State to be transferred to
the negro in five years! People of Georgia, was
ever so gross au insult flaunted in your face be-
lore ? Never !
A HYitKtD concern down at Griffiu, called
ihe American Union, and edited by a person
whose affiliation with negroes, socially and po
litically, has long since banished him from the
presence of gentlemen, is about the ouly paper
in Georgia that gives a wholesale endorsement
to the monstrous proposition of the Third Mili
tary District commander. It says: “ If our
feeble voice can avail anything with General
Pope, we implore him to put into immediate
operation his idea of banishment. Such moves
,cill make treason ixlious ; and, after all, it is only
retaliation in n very mild form for similar orders
; sued befb by the rebel government during the
war. Yes, banish everybody who does not
think proper to respect and uphold the govern
ment, say we; it is only paying rebels back in
their own coin.”
A New Counterfeit.—A new and danger
ous counterfeit $5 national currency note has
just appeared. On the left end of the note the
wrist of the loft arm of Columbus is scarcely
visible, whergas in the genuine it is distinct. At
t he top read “ This note is secured by bonds,”
the Iclters B and Y* are too lar apart, and the O
in “bonds” is under the Y, whereas the B in the
same word is immediately under the Y in tbe
genuine. The general appearance of the bill is
a close imitation of the genuine.
Ekousii and American Genius.—A eorres-
]>ondent draws the following distinction between
genius in England and America: In England
genius runs more in streaks than in America. It
is in narrow veins, like tbe precious metals, and
crops out in the most unexpected places. For
example, an American village of five thousand
inhabitants coutains more piano-fortes n»»n an
Kuglisli town of fifteen thousand. But the pro-
babilities are that in the English town you will
find several musicians of a much higher and
more thorough culture than among my very fair
and clever country women. Three doors from
me on one side is a lady who sings and plays
admirably; she has a fresh soprano voice which
it is a joy to hear, and a style of execution which
belongs to the finest taste, combined with
thorough study and persevering practice. On
the other side only far enough to prevent harmon
ies from makiug discords, lives, or lodges, a lady
whose command of the piano forte and whose
knowledge of the music of all the great masters
is only excelled by the great masters themselves;
and as genius is at times hereditary and eccentric,
her two daughters, though trained musicians,
are oil on other tacks, one devoting her high
soul to poetry, the other to art; and both almost
sure to be distinguished in their chosen or des
tined pursuits, if not absorbed in the gulf of
matrimony.
One of the men who helped Fulton to build
the first steamboat, is living at Noblesville,- Ind
He is 97 years old.
CvtMrjr la not United nnd nt
Peace.
The continued division of the American peo
ple, the long protracted interruption of their po
litical, social and commercial relations, is begin
ning to be a subject of sober thought and most
anxious inquiry. Especially is this the case at
the North, where any condition of things that
a fleets injuriously the public welfare is apt to
arouse an inquiiy into its nature and the remedy
to be applied. In tbe matter of disunion they
have not exercised their wonted sagacity and de
votion to interest, the passions of the hour having
overcome, for a time, even the potent considera
tions of gain. There is a waking up at last,
however, and the sober, reflecting men among
them are beginning to ask themselves why it is
that the producer and tbe manufacturer of cotton
are still apart—wby the Southern merchant is
seldom seen in New York, Boston and Philadel
phia—why Northern manufacturers should pine
for the want of consumers for their fabrics—why
thirty-five millions of people are governed exclu
sively by representatives of two-thirds their num
ber—why strife and ill-will still inflame the bo
soms oi tbe two sections long after actual war
has ceased, and when tbe hatchet should have
been buried and tbe cause of quarrel ignored and
forgotten ?
Why is all this? We hope the people of the
North, whose minds have been blinded to tbe
truth so long, will push the inquiry and demand
a satisfactory answer from their leaders. We
propose to throw out a few facts that will put
them on the proper line in their search after
truth.
Why, then, we ask, baa the Union not been
long since reconstructed, and why are our peo
ple not dwelling in peace and harmony ? Is tbe
South at fault? We assert without hesitation
that she is not, and appeal to tbe record of tbe
last two years. Wbat has she not done that she
ought to have done ? She has laid down the
arms of rebellion, and in good faith accepted all
the legitimate results of the war; she has renew
ed her allegiance to the Constitution and the
Union, and pledged herself to uphold the one
and stand by tbe other; she has repealed her
ordinances of secession and deelared them null
and void; she has yielded the right of tbe
States to secede from the Federal compact, and
pledge herself never to attempt it in future; she
has abolished slavery by her own local constitu
tions, and declared it shall never be revived with
in her borders; she has repudiated the Confeder
ate debt, and all debts of the States .incurred
for the prosecution of the late war; she
has given her former slaves every civil right
enjoyed by her white people, and passed laws
for their complete protection in the full en
joyment ot their lives, their liberties and their
property; and, as regards political privileges,
she is to-day willing to put them on the same
footing with her white population, by laws for
impartial suffrage—on as high ground as they
have heretofore been placed in any of the States
of the North, and that notwithstanding tbe su
perior enlightenment of the race in that section
of the Union. All this the South has done, and
her whole people, tired of strife, are sincerely
anxious to bury every cause of difference, and,
as a band of brothers, once more join the people
of the North in a grand rally around the old
flag, and with renewed, honest devotion to the
Union of our common fathers. Every word of
this is true, and the interested partisans at the
North who would keep the truth from the minds
of the people and instill the poison ot lies in its
place, declare what they know to be false.
Such is the temper, the disposition, and the
honest purpose of the people of the South.—
What is it, then, that keeps us apart, the country
rent with evil passions, and every branch of in
dustry suffering and going to decay ? There is
but one thing, and that is the condition pres,
cribed and insisted on by the Radical party that
the Union shall be reconstructed only in such
way as shall continue them in power. This is
the only obstacle. And the plan prescribed is
one that the South cannot accept without dis
honor, the overthrow of the government
framed by the fathers, and the utter abandon
ment not only of liberty but of every valuable
interest at home. No such conditions were ever
before imposed upon a christion people. They
are wholly unnecessary for the security of any
public interest, and we cannot accept them with
out a sense of degradation, and the sacrifice of
everything that we hold most dear. There is
not another instance on reeord where an enlight
eued and gallant people were called upon vol
untarily to abdicate government in favor of their
slaves, and to stamp with tbe seal of infamy their
own leaders and comrades in arms. No truly
brave people will ever offer such terms, and we
have never yet believed that they found a sane
tion in the judgments and hearts of the honest
men of the North. If not, then let them be re
pudiated and their authors set aside.
