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COLUMBUS SENTINEL AND HERALD.
VOL. X.]
PUB1.I8HEI) F.VERV SATURDAY MORNING BY
JOSEPH STURGIS.
ON BROAD STREET, OVER ALLEN AND YOUHO’s,
M’INTMH RO’.V.
TERMS--Subscription, three dollars per an
num payable in advance, or foua dollars, (in all
case i exaaied) whcic payment is not made before the
expiration of the year. No subscription received for
less than twelve months, without payment inadvance,
and no paper discontinued, except at the option ol
the Editors, until all arrearages are paid.
ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at
one dollar per one hundred words, or less, for
the first insertion, and fifty cents for every subse
quent continuance. Those sent without a specifica
tion of tho number of insertions, will be published
until ordered out, and charged accordingly.
2d. Yearly advertisements. —For over 24, and
not exceeding 36 lines, fifty dollars per annum ; for
ovr 12, an<i not exceeding 24 lines, thirty-five dollars
per annum-, for less than 12 lines, twenty dollars
per annum.
3d. All rule and figure work double the above piiccs.
Legal Advertisements published at the usual
rates, and with strict attention to the requisitions ol
the law.
All Sales regulated by law, must be made before
the Court House door, between the hours of 10 iri the
morning and 4 in the evening—those of Land in
the county where ills situate; those of Personal
Property, where the letters testamentary, of admin
istration or of guardianship were obtained—and are
required to be previously advertised in some public
Gazette, as follows:
Sheriffs’ Sales under regular executions for thir
ty days, under mortgage ti fas sixty days, before
the day of sale.
Sales of Land and Nf.grofs, by Executors, Ad
ministrators or Guardians, for sixty days before
the day of sale.
Sales of Personal Property (except Negroes) forty
days.
Citations by Clerks of the Courts of Ordinary, upon
application for LETTERS of administration, must
he published for thirty days.
Citations upon application for dismission, bv
Executors, Administrators or Guardians, monthly
for six months.
Orders of Courts of Ordinary, (accompanied with a
copy ol the bond or agreement) to make titi.es
to land, must be published three months.
Notices by Executors, Administrators or Guardians,
of application to the Court of Ordinary for leave
to sell the Land or Negroes of an Estate, four
months.
Notices bv Executors or Administrators, to the Debt
ors and Creditors ol an Estate, for six wff.ks.
Sheriffs, Clerks of Court, .Sic., will be allowed
the usual deduction.
Letters on business, must be post paid,
to entitle them to attention.
AM* HUGHES, Attorney at Law, Cutlibert
a Georgia.
Jan. 23, 184!). 31 ts
MANSION HOUSE.
.1 ACO \i 13 Altlt OW ,
RESPECTFULLY informs the public that lie
has opened a HOU.SE in the business part of
Broad Street for the accommodation of Travellers,
and has built new stables on his o.ui lot by the solici
tation of his customers.
March 21. 5 ts
OGLETHORPE HOUSE, )
September 7,1839. j
WM. P. McKEEN & G. W. E. BEDELI
have associated themselves together for tlit
purpose ot’ managing and conducting this establish
ment, which has been fitted out in a neat and genleei
style. This establishment is a large three story bricl
building, on the corner of Oglethorpe and liandolpt
streets, where the Post Office lias been lately remo
ved, and convenient for stage passengers, going to anr
from, when opening and delivering the mail, and liav<
ample time to get their meals and refreshments, whicl
avill always he orepared for their accommodation. Wc
have associated ourselves, not only with the disposi
t iuii, hut with the ability to give general satisfaction tc
.-ill of our friends who may favor us with a call. Wt
deem it unnecessary to say much on this subject to
tiio.se who are acquainted with us, and those mute
ipi.bnted with us, are respectltdly invited to try our
cheer arid satisfy themselves. Ii is sufficient to sav.
that this establishment shall at all times he well fur
nished, well arranged, well attended to personally bv
lhe, proprietors, amt kept free from riots, drunkenness
and its consequences, and, in short, such attention will
fie bestowed as will deserve, public patronage.
S. pt. 19 S3 ts McKEEN & BEDELI..
COLUMBUS HOTEL, 1810.
rKNHc subscriber respectfully informs bis friends and
31 Ibe public generally, that be still continues to
occupy the above establishment, where bo promises
refreshment and comfort to the traveller and border,
ills own personal attention will be given to his busi
ness, in which lie hopes to give general satisfaction,
and share a liberal patronage amongst his brother
chips. JESS 15 B. REEVES.
Columbus, Ga., Jan. 21,1540. 51 if
CA R DX.VTKP Oil SODA WATER.
m HIE subscribers are now prepared to furni b their
JS. customers and the public with JCarbonated oi
Soda Water.
Their apparatus is constructed in such a manner,
and of such materials as to prevent the possibility of
any metalic or dclorious impregnations.
TAYLOR & WALKER,
Sign of the Golden Mortar, Broad st. Columbus.
