Newspaper Page Text
[From the New York Tribune.]
Official Correspondence.
!WR. COLLECTOR BRONSON TO AIR. SECRETARY
GUTHRIE.
New York, Oct. 17, 1853.
Sir : The pressure of official business and
confinement to a sick l oom have pi e\ tinted an
earlier atiswei to your letter of tne 3d insi-ant.
You first state, in substance, that I have been
under a pledge, which lias r, ot been redeemed,
to distribute offices in my gift among different
sections of the Democratic party, and then pre
scribe the course you expect me to pursue in fu
ture. You do not complain that my appointees
are not proper persons for the places they occu
py, or that they are not sound Democrats, sin
cerely attached to the principles ot the party,
and firm supporters of the National Adminis
tration. But you think I have not properly re
garded all sections of the party.
When Mr. Dickinson declined the Collector
ship of this port, in April last, I was asked by
several friends whether 1 would allow my name
to be mentioned to the President for the place
and answered in the negative. 1 thought no
more of the mattter until two days afterward,
when 1 saw in the public prints a telegraphic
dispatch announcing mv appointment, i had
two years before, resigned my place as Chief
Judge of the Court of Appeals with the inten
tion of never again accepting a public office ;
and, grateful as l was for this new mark of con
fidence, I should have declined the appointment
but for the high opinion wheh 1 entertained of
the President and his principles, and the assu
rance of friends that he earnestly desired my
acceptance of the trust.
When I accepted the place I had never seen nor
had any communication with the President, and
of course there wereno pledges between us, save
such as may he implied between honorable men
holding the like relation to each other. He had
a right to expect thut I would diligently and
faithfully discharge the duties of the office, and
maintain, in all proper ways, the principles which
restored the Democratic party to power; and so
long as I performed that implied obligation, I
had a right to expect that his confidence in me
would not be withdrawn. I have never com
plained that the President has not discharged
his part of the obligation, and am not conscious
of having omitted to discharge mv own.
You tell me that the President and his consti
tutional advisers stand pledged before the world
to the principles and policy laid down in the
Baltimore Platform and the inaugural address,
“and had reason to believe that nil gentlemen
who consented to accept office under the ad
ministration stood pledged to the same prin
ciples and policy.” 1 agree to that ; and
though it is but an implied pledge, I ad
mit its lull force. But it. proves nothing to the
present purpose, for there is not one word either
in the Baltimore platform or in the inaugural
address about distributing offices among differ
ent sections of the party. If the President or
his appointees are pledged to any such distribu
tion, you must look to some other document to
find evidence of the obligation—some document
which I have never seen.
It may he interred from the acts of the Presi
dent, that he regards as eligible to office all de
mocrats who cordially united on the Baltimore
platform in 1852, and are sincerely attached to
the principles of the party, although at some
former period they may have been out of the
way. That is a proper rule. It is the one on
which I have acted in making appointments to
office—not because I was under any pledge to
do so, but because I thought the rule just in it
self. But your letter proceeds upon the ground
that I should go beyond the inquiry whether ap
plicants for the office are good democrats now,
and ascertain to what section they formerly be
longed, and then make such a distribution of
offices between the different sections that no one
of them will have just cause for complaint. It |
is not only impossible to administer such a rule
as that with success, but the consequence of
adopting it must be that we shall never have
one democratic party united upon a broad basis
of principle, but a mere combination of differ
ent sections held together by no better bond
than theloTe of office, and ready to fall to pieces
the moment one section thinks itself aggrieved
in the distribution.
Notwithstanding what has been said 1 think it
would be found, on a proper scrutiny, that the
section which has so loudly and bitterly com
plained of injustice has received its full share of
the offices which I have bestowed. It is un
doubtedly true that more appointments have
been made from one section of the party than
from the other, and a single reason will be suf
ficient to show why it was proper to pursue that
course. Most of the Custom House appoint
ments for this port have always been made from
the counties of New York and Kings, in which
are thiee large cities which form a part of the
port. Jn 1848 the democratic and Free Soil
votes in those counties bore the relation of more
than four of the former to one of the latter.—
From the Free Soil vote should he deducted the
Whig Abolition vote, which went in the same
direction. After making the proper allowance
on that account, I think it safe to conclude that
no more than one out of seven of the democrats
in those counties voted the Free Soil ticket in
1848. In this view of the matter, I think it will
be found that the Free Soil section is far from
having just cause for complaint. 1 have acted
in this liberal manner, not because I was under
any pledge, but because 1 wished to do what I
reasonably could, to promote the harmony and
continued ascendency of the party.