The Radical plan, too, would restore the
Union only in name. They do not propose to
settle any trouble or heal any heart-burning, but
to pin tbe Union together with bayonets and
with such conditions that continued ill-feeling
and hate become a necessity from the very na
ture of man. No people ever yet submitted to
government which they regarded as oppressive
and degrading, any longer than they were com
pelled to do it. The Radical Congress propose
a Union that the Southern people are obliged to
hate—the Southern people propose one that
shall respect the interests and honor of both sec
tions, and which each can love and defend as the
government of its choice. Just here is the great
difference between us, and it remains for the
honest masses of the North to determine which
is right, and which they will sustain by their
voice, which in this case is emphatically the
voice of God.
It is a pity, a shame, and a crime that a great
countiy like this should be convulsed, its Con
stitution overthrown, its prosperity ruiued and
its liberties destroyed, for no higher purpose than
the keeping a certain political faction in power.
—Macon Telegraph.
A Trip to Macou.
We have just returned from a trip to Macon
where we had the pleasure ol greeting many old
aud highly esteemed friends not only “ natives,’
and to that “ manor born,” but from distant
points in the State. Our time was spent most
agreeably among them all, aud we take occasion
here to return to our friends in that most hospita
ble city, our acknowledgments for the many cour
tesies extended to us during our short stay there
Macon is progressing. Evidences of enter
prise and improvement presented themselves to
our vision,since our last visit to it, that, notwith
standing the times, tell that her course is an on
ward one. The cotton crop tributary to her mar
ket, is enough of itself to build her up, even
though war had prostrated her, which we rejoice
to know it has not done, notwithstanding her
peril on more than one occasion after the fall and
conflagration of Atlanta. She is up and doing
and will be, for in lier midst is located capital
and in her midst there are also enterprise and
liberality, two essentials to success in tbe build
ing up of a city and advancing its prosperity.
Macon, too, is favored with excellent hotels.
Of one of them—“The Brown House” we
can speak from personal experience. There is
no better hotel in the whole South. The table,
bed rooms, servants, everything about, book
keeper, and other attendants, make one feel as
though he were at home. No more courteous
gentleman, and attentive landlord, ever presided
over a hotel than the senior of the firm who
owns, and, with bis son, keeps the “House, ’ than
Mr. E E Brown himself. We have read and
heard of the “Old English Gentleman,” but give
us the “Old Georgia Gentleman,” Mr. Brown
himself, and we are content to go no farther.—
His guests will all testily, as we do, to this, and
we commend his “House” to the traveling public
as worthy of their most liberal patronage. We
could say more, but canuot say less for the
“Brown House" in Macon, and for the city
that promises to its residents a future prosperity
to which it i« entitled, if either enterprise or lib
erality shall meet with reward. field Republican.
Baatahweat.
“Webanish yon our territories r
You, cousin Hereford, on pain of death.
Till twice five summers have enriched our fields,
Shall not regreet our fair dominions.
But tread the stranger paths of banishment.”
• * * * * * *
“ Tve stoopt my neck under your injuries.
And sighed my English breath in foreign climes.
Eating the bitter bread of banishment;
While yon have fed upon my signories."
The great English poet when he penned the
foregoing quotations from his “Richard II,”
illustrated the power of the Monarch ever
the Subject, and the effort which attended
the banishment of those, who in that day
and time, “stoopt their necks under injuries.”
In the same respects History may repeat
itself in this our day aud time, but we. are
not inclined to tbe belief that we are yet the sub
jects oi a monarch, even though we live under
military rule, deprived of power to resist any
military mandate, had we the inclination to do
so, and bound not to resist by the solemn obliga
tion we have incurred to support the Government.
General Pope, when he suggested the policy
be did, in his recent letter to General Grant.
and which is embraced in the ieariul word, ban
ishment, did not calculate, in our bumble opin
ion, that nothing he could have suggested would
have rendered reconstruction more odious to the
Southern people than the execution of such a de
cree upon the person of any one of our people,
merely for exercising, “ consistent with the law
and public peace,” what the General himself
has written, be will “ permit and encourage,”
the “ widest toleration of speech and of the press
in bis District.” But we anticipate no such evil
fortune befalling any of our citizens as that of
banishment to foreign realms. Says the Intelli
gencer at Washington, we are satisfied that “no
man will be permitted to play the monarch in
this country with impunity. With the consent
of Europe—we might say of the civilized world
—the Monroe doctrine has become the settled
policy of this country in respect to domains on
this continent outside of the jurisdiction of the
United States; and it hardly could be supposed
that in this Republic men “dressed in a brief
authority” will long be allowed to exercise a
despotism for wbich they can find no warrant
even in tbe unconstitutional acts of Congress
and which far exceeds in atrocity any tyranny
in the Old World.”
* * * * “ Banished ?_
O friar, the damned use that word in hell;
IIowIiDgs attend it: How hast thou the heart,
Being a divine, a ghostly confessor,
A sin absolver, and my friend protest.
To mangle me with that word—banishment ? ”
The Southern Press.
The following correct view of the Southern
press aud Southern editors, comes from that
able journal tbe New York Journal of Com
merce. • We thank it for what we consider it—a j the Macon Messenger.
vindication of the Southern press from the many
Editorial Brevities.
Mexican advices state that the body of Max
imilian is still lying in the chnrch at Queretaro,
and the authorities never intended to deliver it
to the Prussian Minister. A private letter from
a foreign officer says that Artega and Salazar
were shot in retaliation for the murder by their
orders of Colonel Semus and Senor Gutierrez at
Uruapam. The Mexican doctor who embalmed
Maximilian’s body demands $20,000 for his ser
vices, and holds the body for its payment
The Nashville Dispatch says that Colonel E.