April ill. lOtf
WARE HOUSE
ANO COMMISSION BUSINESS.
undersigned would inform his friends and
jSL the public generally, that he will continue the
above business at his Old Stand in Front street, oppo
site the new brick building of James 11. Shorter, Esq.
and that his personal attention will be exclusively devo
ted to the same. By strict attention thereto,he hopes
to have a continuance of the liberal patronage hereto
fore bestowed upon him. lls will as usual attend to
the sale of Cotton, from wagons or A store ; and from
a ffeneral acquaintance with the purchasers and true
s.tuulion of the market he believes he can generally
id , rt - than save the commission in the sale of cotton.
WM. P. YONGE,
Columbus, Sept. 19, 1839.83 y
He has in store for sale,
Liverpool and Blown Salt in sacks,
Chewing Tobacco a.id Segars,
Champaigne Wine, in baskets and boxes,
Bagging and Bale Rope
GWRMAXj INDIAN AND THOM SON IAN
OR,
PRIMITIVE, PRACTICAL, BOTANICO
171 K DIG AX. SCHOOL.
7. h aled seven miles East of Morion, near Hamburg
IN uniting these several Medical Systems or modes
ot practice, Dr. B. R. THOMAS, the Principal
of the School, begs leave to state, for the information
of the atiltcted and public generally, that he has been
mativ vears engaged in the practice of Medicine, and
lias devoted much of his time., labor and practice, with
many of the most intelligent and successful Gorman
and Indian Doctors, both in the United States and
Canada, to the treatment of acute and chronic dis
en-es of every name, stage and type, and of the most
mali'Miant character ; and has, by practicing with them,
acquired a thorough knowledge of all their valuable
secret Recipes and inannei of treatment, which is far
superior to any lhmg known or taught in the Medical
Schools, and which has been successful, by the bles
sings of the Almighty, in restoring to health, hundreds
an 1 thousands of persons that had been treated for a
number of vears bv many of the most learned and
s ientific Physicians of the day, and pronounced to he
entirely beyond the reach of rciuedv, and given over
<> die. “ Vet by the simple, efficacious Vegetable Modi
tcineSjiiot poisons, they were snatched from the jaws of
Iho giim monster, death, and restored to health, the
greatest of all earthly blessings; for what is riches
und elegant dwellings, without health to enjoy them.
Health Is the poor man’s wealth, and the rich man’s
Miss. To a man laboring under disease, the world is
little better than a dreary solitude, a cheerless waste
enlivened by no variety, a joyless scene cheered by
u i social sweets ; for the son: in a diseased body, like
a martyr m his dungeon, may retain its value, but it
has lost its usefulness.
Will be added to this institution, as soon as the ne
cassaiy arrangements can be made, a:i infirmary—the
<: ild, hot, tepid, shower,sulphur and'he German, Rus
sian ‘and rhomsoman Medicated Vapor Baths; and
everything that can possibly be of any advantage in
i estoriug the sick to health'or relieving suffering hu
manity, will be promptly and constantly attended to:
•m 1 where the student will learn by practical experi
ence, (the best kind of logic,) the true principles of
the healing art. Price of tuition will be § JOO, payable
in adv3 ce. ..... , ,
All persons afflicted with lingering and chron
ic disea- ‘s, (of any name, state, stage or type, for we
have bi tied disease in a thousand forms.) who cannot
convent mtly apnly in person, will send the svinptoms
of their liseases in writing to Dr. B. R. Thomas,
llaaihu. •, Ala., where .Medicines will be prepared in
the Ms! manner to snit each case. Although thev
inav*av : b- *n of many years standing, and treated
bv a doz n different D actor , it is no good reason whv
they can ot be cured by the subscriber. Persons liv
ing .at a I'staace must exiaoct to pay for their Medi
c nesl.vh a thev got them, as no Medicines will be
sent from ihn •'fft :e on a credit.
.etters ad tressed to die subscriber will no’
bo*taken orn tha office, ijalta: post-eaid.
Nov. 1833 45(f B. R. TIOMAS.
(DISSOLUTION.
THE copartnership heretofore existing under the
firm of Wilson & Cravey is dissolved this day
by mutual consent of both.
SANFORD T. WILSON.
OWEN W. CRAVEY.
Gillion, July 14, 1840 23—ts
COMMISSION BUSINESS.
THE subscrioers have this day formed a connec
tion, under the firm of ROWLAND & BAR
STO W. for the purpose of transacting a GENEU*
AL, COMMISSION BUSINESS in SAVAN
NAH. Particular attention will be paid to receiving
and forwarding Produce and Merchandise. They
are not interested in any of the Transportation Lines,
and assure their friends, that, in all cases, such con
veyances shall be selected as to promote their intei
est, WILLIAM P. ROWLAND,
ELIAS B. BARSTOW.
Savannah. 26:h June, 1840.-£m6t-22
PHOENIX HOTEL,
Lumpkin , Stewart County, Georgia.