It is possible that I am mistaken in supposing
that the Free Soil section has got its full share
of the places, for, in distributing the little offices
in my gift, which have for the most part .r o ne
among the rank and tile of the party, 1 have nei
ther had the time nor the inclination to do much i
by way of investigating the antecedents of*
men who were supposed to he all right now.
In reference to your remark upon the recent
rupture of the paity at Syracuse, that the divis
ion could and ought to have ‘"Seen prevented,’’
it is enough tor me to say that I not only had
no agency in bringing about that division, hut 1
tried to prevent it. My counsel was not only I
given m Savor ot the united action of thy Con
vent'on, but I sincerely hoped that harmony
would prevail. If any Government officers are
chargeable with what took place at Syracuse, j
i the burden must rest on those who were there
| —of whom three were from this city —and not |
upon the Collector, who was at home attending
to the duties of his office.
I do not state these things by way of apolo
gy, lor 1 have none to maake ; nor by way ol
courting favor for I have none to ask.
You speak of ‘'the re-union of the party in
1848,” which “re-union was supposed to have
been thoroughly cemented in the great and tri
umphant contest in 1852/’ Although i ardent
ly desired a re-union, if it could be effected up
on principle, I never approved the mode in which
the attempt was made to bring about that desira
; hie end. 1 thought then, and think still, that those
who Imre deserted the democratic standard in 18-
. 48, and thrown the State and National Govern
ments into the hands of the Whigs should, if
convinced of their error, return again to our
camp without exacting conditions, and should
then he treated with the utmost kindness. The
party would then have been strong, and we
1 should have heard no more about sections. But
a very different course was pursued ; and tne
! Free Soil leaders came back, so far as they came ;
a tall, under a league or treaty between them
and a few leading democrats, with no stronger
bond of union than an agreement to divide the
offices. The arrangement was based upon no
principle. The Free Soil leaders were left at
liberty to adopt the course which they pursued,
and, instead of again hoisting the National ban
| ner, they marched into the democratic camp
j with their own sectional colors flying, and thus
became an independent element in the party.
Indeed your letter proceeds upon the ground
; that the party has all along been divided into
! sections ; and consequently, that accounts |
must he balanced between them in the distribu- j
tion of offices. Ail experience proves that such
; a coalition as was formed in 1849 can never be
thoroughly cemented. Sooner or later it will
fall to pieces. The cohesive power of patron
age cannot long save that which has within it
self the elements of dissolution. It is not there
i fore, any matter of astonishment that the “re- i
! union ivas dissolved at the late Syracuse Con-
I vention j
After the league of 1849 had been broken,
and the section had again become seperate pnr
■ ties in form as well as substance, it became nee
| essary for me as a citizen of New York, to make
my choice between the two tickets winch had
I been nominated. Mv reasons for preferring
; one and rejecting the other before the public,
i and no one has the right to impute to me any
other motives than those which 1 have avowed,
i rejected one ticket because the nomination had
, been effected by means which no honest man
could approve, and because the nominees had
| been brought forward by men who had been hos
| tile to what I deemed the best interests of the
State in relation to the canals. I approved the
other ticket because the nominees were right
on the question of State policy, ami because
I those who supported it wore contending for the
principles which restored the democratic party
to power, and placed Franklin Pierce at the
“head of the Government.” I presume there
can be no objection at Washington to my main
taining now, as .1. have always done before, the
principles on which the National Administration
j stands ; and with questions of mere State policy
; you must allow me to say the Administration
has no rightful concern.
!. . 0
What consequences will follow the recent
break in the party is more than I can tell; hut I
feel reasonably confident that if the National
Democrats had a fair field, and the Free Soil
Democrats were not lighting under false colors,
their ticket could not get votes enough to help
the V\ higs through with their nominations. But
we have not got. a fair field. The Washington j
Union , while professing to speak the sentiments
of the Administration, has thrown its weight on
the side of the Free Soil ticket. It has under
taken to decide upon the regularity of our con
ventions, and to sit in judgment upon questions
of mere-State policy. It takes the side of those
who have once proved faithless to the party, and
put the Union in jeopardy, and denounces those
j who have all along supported the principles
which restored the party to power. It is now
a co-laborer ruth the Free Boii prints in this
State, some of which it so latel y read out of the
Democratic party. Though that print is not in
: itself of great importance, yet when it professes,
without rebuke, to do these things as the organ
oS the Administration, much mischief may he ‘
done. It matters little what disclaimers there
may he in ptivate circles, so long as there is no
public declaration that the paper speaks without j
authority. How ever unfortunately the election
may terminate, the responsibility will rest upon
others, and not upon me.