W. Cole intends applying to the Judge of the
Circuit Court lor a writ of mandam us, to compel
President Burns to give np the Nashville and
Chattanooga Railroad to the Directory, of which
Colonel Cole is President. Oh this application
the whole merits of the case will be investi
gated.
Private intelligence, says the New Orleans
Times, just received from Marshall, Texas, re
cords the shooting and kilting in that town ol a
well known ex-Confederate officer, Col. Fowler,
by Judge Davis B. Bonfoi, the latter being a
thirty years resident ot Marshall, and for six
years Judge of the Circuit Court of that Dis
trict.
The Bishop of Orleans, in a letter, expresses
apprehension for the security ot the Papal States.
He does not fear internal revolution, bnt thinks
some insidious plot against tbe Holy Father is
being matured at Florence.
Two thousand dollars, worth of bottled con
gress water is sold daily at Saratoga, and about
an equal value of something stronger. The sales
ot liquors at one bar, last season, were over
$42,000, on which the profit was fifty per cent.
Judge Holt has been granted leave of ab
sence until tbe 5th of September. It is reported
that the President’s order transferring him to
otber duties will be issued in the meantime.
A report comes from Constantinojfre that the
Emperor of Russia proposes to visit the United
States within a year or two, coming in a steam
yacht of three thousand tons now buiiding for
him.
Up to Sunday there had been three hundred
and thirty deaths from yellow fever in Galveston,
since the outbreak of the epidemic, and it is daily
increasing in virulence.
Mexican advices state that Castelio had made
his escape, disguised as a woman.
Mrs. Swisshelm will write up Johnson. Un
happy man.
S. P. Thurmond, Solicitor General of tne
Western Circuit, lias been removed, and J. C.
Bartow, of Watkinsyille, Clark county, appoint
ed to succeed him. As usual, a good officer lost,
and a very “ornary” one gained, Of course
Bartow belongs to the genius “ scalawag,” says
vile slanders heaped upon it by the Radical
press ofHhe North, and commend it to the latter
as bearing testimony—testimony that will be re
spected by the * people of the North—to their
malice aud falsehoods, whenever they make re
ference to the Southern press.
“ When,” says the Journal of Commerce, “ we
take into account the embarrassing circumstan
ces in which Southern editors are placed, we
must say that they behave with singular discre
tion and judgment. Nothing is easier tban for
people not in trouble to advise other people who
are in trouble to “ put up with their fate,” not to
“ cry over spilt milk,” to “ forget the past and
look only to the iuture.” These apothegms of
wisdom are full of consolation for philosophers,
but the philosophers are few. Most persons find
it impossible to sit down among the ruins of their
fortunes, and be cheerful, or even patient.
The newspaper editors of the South (with
the exception of those who are fresh from
the North, and are supported by Northern
funds or official patronage,) are men who saved
little or nothing beyond their presses and types
out of the general wreck. Some of them are
Confederate Generals of distinction, and, as a
class, they are men who stood by their “ lost
cause ” gallantly and truly to the end. It would
be only natural for men thus situated, and plu
ming themselves on the “ honor ” which they
had brought out untarnished from the fray, to
look back with fond regrets upon their old prin
ciples and their old friends, and to manifest a
sensitive impatience at anything like oppression
or injustice from their conquerors. Feeling a
proper charity for human weakness we should
not feel like blaming them for an occasional ex
hibition of irrational peevishness, or a proneness
to discuss old issaes which ought to be consider
ed dead and buried. But the Southern papers,
so far as we have an opportunity of seeing them,
are remarkably free from these venial frailties.
By going over all the Southern papers very
carefully, it might be possible to clip out a
string of detached passages which would give
the reader an impression of a prevailing acer
bity and unsubdued rebellion throughout the
South. Some of the Radical papers are doing
this to justify “a strong government” down
there. It is as a class that tbe Southern press
should be judged, and as a class that we should
speak of it. In its tone ot resignation, or dispo
sition to endure wbat cannot be cured, we think
that it merits praise. On the whole, it is better
tempered than the Northern press. It is fairer
towards the Northern people than the Northern
press is towards the Southern people. Beyond
occasional reminiscences of “Southern heroes,”
and “Notes of the war,” (wbich will be useful
to the future historian,) tbe Southern papers do
not have much to say about the past. Very
few of the number are addicted to publishing
articles elaborately justifying secession. In many
ot them we observe an unwonted seriousness,
sometimes running info a religious vein, such as
rarely crops out in our Northern secular press.
There are daily papers in the South whi* pub
lish quite as much religious reading as any otber
kind. There is also a good degree of attention
paid to literature, and a great deal of encourage
ment offered to local writers. These facts are
creditable to the Southern press, and we take
pleasure in stating them.”
The white police in Mobile are resigning,
being unwilling to serve under a negro.
City Marshal, Sam. Stewart, ajfois son,
Virgil A. Stewart, of Rome, were arrested on
Wednesday by tbe military. Cause not known.
Advices from Mexico announce that the Mex
ican Government has refused to deliver tbe body
of Maximiilian to the Austrian Government. It
is buried at the Cathedral at Queretaro.
Of the three hundred and eighty millions of
seven-thirties due on the 15th instant, the time
for payment of which has been extended thirty,
days, all but about twenty millions have been al
ready presented.
The Indian War seems to have commenced
in earnest, as will be seen from our dispatches
elsewhere. Gen. Augur gives it as his opinion
that 40,000 men will be necessary to meet it.
The Menken will have to wear her clothes if
she goes to Berlin. The pd^be are inexorable,
and bar the way to the naked drama. The pub
lic, meanwhile, is panting for the “wild Ameri
can girl.”
The Princess Alice, of Hessee, Queen Victo
ria’s second daughter, is said to live very unhap
pily with her husband. A divorce is said to be
on the tapis.
The delay in Santa Anna’s trial is argued as
favorable to him, and his friends think that as
his available funds are within reach of the Mex
ican Government, his life will probably be
spared.