THE subscriber having taken the above house,
situated on the North East corner of the court
house square, formerly occupied by Mr. Beacham,
takes pleasure in informing his friends and tho public
generally, tiiat this new and commodious establish
ment is now completed, and in every way fitted up
for the accommodation of hoarders and travellers : the
subscriber will give his personal attention to the super
vision of the house, arid no pains or expense will be
spared to render all comforfablc who may favor him
with a call.
N. B. His stables arc excellent and will at all times
be bountifully supplied with provender, and attended
by a steady industrious and trusty ostler, who will at
ail times he in his place and subject to the commands
of ihe visitor. GIDEON H. CROXTON.
Jan 25—51-ts
NOTICE.
DR. SCHLEY will continue the practice of Me
dicine, Surgery, &c. Office at the old stand of
Uhipley & Bch!ev,on Broad Street.
July 23, 1840.’ 24 ts
DISSOLUTION.
f fI'UIS copartnership heretofore existing under the
A name and stile of S. D. Heard & Cos., is this
day dissolved by mutual consent. Those having
claims against said concern, will present them to C.
G. Murdock or William Ansley lor payment, and
those inde'utoil are respectfully requested to call and
settle their respective amounts due with them, who
are auth >riscd to use the name of ouid concern iri the
settling of its business.
S. D. HEARD,
O. G. MURDOCK,
WM. ANSLEY.
Ta'botton, August I, 1849. 25 6t
THE SCOUNDREL.
RANAWAY from i he subscriber on the 2d inst.,
a youih by the name of EDWARD JOHN
SON, bound to me as an apprentice to the Cabinet
business. lie is about 17 years ot age, 5 feet 3j
high, or thereabouts, spare made, dark complexion,
dark hair and hazle eves, with a very bat) countenance.
This is to forwarn all persons from employing or har
boring sn and boy, as I am determined to put in force the
law against ail such offon iers. I will give a reward
of six cents for any information so I get said hoy.
JOHN N. WEBB.
Thomaston, Upson county, August 2, IS4O. 25 4t.
DISSOLUTION.
THE copartnership heretofore, existing under firm
ofDrs. CHIFLEY & SCIILEY, is this day
dissolved bv mutual consent. The books and accounts
are in the hands of Dr. Schley, who is authorized to
seitlc them. Persons indebted to the firm nre respect
fully requested to call as early as possible and settle.
*VV. S. CHIPLEY,
WM. K. SCHLEY.
July 23, 1840, 24 ts
BOARDING,
MRS. I.UCAS having taken that large and com
modious two-story house on Front street, direct
*y opposite Mr. Win. P. Yonge’s residence, would be
willing to accommodate a few respectable Boarders.
None but those of strictly moral habits need apply.—
Terms to suit the times.’ Juno 11, 1840. 17 if
THOMPSON’S UTERINE TRUSS.
Jhi effectual and radical cure for pulapsus
uteri .
fJS'tlllE subscribers have taken the agency for the
Jk. above valuable instrument, and have now on
hand and will constantly keep a variety of patterns,
which they will sell at Manufacturers’ prices. These
Trusses are superior to any instrument of the kind
ever invented, and are now extensively employed by
somof the most eminent practitioners”in the United
States.
We annex the certificate of the late Professor Eberlc,
who used them with great success in his own practice.
‘ Cincinxatti, Ohio, May 11th, 1839.
‘ I have carefully examined the Uterine Truss in
vented by Dr. Thompson of this State, and I can con
fidently declare, that it is unquestionably the most
perfect and useful instrument of the kind that has evei
been tillered to the public. It differs essentially in
construction from the Utero Abdominal Suppoiter
lonstructed by Dr. Hull, and is in all respects a fur
uiperior instrument.’
The subscribers have also received the agency for
Dr. Chase’s Improved Surgical Truss, which is uni
'ersally admitted to he the most certain and lasting
:ure uver discovered for Hernia or Rupture,
TAYLOR & WAKER, Druggists,
Sign of the Golden Mortar, Broad-st.
Columbus. June 20,1839. 26tf
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WHEREAS, a bill has passed both branches of
the General Assembly, changing the times of
holding the session* of the Legislature, from annual to
biennial; but whereas, it is proper on all occasions to
ascertain ilie will of ihe people, whenever it can be
done without interfering with the ordinary course of
legislation: Therefore
lie it resolved by the Seriate and House o f Represen
tatives of the State of Georgia in General AesenJdy
met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the
same, That on the first Monday in October, IS4O, the
voters of this State be requested to endorse on their
tickets, the words “Annual” or “Biennial,” as they
may favor the meeting of the Legislature every vear,
or once in two years; and that the resolution be'pub
lished in the newspapers in this State for three months
before the first Monday in October aforesaid.
JOSEPH DAY,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
Attest — Joseph Stuugis, Clerk.
In Senate, concurred in. 21st December, 1839.
ROBERT M. ECHOLS.
President of the Senate.
Attest— David J. Bailey, Secretary.
Approved December 24ih, 1839.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD, Governor.