Let me now notice the time, manner and mo
tive of your letter.
As to time. It was after the rupture and
nomination of two tickets at Syracuse, and the 1
two ratification meetings in this City; after the
Collector had been denounced by the Free Soil *
leaders and presses, and the President had been
called upon to remove him ; after hungry office
seekers and hitter politicians had visited Wash
ington to misrepresent and traduce that officer,
and to whose clamors, as you well know, he
never made any reply ; after The Union had ta- |
ken ground against the ticket of the National
Democrats, and in favor of the ticket of their !
opponents ; then it was that you first discovered
cause for complaint of any kind against the Col
lector. Yon had approved all his nominations
with a single exception, and in that case the
office was abolished. Down to the receipt of
your letter of the 3d inst., you had never inti
mated to the Collector, in any form, that, you
disapproved of his appointments, or of the man
ner in which they had been distributed
As to the manner. You did not pursue the
usual course, and issue a circular laving down
a uniform rule for the government of all Custom
House officers having patronage to bestow; hut
confined your instructions to the port of New
York alone. If the doctrine of the latter is a
sound one, it is obviously proper that it should
be applied in other places as well as here; and
I it should regulate the conduct of all classes of
government officers having patronage to bes
! tow. Marshals, Postmasters, District Attorneys
and others, should act upon it in the selection
ot their deputies, clerks, and other agents.
1 will here mention another fact ot no little
“j
insignificance. The next day after the letter
was written, it was followed by another requir
ing me to submit for vour approval the names
of all clerks proposed to he employed in the j
Bondes Warehouses and Public Stores. In this j
matter you not only departed fom the practice |
of all former Secretaries of the Treasury—who j
had left tiiose appointments to the sole discre- j
tion of the Colloctor—but, so far as I have learn- .
ed, you again departed from the usual course j
of issuing a circular to ail the Collectors at our j
great ports, singled out the Collector at New j
York, and prescribed anew rule for him alone.
These facts need no comment—they speak for
themselves.
As to the motive of this movement, let others s
judge.
This is, 1 believe, the first instance in which
a member of the Cabinet has interfered with the j
discretion of a collector, marshal, postmaster,
or any other government officer having patron -
age to bestow, and laid down a rule for his
; government in the selection of his deputies, ‘
clerks, or other agents; and it certainly is the
first instance in which a public officer has been
instructed to go into an inquiry about sections,
and see that a iusl distribution ot offices was
made between them, ion have a right, bv law,
to give instructions on many subjects connec
ted with the collection of the revenue, and such
instructions it will be my duty to follow. But
when you go beyond that, and undertake to
direct m matters which the law has confined to
my discretion, no such obligation exists.
As to some officers ol the customs, the Col
lector has the right of nomination, and the Se
cretary the right of approval or rejection ; and
! as to the other officers, the power or appoint
ment is vested in the Collector alone. 1 shah
not interfere with the exercise of your powers,
and l trust you will render the like justice to
me. If you or any other high officer ol the
Government, desire the appointment ol a par
ticular individual, 1 need not say that it would
give me great pleasure to comply with the wish.
But I respectfully deny that you have any right
I to issue instructions for the government ot my
conduct in making selections lor office,
j So far as relates to live mere dispensation of
patronage, without regard to my responsibility
for the acts of the per.-ous appointed, I would
gladly transfer the trust to another. I have no
taste for such matters, and my comfort —aspira
lions f have none—would be greatly promoted
if someone else would perform the service lor
tne. But the law and mv commission have cast
the burden upon me, and l cannot surrender it
to another without a dereliction of duty.
• As you have given your letter to the press,
saying “the subject is a public,’’ I shall give the
same direction to the answer.
} am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
G R i ! ] KN E C. 1 IRONS () N.
Hon. James Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury.
m\b BmtxmL
COU Mill'S. GEORGIA.
WEDNESDAY MOEHIKG, 2TOV. 2, 3853.