The following is suggested as a suitable notice
to be stuck up outside the various official cribs
throughout tbe South:
“ Wanted, for office-holders, some men who
have no character to lose, and who are willing
to do any dirty work for a consideration. In
quire within. N. B.—No honest man need
apply.”
Order No, 53, in Regard to Juries.
Headquarters Third Mii.itart District.
Georgia, Alabama and Florida,
Atlahta, Ga., Aug. 28, IS?
Geueral Orders, No. 55.
General orders No. 53, is not designed to re
quire that the present juries already drawn in
thi3 district, shall be set aside, and new juries
drawn and summoned, but only in the case of
juries already drawn and summoned, that the
jurors shall be required to take the oath specified
in general order No. 53, aud that jurors who
canuot take that oath, shall be replaced by such
as can.
Juries shall be hereafter listed, drawn and
summoned as required in that order.
By command of Brevet Maj. Gen. Pope.
G. K. Sanderson,
Caot. 33d U. S. Inf. & A. A. A. G.
It seems from the foregoing that if the jurors
already summoned to attend the several courts
in this State cannot take the specified oath, then
will their places be filled by such as can. Wheth
er, however, under even this explanation of the
original order, panels of jurors can be formed by
the several courts of the State, we are left in
doubt. Our opinion is that they canuot be, in
most of the judicial circuits of the State. At
any rate, it is but a postponement of the evil day
when the illiterate and ignorant freedman will
sit in the jury box, rendering verdict npon the
rights, property, liberty, and lives, ot the white
race in the South. Sad day, indeed, when it shall
come 1
Pope’* Discriminating Order.
General Pope leaves the people of the United
States to believe that his order prohibiting State
officials from advertising in journals which have
ever opposed reconstruction, is based upon
the idea that the officers in all cases have
the right to discriminate and should not pay
the money of the State to persons who do not
favor the Sherman acts. The following is the
law of Alabama relative to a large proportion of
our public advertisements:
“ An Act in Relation to Publication by Courts
of Probate.
“ Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the State of Alabama, in
General Assembly convened, That in all cases in
which, by law, any notice or publication is re
quired to be made from or by. any Court of Pro
bate, if there be more than one newspaper pub
lished in the county, the executor, administrator
or guardian, as the case may be, or their attor
neys, may designate the paper in which the
publication shall be made accordingly, and ii
there be no newspaper published in the county,
the like privilege shall he granted to the said
parties, and the like duties performed hv said
judges.
“ Approved November 8,1862.”
It will be seen from this Act that the right of
private parties to place their advertisements in
the journal ot their choice, tor which they pay
out of their own pockets, is taken away from
them. In the case to which the above law ap
plies, Gen. Pope has flagrantly set aside a law of
Alabama, with the simple result of making citi
zens advertise important business in newspapers
of little or no circulation, and of making them
pay their money to support journals which they
detest!
The Civil Rights Act forbids any official of a
State to discriminate against a citizen on account
of race, color, or condition. The Civil Rights
Act forbids a State official from discriminating
against the publishers ot the Mail on account ot
their political condition. But Pope’s order for
bids them to obey the Civil Rights Act. They
are liabie to fine and imprisonment for obeying
Pope, and liable to removal from office for not
obeying him.—Montgomery Mail.
From the Charleston Mercury.
General Dope and Banishment.
Now by St. Pan!! the work goes bravely on.
[Richard HI.
The Radical instrumentality for reconstructing
the Union of the United States, which they said,
during the war, could not and was not broken
by that event—is proscription and the bayonet.
By enfranchising the negro, and disfranchising
the white men, they would get a majority of ne
groes in the Southern States to coutrol and rule
them; and thus, have acceptable partisans in the
Union of the United States, prepared to support
their party and their policy. But they did not
control the personal conduct of any citizen, in
carrying out their reconstruction. Putting the
Southern States under a military despotism, they
supposed, would be so hateful and annoying and
impoverishing to the people ot the South, that
to escape it, they would readily embrace tlie
expedient of reconstruction they offered.
They, therefore, in the Reconstruction acts, left
it optional with the Southern people, whether
they would have a convention to make a new
constitution and government, or not. On the
election ticket in the election ordered to be held,
every voter is to write his option, for a convention
—or against a convention ; and it is not enough
for the existence of the convention, that a majori
ty of votes cast, shall be in its favor. There must
also be a majority of the registered voters to au
thorize it to assemble Here is a distinct offer
—to those the Reconstruction acts authorize to
register—first to vote, and second by a majority
of their votes, to assemble, or not to assemble,
a convention. If a majority of them preferred
not to have a convention, it was not to assemble;
and they would remain undar the despotism ot
military rule. This is the alternative, plainly
granted by the Reconstruction acts.
But now, contrary to their expectations, it is
discovered—that large portions of the Southern
people, chiefly from the abuse of the Radicals of
the Reconstruction acts, preter remaining under
their military despotism, to embracing the re
construction they offer. Forthwith, from the
New York Times to General Pope, a vast indig
nation seizes the Radical conscience. “What!
refuse the reconstruction we offer! Our military
tyranny is not enough, forsooth to drive you in
to our measures ol reconstruction! You will
take our option—will you ? By the Lord! we
will show you what it is to reject our 'measures
of justice and safety!'" We “will wnfiscate,"
says the New York Times. Let’s “banish them,”
says Pope. “Would to God they were all dead,”
says Senator Nye. And thus the poor Southern
er, for presuming to believe them ; and exercising
a discretion, with respect to an alternative plain
ly offered him, becomes the subject of the most
amazed ferocity, and the most savage threats.
He must not only, to escape their rage, comply
with their commands, but he must, with all the
tact and delicacy of the most anxious subservi
ency, anticipate their wishes.
General Pope obviously thinks himself a
leader in the new mean of banishment he pro
poses, to get a satisfactorily reconstructed South.
He sees, what everybody knows, that the treat
ment of the Southern people by the Radical
party in Congress, instead of commending the
Union with the vindictive policy it has pursued
to their warm affections, has intensified their
feelings ot alienation. They see this party, striv
ing in all the Southern States to put the white
race under the black race—to give their State
Governments into the control of negroes—ami
three years after the war has ended, making au
openly declared war upon them, worse than war
in the field. Of course the spirit of discontent
is increased. How else could it be, if the South
ern people are intelligent human beings ?