July li 21
VALUABLE PLANTATION FOR SALE
CONTAINING Two Hundred Two and a Hal
Acres of Land,mixed with oak and pine. There
are eighty acres cleared. Also, a comfortable dwel
ling, with alt necessary out offices, a good gin house
and packing screw, a peach and apple orchard. The
entire under good fence. It is situated within 4 miles
of Columbus, joining the plantation formerly owned
by Thomas C. Evans, Esq. Persons wishing to pur
chase cannot find a more desirable location than the
one offered for sale by the subscribers.
JOHN CODE,
Dec. 6. 44tf JOHN QUIN
FOR SALE
THE tract of land, known as the Broken Arrow
Bend, on the Chattahoochee river, seven miles
below Columbus, on the Alabama side of the river,
containing fourteen hundred and forty-two acres, nine
lutn red of w hich are equal, if not superior, to anv land
on the river; with five hundred acres of cleared” land
under good fence and in a high state of cultivation;
the balance of ihe tract is thin oak and hickory, and
pine lands, with good water and healthy situations for
residence, on which pait is a good house for an over
seer and negro houses for fifiy negroes. Persons w ish
ing to purchase a river plantation would do well to ex
amine it while the crop is avowing.
JOHN CROWELL, Sen.
Fort Mitchell, August 12, IS 10 26—ts
LOOK AT THIS.
RUNAWAY from the subscribers, about the first
March last, a negro man by name Presley,
about forty years of age, somewhat grev hair, very
thin, or perhaps no hair on the top of the head, quite
blaek, eyes small and deeply sunk in the head, wide
betw-een the. teeth, r broad shoulders, and stoops, he is
rather intelligent, though unprepossessing in appear
ance, makes great profession of religion, and pravs in
public every opportunity. He was in the neighborhood
of Greenville, Meriwether county, some fifteen davs
after leaving this place; where he left on the 29th ult.
taking his wife with him, who belongs to Freeman
McClendon, living near Greenville; she is by the
name of Julia, twenty years of age, common size, a
bright copp r color, and very likely. It is believed
that they were taken off by a white man, and probably
travelling west iu a gig, as such information reached
Mr. McClendon.
A suitable reward will be given for the apprehen
sion of said negroes and thief who cairiedtliem away,
and information given to either of the subscribers.
FREEMAN McCLENDON,
JOHN C. MANS HAM.
April It, Wt ™
‘ WE HOLD THESE TRUTHS TO BE SELF-EVIDENT, THAT ALL MEN ARE BORN EQUAL.’
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1840.
Tu the Citizens of Upson County:
In my last, l exhibited the un
fairness and falsehood oi some of the
charges made against Mr. Van Bu
ren in the manifesto of your “dele-
to the Harrison Convention.
[ shall now carry the war into the
enemy’s camp, and examine Gen.
Harrison’s claims to the support of
Southern State Rights men; and so
licit your candid attention to the
facts which I shall here present to
your view. My appeal is to such
as are honestly seeking after truth,
and I beseech you, for one moment,
to divest yourselves of the trammels
of party influence. The solemnity
of the occasion, the important con
sequences hanging upon the vote
you will soon he called upon to give,
demand your honest, candid and
dispassionate consideration of the
subject. 1 now warn the honorable
“delegates” that, before they ac
complish their Herculean labour of
“cleansing the Augean stable,”
they have a still more difficult task
to perform in scourng, from the
character of their candidate, the
foul stain of federalism, abolition
ism, and other political sins, which
I shall be able to fix upon it.
The federalism of Gen. Harrison
is established by the concurrent tes
timony of respectable witnesses, by
his recorded votes and opinions, and
by his political associations.
As to the testimony of other per
sons in regard to Gen. Harrison’s
federalism, it will only be necessary
to bring forwaid at this time the
following four individuals. The
Hon. John Randolph, who knew
Gen. Harrison well for many years,
charged him to his teeth with being
a supporter of the black cockade,
and alien and sedition law adminis
tration of the elder Adams. He ad
mitted the fact with a flimsy quali
fication. I have before me a letter
from Capt. John Fowler, an old and
respectable citizen ofKentucky, da
ted Lexington, 27th June, 1840, in
which he says, “I was in Congress
as a member during the great strug
gle between Jefferson and Adams,
and know the fact, that William H.
Harrison, then a delegate from the
Northwestern Territory, was upon
the side of MR. ADAMS. Ho was
a FEDERALIST and wore the
BLACK COCKADE.” I also
have before me the affidavit of Ro
bert Pri ce, of Trumbuii county, Ohio
taken on the 20t!i June, 1840, in
which he states, on oath, “that he
was personally acquainted with W.
H. Harrison, the present whig can
didate for the office of President of
the United States,” and “that he
frequently saw and heard him con
verse on political matters; and that
he knows him to have been a mem
ber of the federal party —has fre
quently seen him wear the black
cockade ot'federalism attached to his
hat , and he distinctly remembers tu
have heard him observe, in an ar
gument in favor of the sedition law
in presence of Charles Pemberton
and others, that he thought it was
“proper for the President, heads of
departments and members sf Con
gress, to have a shield thrown around
them that they should not be in the
mouth of every BLACKGUARD
that walked the street.” Here then
we we have proof that Gen. Harri
son not only wore the badge of fed
eralism. but actually advocated the
sedition law, the most tyrannical
and odious of federal measures, the
object of which was to punish those
who dared to censure their rulers.—
Let me ask, if Gen. Harrison could
have had his way in throwing a
shield around public officers, what
would now he the fate of certain
hard cider spouters who are to be
daily seen in our streets?