It when the war closed—the Southern States
had been admitted to all the privileges of the
Union, as the resolutions of Congress, binding
its faith, declared that they should be; or, far
less, if they had been admitted into the Union,
under President Johnson’s measures of recon
struction, which the Radicals heartily approved
of, when going on—there would now have been
peace, harmony and confidence, from one end ol
the Union to the other. But neither of these
measures of faith and justice, were supported
by the Radicals, simply because these did not
support their party. The South must be negro-
ized, to be radicalized. The consequence lias
been, what all sensible men must have foreseen
—the people of the Southern States, including
Kentucky, Maryland and Tennessee, are now
more unitedly Southernized, than they ever were.
The evil can’t be cured by “banishment.” It
has passed beyond General Pope’s humane and
patriotic prescription for a loving submission
and peace. To be effective, he must banish the
people; he must depopulate the countiy. Aud
so also of confiscation—it will make martyrs; it
will only intensify hate, and spread the spirit of
vengeance amongst the people.
Canuot the voice of history, crying out from
every page it tells of our frail aud fallen hu
manity, teach the rulers of the United States
that there is but one way under heaven by which
the Union ot the United States can he reformed
consistent with their liberties; and that is, not by
violence, not by proscription, but by speedily
putting all tbe States of tbe United States back
to their ancient position, under the Constitution
of the United States ? There can be no confi
dence and peace—no real, enduring Union be
tween the people of the South and North but on
the broad basis which originally created it, of
justice and equality.
How utterly absurd is it to endeavor to allay
discontent and alienation, occasioned by acts of
oppression and wrong, by heaping up more
wrongs and oppression upon their suffering vic
tims ! Tyranny, however, like the Egyptian lice,
is ever immensely prolific. His counsel is wor
thy of General Pope.
General Pope evidently supposes that Con
gress ordered tbe pending elections in the South
not to ascertain the opinion and feeling of the
people, but to compel them to a prescribed
course, whatever they may think or choose.
They are free lo sjieak aud act, but only as Con
gress and tbe military commanders dictate.—
General Grant must enlighten General Pope, or
wbat Piesident Lincoln once said of bis military
career will soon be said ot bis course as mana
ger of reconstruction: “He makes movements . -- j =—=--
enough, but most of them are wind.”—Spring- No such success has ever attended the maugura-
Std Retribution—The Daughter of a Ken*
tacky Radical tirei Birth to a Negro
Child.
The following is from the last number of the
Henderson News. No necessity for comments:
Othello’s Occupation.—A gentleman from
Hopkins county has just informed ns that a
daughter of Mr. Mat. Givens, of that county has
lately given birth to a negro child—the father
being a former slave. The sable sire, on learn
ing the state of affairs, made a rapid exit from
the place. Mr. G., the father, who is a highly
respected citizen, is almost crazy on account of
the occurrence. We are told that Mr. Givens
has affiliated with the Radicals, and that, pro
bably, bis own arguments induced tbe poor,
foolish girl to look with undue favor on her
sooty lover.
The Bond and Greenback Question.—A
correspondent writing from Keosanqna, Iowa,
to the Cincinnati Enquirer, on the 13th instant,
says:
The largest meeting that has been held in Van
Buren county, Iowa, for many years, was held
in Keosauqua on Saturday the 10th of August.
Henry Clay Dean addressed the quiet and at
tentive audience for three hours. The audience
was of every part of politics and every sect of
religion.
The interest felt in the payment ot the public
debt in greenbacks was kindled into tbe wildest
enthusiasm. People of all parties acquiesced in
this plan of liquidation. The speaker argued all
ot the questions involved in the collateral ques
tions of tariff, stamps, and other forms of taxa
tion.
The people are with us upon this question,
which is the key-note of the great contest of 1868.
j tioa ot any great question,
From the Missouri Republican.
A Negro Empire In the South.
Thoughtful Radicals themselves now begin to
see that, they have gone too far. Their policy
of “reconstruction,” carried out on the line they
have adopted, must result in giving over to ne
gro domination the whole ten States which they
have excluded from the Union. This the people
of the North never intended, and to it they will
never submit. They never undertook the war
for any such purpose, and have had no such pur
pose in sustaining the Radicals to the extent
they have done. No such policy was declared
in the last year’s elections; it is a policy devel
oped since those elections took place, and is the
natural growth of those extreme and wrong-
headed measures forced upon the party by a few
violent and narrow-minded men. The more rea
sonable and better-thinking men of the party see
that they have gone too far. They really intended
no such a result as now seems inevitable, unless
some rational change is interposed. They see, too,
that they have, unwittingly, given the President
an immense advantage over them. The reason
ing contained in his veto messages, and the results
there predicted, are being verified by experience,
and in a shape which raises a feeling of alarm
throughout the country. The South must become,
as tbiDgs now stand, a negro empire, in which the
whites, those at least who will consent to remain,
a subordinate race, denied that equality of politi
cal rights which was the foundation stone in our
repubiiban structure. The Radicals may talk of
abolishing distinctions on account of color; but
the blacks, placed in the ascendant by tiie force of
Radical bayonets and maintained iu that position
by the same means, will themselves make distinc
tions on account ot color. So the Radicals will
occupy this absurd position ; under the pretense
ol abolishing distinctions founded in prejudice on
account of color, they will make the negroes the
controlling race, who will enforce the distinction
which the Radicals affected to deprecate. But,
in this case, the revolution will place the inferior
race over the superior, not as the result of any
achievement or energy of the Macks, but ns the
result of a despotism organized aud maintained
by violence, wielded and controlled by the North
ern Radical party.
Can anybody conceive of anything more un
natural or revolting V Are we to have a negro
empire on our Southern border, in which that
indolent and besotted race are to hold sway ? Is
our Congress to become a sort of legislative mo
saic, here a white face and there a black, with a
mottle-color between to make the variety com
plete ? And will the Northern people ever yeild
their assent to so monstrous a proposition, so re
volting a spectacle ? Under the pretense of set
ting the negroes free, we shall have made them
masters, and converted our own race into virtual
slaves. Under such a state of things we should
become the derision of the world, the scoff of
mankind, and history would hold us up, through
all time, as the most consummate race of luna
tics that ever disgraced the human species. No,
this was not that for which the people stipulated
when they consented to burthen themselves with
such a load of debt, and to pour out their blood
as if it had been water. They did not go to war
to transfer the shackles from the black race to
the white; and the Radical leaders will find this
out to their cost.
This one good will result from the extreme
and mischievous course of the Radical leaders;
that will aronse the people from that torpor
which has so long weighed npon their energies.
This done, the countiy, its matchless Constitu
tion and its liberty, may yet be saved. There
are signs eveiywhere that the more thoughtful
Radicals shrink with dismay from the disastrous
consequences which they never anticipated.
The people will never consent to give over to
negro domination the fairest and most produc
tive portion of our grand republican empire.
From the (Washington D. C.) Constitutional Union.
Klag John.
John Pope, one of the five American raon-
archs, and King of Georgia, Alabama and Flor
ida, lias issued his Royal Edict No. 49. Had any
one predicted five years ago that a person would
be clothed with authority or placed in a position
to issue such an order in this country, he would
have been accounted fit only for a lunatic asylum;
but now, so lar from that, we are becoming ac
customed to such things, and are bowing our
necks under the imperial yoke with all due sub
mission. .
King John, when he was nothing but a Major
General, had his “ headquarters in the saddle,”
but now he sits on a throne erected in Atlanta,
and wields a sceptre over a realm embracing
what some people are simple enough to believe
are “ three States of this UNION,” to wit: Geor
gia, Alabama and Florida. In those States news-
pajiers are printed, and people, to make their busi
ness known, advertise in them ; civil officers are
also in the habit ot informing, through these pa
pers, the people of the time and place of public
in trhiph flw’v firftintprf'steil. The €dict
meetings in which they are interested. The edict
No. 49, from which his Majesty, King John, di
rects that these civil officers must publish their
advertisements in.a certain class of newspapers—
those favorable to the Congressional policy of
Reconstruction, and he instructs all military of
ficers, of whatever degree, grade or style of ser
vice, to see that this edict is strictly cuforced,
and to promptly arrest and report the slightest
violation of it.
King John has, in reality, no such power and
authority. It is an assumption of despotism
which no absolute monarch in the world, except
one of the Five American Monarchs, would
dare think of tor a moment. It would cost the
Kingdom and Throne of the Mightiest ruler in
the Universe to attempt such an abridgment
ot the PEOPLE'S RIGHTS. How long will
the American people submit to such tilings?
Can’t they see the inevitable tendency of such
submission V What has become of the spirit of
’76 Y” The quicker King John’s throne tumbles
to the dust the better it will be for the coun
try.
Toil of Saving Labor.—In the royal palace
at Berlin, 40,000 wax candles are lighted at once,
by means of a gun cotton thread to which each
wick is attached. Its take twice as long to affix
thi3 thread to each wick as it would- to light
each candle separately; bnt then, the vulgar
stare to see them all lighted at once, wbich pays
lor the lost time,
Froai the Chronicle & Sentinel.
Gen. Pope’i Letter to Grant.
The extraordinary letter of the commander of
Military District No. 3, to General Grant, which
we published yesterday morning, demands
something more than Lite mere formal notice
which we at first gave it. The position of the
writer, the subject-matter of the letter, and the
high officer to whom it is ostensibly addressed, no
less than the astounding declarations which it
contains, and the egregious inconsistencies with
which it abounds; require that its gross misre
presentations and absurd philosophy should be
exposed and laid bare to the public gaze. While
this startling effusion is addressed directly to
Geueral Grant, there cau he no doubt on the
mind of any candid man at all conversant with
the history of the past two years, that the main
object of its author was to reach the ear of the
masses of the North and poison their minds
against the respectable people of the South, who
are, by General Pope, designated as “ secession
ists.” We, for the present, pass the intensely
little fling which General Pope makes at one of
the first men of tbe country—whether we regard
his intellectual ability, his moral character, his
social position, his enlarged statesmanship, or
bis untarnished reputation—in describing, in a
document intended as a grave State paper, the
lion. Benjamin H. Hill as “ this person.” Such
petty spile and low buffoonery is beneath the
dignity of tiie position which General Pope un
fortunately, no less for us than for his own repu
tation, happens, accidentally, to hold.
There are so many inconsistencies, so much
unfairness of statement, so much ignorance ot
facts, such puerility of argument, such confusion
of ideas, such shallow pretensions of sincerity
and such shameless perveisions ot the true state
of feeling in this State, in this letter, that w
should be greatly at a loss to determine the
motives which prompted its production, without
the light which liis recent order has thrown
around it.
In the opening paragraph of his letter, he com
piuius of Mr. Hill for his utterances in his Atlanta
speech, and refers to his recent pardon by the
President as a reason wby be should not,
common with every pardoned rebel,” take posi
tion against the iniquities of the Military bills
and confesses “the hopelessness of any satisfac
tory reconstruction of tiie Southern States while
such men retain office.”
In the very next paragraph he says:
“It has been, and will continue to be, my
course to permit and encourage the widest lati
tilde of speech and of the press in this district
consistent with the law and the public peace. :
And in the second paragraph from the last of
this long letter he says:
“Whilst these persons (Hill, Perry, Johnson
and their adherents) remain in the country to ex
ercise the baleful influence they undoubtedly
possess, there can be no peace.”
In this same letter, in commenting as to the
probable results of the attempted reconstruction
ot the States included in his military district, he
declares :
“Iu my opinion no reconstruction can be satis
factory, or at all reliable as to future results, un
less these men are permitted to discuss openly
and according to their nature the issues present
ed.”
He declares that it lias been and wiil continue
his course to permit and enconrage the widest
latitude of speech and press in the discussion of
the Militaiy bills, and expresses the conviction
that no reconstruction can be satisfactory unless
“these men” are permitted to discuss openly
and according to their nature all the issues pre
sented, and then declares that there can be no
peace so long as these persons remain in tbe
country.