But again; Mr. Mills, another old
and respectable citizen who was
vice president of a republican con
vention of Indiana, being called on,
was helped upon the stand, and in
a voice enfeebled with age, said
“that he was in Cincinnati when
Gen. Harrison returned from Con
gress, at one time, during the ad
ministration of John Adams, with a
black cockade on his hat.” Thus
the federalism of Gen. Harrison is
established by personal evidence,
and the black cockade fixed upon
his hat. By what legerdemain will
the “delegates” remove that detes
table badge from their candidate’s
hat ?
I will say, for the information of
the younger portion of my readers,
that a black cockade was adopted
as a badge of devotion to John Ad
ams and his policy by the federalists,
just as a blue ribbon is now, as a sign
of devotion to Harrison, and will
respectfully remind some of the “de
legates” to have a care, lest the
ghost of that blue libbon should
haunt them some twenty years hence
as that of the black cockade does
their candidate at the present day.
The first of Gen. Harrison’s
votes which l shall notice, is that
given with the federal party against
rudueingHhe standing army of John
Adams, retained for the special pur
pose of keeping the republican party
in awe. That vote is recorded and
is undeniable. But in determining
the federalism of Gen. Harrison by
his other votes and opinions we must
advert to the principles which divi
ded the two great parties, and com
pare them with the Republican or
State Right? party, as taught by Mr.
Jefferson, The Constitution of the
United States enumerates certain
powers which are delegated to the
general Government, and certain
others which are prohibited to the
States. All others are reserved to
the States or the people. The Re
publican or Jeffersonian party have
ever contended that Congress can
not rightfully exercise any power
not enumerated among those de
legated to the general Government;
and in deciding doubtful questions
as to such powers the Constitution
should be strictly construed. This
principle forms the basis of the
State Rights creed. Tho Federal
ists, on the other band, claim for
Congress the right to exercise any
power which tfie common good or
general welfare may render necessa
ry or expedient, the expediency to
be determined by the will of a ma
jority—tli 11s making expediency and
the will of a majority paramount to
the Constitution itself! The Re
publican party have ever contended
that Congress has no right to pass
laws interfering with the interna!
policy of the States: General Harri
son claims for Congress the right to
appropriate money for the emanci
pation of slaves within tho States,
with t he consent ofihe States, there
by yielding to Congress a right,
which the Republican party have
always denied, to legisla; e upon that
subject, as if the consent of the
States could do away the obligations
of the Constitution. The Republi
can party have ever maintained that
Congress lias no right to pass laws
for Internal Improvements within
the States, because no such power
has been delegated by the Constitu
tion. General Harrison, however,
has voted on various occasions for
various works of Internal improve
ment. The Republican party deny
and have ever denied, to Congress
the right to pass high Tariff laws
for protection: Gen. Harrison, with
out being instructed to do so, voted
for the high Tariff 0f1824 and 1828,
and said he would never eonseat to
its repeal until the streetsof Charles
ton and Norfolk were covered with
grass, and the circumstance could
be clearly traced to the Tariff
as the cause. The republican
party have ever denied to Con
gress the right to erect corpo
rations of any kind within the
states; because the constitution has
granted no such right. But Gener
al Ha rrison, while he admits the
unconstitutionality of a National
Bank, says, if elected, he would
sanction a charter for one, if satisfi
ed of its expediency . Thus, he
would allow considerations of ex
pediency to over-rule the constitu
tion which he had sworn to support!
Here then, in this fact, wc see the
very head and front of federalism.
This is the quintessence of the
Pickering and Hamiltonian doc
trines. How can state rights men,
who insist upon a rigid adherence to
the letter of tlie constitution, and
hold to the doctrine of a strict con
struction of that, instrument, recon
cile it with their principles to support
a man who would trample their con
stitution under foot upon the old
federal plea of expediency? Who
would make the will of a majority
of Congress paramount to the con
stitution according to the federal
creed? This fact should be suffi
cient to satisfy the scruples of any
who feel determined to oppose fed
eral principles, but his associations
furnish further evidence of his fed
eralism. He supported the election
of J. Q,. Adams in preference of
Mr. Crawford or Gen. Jackson, both
members of the republican party,
and the first the regular nominee of
the republican members of Con
gress; and supported all the meas
ures of his administration. Indeed
it may with little fear of contradic
tion be asserted that Gen. Harrison
never gave a republican vote in
Congress upon any strict party ques
tion. The Missouri restriction
formed a question of a more sec
tional than party character; but
whatever merit he acquired with the
South for his vote in the Senate of
Ohio, General Harrison retired
from Congress in the spring of 1819,
leaving the Missouri question un
settled, and was in the same year
elected a member of the Senate of
Ohio, which commenced its session
on the 6th December of the same
year. The editors of the Standard
of Union and Constitutionalist as
sure us they have the printed jour
nals of th 3 Senate of Ohio, from
which the following extracts arc
made, in their possession; and that
they are open to the inspection of
*aay one whe rnnv desire to satisfy
themselves as to the fact; conse
quently if any doubt the authentici
ty of these extracts, I refer them to
where they may satisfy themselves
of the truth or falsity of ihe matter.