If we do General Pope the justice to believe
that he has stated his honest convictions upon
these points, and that he was himself aware of
the force and effect of the language he has used,
we are inevitably brought to the conclusion that
he is himself opposed to reconstruction under
the Military bills, and that the influence ot these
men is so great, their characters so high, and
their power over the people so controlling, that
he desires to have them continue their efforts
against them. A merely military man himself,
it is fair to presume that his ideas of just gov
ernment are extremely narrow, and confined to
that form alone which is found laid down in the
“articles of war,” and in the “army regulations.”
Hence his desire that there should be “no peace,”
and his “determination to permit the widest lati
tude of speech and press,” rather than drive
these agitators, whose efforts alone can bring
about satisfactory reconstruction, from the limits
of his bailiwick.” We say that General Pope
cannot complain, if, taking his words in their
plainest sense and most obvious meaning, we
show him to be as much opposed to reconstruc
tion, under the terms of the Military bills, as he
has declared the secessionists of the South to be.
But General Pope is again unfortunate in hi3
allusion to secessionists. He names but three
gentlemen, and only two of them reside in his
district,who have influenced the people against re
construction. He designates the opponents of re
construction as secessionists—names some of the
leaders, and every one thus named was a firm,
strong ami consistent Union man. Every one
used the utmost ot their ability to prevent se
cession, voted against it, spoke against it, and
advised their people against it. We canuot sup
pose General Pope so ignorant o( the polities of
the last lew years as not to know the position
which was occupied by Gov. Perry, Mr. Hill and
Gov. Johnson at and before the commencement
ol the war. The purpose of Gen. Pope, in class
ifying all opponents of reconstruction as seces
sionists, is too apparent to escape detection. Gen.
Pope was writing more for effect upon the pub
lic mind of the North than to furnish a reliable
and correct account to his superior officer of the
actual condition of public sentiment in his com
mand. Hence he fails to tell Gen. Grant that
original secessionists, headed by Joe Brown, are
the leading spirits in the organization of the
Radical party in this State, and that the Consti
tutional Conservative party embraces nearly the
whole body of original Union men. His object
being to convince the Northern Radicals that the
Southern people are “reliels still,” and that the
old spirit ot rebellion is keeping alive the anti
reconstruction party here, it became necessary
that he should frequently interlard his iil-eon-
crived and silly efiusion with constant repetition
of the terms original “secessionists,” “old reb
els,” “rebellious spirit,” &c. That we do not
misstate Gen. Pope’s position on this point is
clearly shown by tbe following extract from his
letter.
“It is better that the battle shonld be fought
out now and openly. If the people of these
States have the common sense and manhood to
withstandjthe influence|of the secession parly,and
of the political leaders who have long controlled
them—who have led them into their present
desperate condition, and who sr-.k to plunge
them still deeper into misfortune, and if they
prove able and willing to reconstruct their State
governments upon the only true principles of
government, in defiance of their leaders, and
against their active opposition, there will be
good ground for hope that reconstruction will
be satisfactory and permanent. If they cannot
do this, it may well become a question whether
reconstruction on any reasonable terms is possi
ble, so long as these unrepentant and reactiona
ry politcal leaders are suffered to remain in this
country.”
Can Gen. Pope tell us where to find the seces
sion part}’? Will he point out to our ignorant
ininds the political leaders who have led the
people into their present desperate condition,
and who are now advising them to reject the
provisions of the Military Bills? Does he point
to Jenkins and Johnson, and Hill and Warren,
and Stephens, and Keenan, and Harris, and tbe
thousands and tens of thousands of original
Union men, and denounce them as “ secession
ists” and “unrepentant rbels?” If Gen. Pope
does not know better than this, he is unfit for his
present position. It he does know better, ami
wilfully classes them as secessionists, he shonld
be thrust out of office for duplicity and untruth-
fulness.
General Pope’s ignorance of the past history
of this country is only equalled by the coolness
and apparent candor with which he ex Doses it.
Take, for instance, the following:
“ I need only to point to this speech of Mr.
Hill, his numerous Liters, the letters of Governor
Perry, of South Carolina; of llerschel V. John
son, of Georgia, and many other such men, for
sufficient evidence that I have not overstated the
“ These men are the representatives of a large
and powerful element hen ton reaction, ami they
have been in the habit of controlling the South
ern whites. By taking opposite sides of a politi
cal question, they have iu times past divided the
Souther* whites on purely personal grounds, and
have thus created the impression elsewhere that
among the masses there was a political question
decided instead of a purely personal one United
as they are now against reconstruction, it is wise
to ascertain how far their influence can prevail
with the people.
Such stupidity and stolid ignorance as the
above paragraph exposes iu relatiou to the great
questions which in the past marked the political
history of those times, can only be accounted tor
from the fact that previous to the war, General
Pope’s life was spent, rnaiuly with the wild Ca-
manches of our Western Prairies. The great
discovery which he has made, that tbe states
men of the past—the Jeffersons, the Madisons,
the Hamiltons, the Jays, the Websters, the Clays,
the Calhouns, the Stephenses, the Cobbs, the
Johnsons, the Breckiuridges, the Douglasses, the
Lincolns, and the Dallases—were elected to of
fice upon merely personal issues ; that no great
questions of State have forced them into hostile
political organizations, is no less new than start
ling.
But if General Pope has betrayed profound
ignorance upon all the great political questions
which he has attempted to discuss, what can be
said of him as a philosopher and political cas
uist? Let the following lucid paragraph speak
for itself :
“Another question ought to be, and probably
will be, decided in the course of the coming can
vass for and against Convention. Tfiat question
is this: ‘Have the sluggishness of mind aud bo
dy, and the tendency to assail by violence the
right of opinion aud discussion, engendered by
habits acquired during the existence ot slavery
and the system of politics in the South, uufitted
the people lor such self-government as is implied
by free speech, free press, and the fullest peace
able discussion of all public questions ?’
“ This is a most important question, aud one
which, if answered in tbe light ot existing facts,
must be answered unfavorably.”