On the 3d of January, 1820, Mr.
Thompson moved in the Senate ol
Ohio the adoption of a preamble
and resolution against slavery and
the admission of new states into the
Union without a restriction, 6cc.
The last clause of the preamble
and the resolution are in these
words; ‘.‘and whereas the subject of
the admission of slavery in the new
State of Missouri, is at this time
before the Congress of the United
States. Therefore
“ Resolved, by the General Assem
bly of the State of Ohio, that our
Senators and Representatives in
Congress he requested to use their
zealous endeavors to prevent the
adoption of so odious and danger
ous a measure.” General Harri
son then moved to strike out all af
ter the word ‘ resolved ,’ and insert
in lieu thereof the following: “That
our Senators and Representatives
be requested to use their utmost ex
ertions and take every means to pre
vent the extension ot’ slavery within
the territory of the United States
west of the Mississippi, and the new
States to he formed within that ter
ritory, which the constitution and
treaties made under it will allow.”
See journal, page 137.
Missouri formed at that time a
portion of the territory beyond the
Mississippi. It had not been ad
mitted into the Union, and was fully
embraced in General Harrison’s
resolution. Various other amend
ments and propositions were suc
cessively brought before the Senate,
and Gen. Harrison uniformly sup
ported the principles of restriction
as the journals show. Ile is then a
Missouri restrictionist, as is proven
by the record. Much has been said
about Mr. Van Buren’s being in
favor of the Missouri restriction —
of his vote in the Senate of New
York to instruct Rufus King to
vote for the restriction, &c. Now,
1 deny Mr. Van Buren’s ever hav
ing given such a vote, and challenge
the friends of Harrison to the | rcof.
If the proof is not furnished, the
charge ought to he retracted. If
it is, I will admit I am misinformed
on this point. But it will not come.
While governor of the northwest
territory, Genetal Harrison sanc
tioned a law for selling white men,
or white women, for the payment
of fines and costs of suit. They
were to be sold as servants', the pur
chaser was to be their master. For
an attempt to regain their liberty
by running away, their master might
give them thirty-nine lashes, and
compel them to serve two days for
every day lost. And while Sena
tor of Ohio he voted for a bill of
the same kind, showing his fond
ness for that mode of punishment.
Now, it is not the severity of the
penalty which makes it so odious
and tyrannical; it is its unequal and
oppressive operation upon the poor.
Because it puts tho poor man’s or
poor woman’s liberty upon a foot
ing with tlie rich man’s money: be
cause it inflicts a penalty upon the
poor, to which the rich would never
be subjected—that is, to the loss of
liberty—the rich man’s money be
ing- considered equal to the poor
man’s freedom! Only think of this?
A poor man or a poor woman who
may chance to violate a law for
which a fine and cost of suit are
imposed, must he dragged to the
block and sold as a servant, that
the sheriff, clerk, lawyers, &c. may
get their fees! The rich man’s
purse secures him from that degrada
tion, though lie may have been con
victed of the same crime. Yet this
relic of despotism, this outrage
upon human rights, this tyrannical
abuse of power, and insult to the
poor, is justified and approved bv
the friends of Harrison, on the
ground that it is the same thing in
effect as to send a man to the peni
tentiary. The cases are not a!! a
likc. If a rich man and a poor
man be convicted of larceny in Geor
gia, will the rich man’s money keep
him from going to the penitentiary
with the poor man? No. But.ifthe
same thing were to happen under |
General Harrison’s favorite code,
the rich man pays his fine and cost,
while tlie poor, beggarly offender is!
led to the block and sold! It is thisj
inequality which constitutes the!
heinousness of General Harrison’s
laws. Are the people of this coun
try ready to establish distinctions
between the rich and the poor in
their legislation? It really seems
so. Mr. Webster’s axiom “let the
government take care of the rich and
the rich will take care of the poor”
is likely to become popular in this
our day and generation. Mr. Web
ster is an honest and consistent fed
eralist, and warm friend and sup
porter of General Harrison. Mr.
Tyler, the candidate for Vice Pres
j idont with Harrison, lias also given
evidence of his estimation of tho
poor. He supported, in the con
vention of Virginia, a provision in
the constitution of that State which
excludes all persons from the right
of voting for members of the Legis
lature or Congress, unless they own
a freehold of say twenty-five acres,
by which twenty thousand white
men, over the age of twenty-one,
are excluded from the billot box!
These arc the men who are held up
to you as the friends of the poor.
These three individuals present
a fair specimen of the regard whig
politicians have for the poor. Gen
eral Harrison would sell them that
sheriffs,clerks and lawyers might get
their fees.—Mr. Tyler thinks them
unworthy to enjoy the privilege of
freemen—and Mr. Webster, who, if
Ha rrison should he elected, will he |
his prime minister, considers them
unworthy of the concern of govern
ment: for he said in the Convention
of Massachusetts “let the Govern
ment take care of the rich, and the
rich will take care of the poor.”—
Are the poor of this conutry ready
to he committed wholly and solely
to the tender mercies of the rich ?
All the leading federalists in the (J.
States support Gen. Harrison.—
Nine-tenths of the members of the
Harrisburg Convention who nomi
nated him, belong to the old federal
party. He is the candidate of tho
federal party, and is supported in
the North and South on account of
It is federal principles ! Ido not ob
ject to his receiving the support of
federalists, for there arc federalists
at the South as well as at the North;
and if he represents their principles,
they do right to support him. But
to those who have ever cherished
the doctrines of the republican par
ty, and who still desire to cleave to
that that party, l would raise my
warning voice and thunder in their
ears—Yon are iu danger of being
betrayed !
Gen. Harrison is also an aboli
tionist, the proofs of which have so
accumulated that it would require
much more space than this short ad
dress will afford to present them all
to your view. I must therefore con
tent myself at this time with very
concisely offering a few only. The
first indication he gives of his ab
horrence of slavery is at a very ear
ly age, when upon leaving Virginia,
he exclaimed, “I thank God, l
have this day got rid of Virginia
slaves and Virginia politics.” Some
time in 1822, he addressed a circu
lar to his fellow-citizens to vindicate
himself from the “ calumny ” of being
called a “friend of slavery;” and said
lie was a member of an “ abolition
society” at the age of eighteen, and
proved it by a certificate from Judge
Gatch. In 1833 at Cheviot, Ohio,
he said, “it has long been an object
near my heart to sec the whole of
the surplus revenue appropriated to
that object,” tlmt is, to favour eman
cipation. “By a zealous prosecu
tion of a plan formed upon that ba
sis,” he continues, “we might look
forward to a day not very distant
when a North American sun would
not look upon a slave.” Now what
more could Garrison or Birny say,
to prove they were abolitionists? It
is true that in this same Cheviot
speech, and in another he delivered
at Vincennes, he argued the consti
tutional question very cleverly; by
which he placed himself precisely
upon the ground occupied by his
friend and supporter, J. Q,. Adams,
who lias done more for abolition
than all the Garrisons and Birnys
in the United States.
General Harrison’s horror of
slavery and his associations with the
abolitionists prove him to he with
them in views and feelings, while
his arguments only show that lie
differs with them as to the plans of
effecting their grand object; and
that he may not be as fanatical as
some others. He is courting their
votes by attempts to make them
believe he is with them. We are
indebted to the Rev. Abel Brown, a
baptist minister, whig anti abolition
ist, for the disclosure of a secret
letter from the Hon. Mr. Calhoun,
of Massachusetts, in which the wri
ter hints that he has authority from
Harrison to assure the abolitionists
that he is friendly to their cause.
Brown being censured for letting
the cat out of the wallet, defies the
publication of the letter—but it is
not forth coming. Geri. Harrison
lias recently written a letter to Gov.
Owen of N. C. in which he denies
ever having belonged to an aboli
tion society. The editor of the
Philanthropist, an abolition paper,
published at Cincinnati, and a sup
porter of Gen. Harrison, says, with
in four month prior to the letter to
Gov. Owen he had two interviews
with the General, ami he was at
pains to satisfy him that it was an
abolition society, and would apply
no other name to it. Thus General
I Harrison is not only convicted of
| holding abolition sentiments, but
| of the most contemptible equivoca*
J tions. if any thing further were
wanting to prove him utterly un-
worthy of the support of a higi
minded, intelligent people, we nei ;
only refer to his travelling over the
country —making stump speeches,
and begging for votes like a famish
ed beggar for a crust of bread!
This is the man, fellow citizens,
who is held up to you by such as
profess to be state rights men, ns
worthy of your support for the mot
honorable office in the world. What
protection for our property can we
expect from a man who abhors
slavery—who believes in the federal
doctrine of expediency—who is op
posed to too exercise of the veto
power—and who gives no pledges
except that he will veto no measure
approved by Congress. The abo
litionists have nothing to do, if he
should be elected, but to secure a
majority in Congress to consum
mate their diabolical purposes.
Mark the contrast: Mr. Van Bnreu
declares himself the uncomprotnis
ing opponent of every attempt to
interfere with the subject of slave
ry; and stands pledged to veto any
bill which may be passed for that pur
pose. A CITIZEN.