How “the sluggishness of mind and body, and
the tendency to assail by violence, the right of
opinion ” is to be “ decided in the coming can
vass,” we are at a loss to discover. Haw the
habits of the white people of the South acquired
during the existence of slavery are to be influ
enced by approaching elections is a mystery to
us. What connection there is between the al
leged sluggishness. of mind and body ot the
Southern whites and the question ot free govern
ment is beyond our capacity to comprehend. If
the philosopher Pope intends to express tiie idea
that the institution of slavery, which existed in
the South previous to the surrender of the Con
federate forces, produced sluggishness of mind
and body of the white ruling race, then we say
he pays a very poor compliment to the intelli
gence of the North, who selected for their rulers
in the Federal Government eight of the thirteen
Presidents who were elected before the war, na
tives of the Southern States, when, according
to Geueral Pope, the institution of slavery pro
duced such sluggishness of mind and body. The
voices of the millions of patriots who cast their
ballots for the slaveholders—Washington, Madi
son, Jefferson, Monroe, Jackson, Polk, and Tay
lor—are heard in indignant and united denial of
General Pope’s declaration that a people “reared
under the influences, and subject to the depress
ing effects of slavery, are uufitted for such self-
government as is implied by free speech, free
press, and the fullest peaceable discussion of all
political questions.”
But perhaps tiie most astounding declaration
which is contained in this most remarkable docu
ment, is the following statement in relation to
the future comparative intelligence of the black
and white races:
“ The condition and the future of the colored
people are more hopeful and encouraging. The
earnest and touching anxiety ot the freed people
to learn cannot but make a profund impression
upon the mind of anyone who has had the op
portunity to observe it. It may safely be said
that the marvelous progress made in education
and knowledge by these people, aided by tbe no
ble and charitable contributions of Northern so
cieties and individuals, finds no parallel in the
history of mankind. It continued (and if con
tinued at all, it must be by the same agencies,)
and the masses of the white people exhibit the
same indisposition to be educated that they do
now, five years will have transferred intelligence
and education, so far as the masses are concern
ed, to the colored people of this district.
If anything further had been needed to prove
the bilter hatred and unrelenting animosity ot
General Pope to the decent white people of the
South, it is found in this voluntary, untruthful
and illogical conclusion at which he has arrived
in opposition to his own race, color and blood.
We beg to inform General Pope that however
much he may cherish the opinion that the Afri
can race can, in the short space of five years,
reach, and perhaps excel, the white in knowl
edge and intelligence, we have no fear upon that
point ourselves, neither do the Southern whites
feel the slightest concern.
But we have neither the lime nor tiie inclina
tion to follow further the puerile argument of
General Pope against the white people of the
South. We prefer, however, to exhibit, before
closing this article, a few more of his glaring in
consistencies. We clip almost at random the
following extracts from his letter:
“With these reactionists dominant in the South
freedom of speech aud of the press will not even
exist in name.” * * * * *
“It would have been still better to enforce their
permanent absence from the country.” * *
“Freedom of speech and of the press, educa
tion, equality before the law, aud in political
rights and privileges, are the essential ot any
satisfactory reconstruction in the South. With
out securing these we have secured nothing.” *
“The moment, admission into the Union is ac
complished, tiie military power is suspended,
and with it. all restrictions are removed. At
once these old political leaders and the old poli
tical and personal influence will resume their ac
tivity, and we may find too late that such recon
struction as we have made is not only not what
was needed and expected, but what will simply
result in a reproduction of the same condition of
•.(lairs which made reconstruction measures
necessary at all.”
General Pope’s mind, when lie penned the fore
going strange jumble of confused and contradic
tory statements, mnst have been somewhat in the
condition it was when the report of tbe battle of
Corinth was penned, and somewhat similar to
that which prompted tiie famous dispatch in re
lation to the second battle ol Manassas. His
mind does not seem to have been clear or wi ll
balanced. Doubtless tbe spectre of the eightv
odd Conservative newspapers in this State which,
by order No. 49 he hoped to destroy, haunted
his mind and disturbed his reason.
We sum up our hasty review of General
Pope’s letter in tiie language of the National In
telligencer :
“AU literature, all philosophy, all science, all
religion, all polity, all law, in a word, all civil
ization, is one unanimous shout of disgust, com
ing down from all ages and from every people
on earth, at such a doctrine as General Po|>c pro
poses for the co-operation of General Grant.”
Most Deplorable Accident.—A most de
plorable accident, resulting in the death ot a
venerable lady, occurred last night. The fam
ily of a prominent citizen, residing on St. Louis
street, and now absent on a visit to Ppnsacola-
had, one or two nights before, been disturbed by
an attempt at burglary. The only son present
on the premises was, at the time, sick in bed,
and had taken some opium to lull his painsl
Last night, after midnight, the mother of the
family awoke, and, supposing there was some
one trying to force an enterance in her room,
she slipped off her bed and entered the adjoin
ing room, where her son, still under the effect
of a soporific portion, was uneasily resting. To
avoid alarming him, the tender mother gently
shook him by the arm, when, horrible to relate,
the unfortunate son, aroused from his
heavy slumber, and before having recover
ed from its effect,
robber had entered
supposing
the room
tii at
aud.
some
fetch
ing out a pistol from under his pillow, twice pull
ed the fatal trigger and sent tfie bullet through
the throat of bis beloved mother, wiio, in the ag
onies of her death, faiLhful to her maternal in
stinct, exclaimed, “Son ! son ! you did not mean
it. God bless you !” Awakening to the terrible
reality, the unfortunate man rushed out to seize
in his arms his dying mother, and the whole
family having hastened to the room, the saiutly
matron repeated her words of forgiveness anil
blessing, and soon expired in the midst of her
beloved family. Crazed by the deed, the fcvol
antary parricade rushed out of the home God
had so cruelly visited through His unconscious
hand, and has uot been seen since. A profound
respect for such deep and heart-rending affliction
induces U3 to held back the names ol' the victim
and surviving sufferers. There are sorrows so
great, heart agonies so harrowing, that the rude
hand of publicity should not be allowed to touch
the wounds they inflict.-—Mobile Times, 11 th,
instant, ■ - • - • j- -