MR. VAN BUREN AND THE LATE
WAR
In no single act has the opposition shown
its mad recklessness of truth to a greater dt
gree, than in the attempt to identify Mr. Van
Buren with the anti-war pariy of 1812. And
this is the more singular, coming as it does
from a faction, the issue of the old federal
John Adams monarchists of ’93, as well as of
t ie traitorous tory party of 1812; for of this
there can be no doubt, that Harrison, the
Whig candidate, was an especial favorite of
the first, while there is not now living a mem
per of the old blue-light Hartford Convention
who is not a friend of that same candidate.
But, the whole charge is false, and those
who make it know it to be so. There is not
a Whig editor nor a Whig speaker hut is
aware, that Mr. Tallmadge, who is now so
leading a member of the opposition, has open
ly done justice to Mr. Van Buren in this mat
ter, and we cannot suppose that any whig
will be so bold as to charge Mr. T. with false
hood. Independent of tiie explicit denial to
which we refer, we here may take occasion
to quote additional evidence from the same
gentleman, that under “// circumstances,’
Mr. Van Buren has exhibited his attachment
to the principles of the democracy of the coun
try, and this most assuredly lie could not. have
done had lie been an opponent of the War.
In 1832, on the occasion ol the notable re
jection of Van Buren by the Whig senate, as
Minister to England, the Democratic mem
bers of the New York Legislature addressed
a letter to Gen. Jackson. Mr. Tallmadge
wrote that letter and with others, signed it.
Speaking of Mr. Van Buren, lie says;
“Our citizens have given repeated evi
dences of their confidence in him. With the
watchfulness becoming a free people, they
had regarded his conduct, iu the various sta
tions of the State. They hadwitnessed hit at
tachment under ALL circumstances, to the
principles of the Democracy of the country ,
and they had recently evinced the extent of
their confidence hv elevating him to the high
est office within their gift.”
‘ln attempting to stigmatize Mr. Van Bu
ren, therefore, as an opponent of the War,
the Whigs are doing him the greatest injus
tice, and that too in ihe very teeth of one of
the leaders of their own party, whose evidence
must be shown to be basely false, before the
unprincipled charge can be made lo have anv
weight. In this dilemma we leave them, and
now subjoin the annexed extracts from an
Address to the people of JVew York written by
Mr. Van Buren, Marcli 9th, 1812.
‘Fellow Citizens—Your country is at war,
and Great Britain is her enemy. Indulge us
in a brief examination of the causes which
have led to it; and brief as from the necessary
limits of an address it must be, —we yet hope
it will be found suficieni to convince every
honest man, of the high justice and jndis-
PENSICLE NECESSITY OF THE ATTITUDE, WHICH
OUR GOVERNMENT HAS TAKEN; OF THE SACKED
DUTY OF EVERY REAL AMERICAN TO SUPPORT
IT IN THAT ATTITUDE, AND OF THE PARRICIDAL
VIEWS OF THOSE WHO HEIUSE TO DO SO.’
After a summary of the cause which brought
on the war; the address goes on—
‘Under such accumulated circumstances of
insult and of injury, we ask agajn, what was
your government to do? We put the ques
tion, not “to that faction which misrepresents
the government to the people, and the peopie
to the government; traduces one half of the
nation to cajole the other—and by keeping
up distrust and division, wishes to become the
proud arbiter of the fortune and late of Ame
rica,” —not to them, but to every sound head
and honest heart in the nation it is that v.c
put the question,—What was your govern
ment to do? Was she basely and ingiorious
ly to abandon the rights for which you and
your fathers fought and bled? Was she so
early to cower to the nation which had
sought to strangle us in our infancy, and
which has never ceased to retard our ap
proach to manhood? No: vve will not for u
moment doubt, that every man who is in
truth and fact an American, will say lhat
WAR. AND WAR ALONE, was our only
r>fugefrom national degradation,—our only
course to nationcl prosperity.
But to crown this picture of folly and of
mischief, they approach you under a garb
vv.iicli at once evinces their contempt tor
your understanding, and their total want of
confidence in your patriotism; under a garb
which should receive the most distinct marks
of your detestation; they are i ihe friends vs
peace!’ While our enemies arc waging against
us a cruel and bloody war, they cry ‘Peace.’
While our western wilds are whitening with
tl e bones of our murdered women and ciiii
dien—while their blood is yet trickling down
tl e walls of their former habitations—while
the Indian war-hoop and the British drum,
are in unison saluting the ears, and.the Brit
ish dagger and the Indian tomahawk sus
pended over the heads of our citizens, —r.t
such a time, when the soul of every man
who has sensibility to fee! his country’s
wrongs and spirit to defend her right-, should
be in arms—it is that they cry Peace! While
the brave American tar, the intrepid defend
er of our rights, and redeemer of* our char
acter, the present boast and future honor of
our land—is impressed by force into a service
he detests, which compels a brother to im
bue his hands in a brother’s blood—while he
is yet ‘tossing upon the surface of the ocean,
and mingling his groans with those icmpesrs
less savage than his persecutors, tint “’aft
him to a returnless distance from Ins family
ar.d his home,’ —it is at such a peri ><J, when
there can be no peace, Without sacrificing
j NO. 2-(.