DO“ We cal! attention t. the communication of “ A
Democrat,” in to-day’s pap-r. It breathe? the true
Democratic spirit. While w© liav. taken occasion to
speak of men as being qualified t * till the offices that
the Democracy of our .State may confer, we have
avoided .uiv illiberal puitisnuship, anxious that no un
fair prejudices might be a routed, and that the party
should be a unit—not a mosaic work of wings and fac
tions. And we believe that, the repr sentniives of the
Democracy of the State will as- rntdo at Mbi< dgevilie,
prepared to put down any and. ad attempts to introduce
elements which will bn-- ten-1 to a rupture and eons....
j quent defeat.
A Subject not the least important of many, for
consideration during the next Legislative session.
it is to be hoped that the brio!.a-.; period possible uv;
ibe consumed in the organization of the. Legislature, and
that the elections of Judges and l . S. Senator will
take place with the leas? expenditure of time, in order
j to give ample opportunity for the consideration of men
i sures affecting vitalv the interna! and local interests of I
- . , . ;
the State. One qf the most important of these, is a
’ judicious and liberal system of common schools.
The right or expediency of providing education at
government expense, is no longer a matter of contre
! versy. The only question now is, “how shall this be !
best effected ?” The subject only requires attention to
! be satisfactorily disposed of.
j Common school education lias been so perfected in
; Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York, besides in 1
several other States, that a plan is no longer a deside
! ratuni. If our Legislators will hut take up the subject
i with a determination to establish a system commensu
rate with the wants of the State, and the ability of the
State, we need no longer labor under such a partial
crippled system as at present disgraces our statutes and
the age in which we live.
it is a remarkable fact, that <Georgia has expanded
as much, if not more money, in proportion to her
population and age than, any State in the Union, and
reaped the least benefit. VYe have in the first con
stitution adopted by the State in 1777, the declaration
that ‘’schools shall be erected in each county, and sup
i ported at the general expense of the State.” To carry
out this intention, the Legislature in 1.83 appropriated
1000 acres of land to each county for the support of
these schools. In 1792. an act was passed appropri
ating one thousand pounds for the endowment of an
academy in each county. In 1817 there was an ap
propriation of $250,000 to the support of her schools.
The year following, every 10th and 100th lot of land
in seven new counties were appropriated to educational
purposes. In 1821, there was another appropriation of i
8250,000 to the support of county academies. The
State also establish el a University, so called, with an i
endowment of 40,000 acres of land. Through tit-* ;
negligence of the Tru tees, as alleged, 5000 of the
most valuable of these acres were lost by the Beaufoit !
treaty, and became a put of South Carolina. Os all
these appropriations, 830,0: = 0 arc only available for
school purposes, and but about 87000 for maintaining!
the ‘‘university, I here are about 40,000 poor <
children who depend upo-j these 830.000 tor education, j
.0 cents each, for ay* us tuition ! and of this pittance !
they are often swindled. ludetd, the Slate but “offer* j
it, • says the Rev. Dr. Scott, in an address delivered be-
fore the Central Agricultural Association in \if. ‘-for f
&jeh is the pnbhc apathy on the subject that the conn- .
tv authorities in many nstance in gleet to call for and 1
appropriate even tine [fiance for the benefit of the poor”
forty thousand.” And vve may and irotn tacts within our
own knowledge, that when applied for, after distribution
to counties, by the districts, some of those to whom it has
been entrusted, have had the criminal effrontery to
withhold* or wish to withhold a part of it. Such is the
shameful truth, and this in the face of nearly eight thou
sand poor children unable to read and write 1
The people demand a more efficient system in every
particular. We may boast of our hundreds of miles of
i Railroads, of our scores of cotton mills and other manu- <
! factoree, but woe! be to Georgia, if her people are left
to slumber in ignorace, and the mind be sacrificed to the
body. The more wealthy classes may be educated,
but what are to become of the poor ? A heavy respon
sibility rests upon our legislators in this matter, and if
i they possess the souls of men and the integrity of good
citizens, they will rio longer remain listless to the de
mands of duty and public right.
This is a theme upon which we cofld neve? tire—
but so much has been said and wiitten, and to
so little purpose that we would despair of ieiders
were it not that the subject is pressing itself up*
‘on the atterit'on of every thinking cituen ; and the
time has arrived when deceive and efficient ac
tion can and must, be taken. The people will hold
legislators responsible for this trust, and it no other
moans to bring their attention to the subject in a direct
and practical way can do devised, it will be made a
matter of issue in elections. ‘“Are you in favor <>i :i
liberal and efficient system of common schools ?” will ef
fect move towards the attainment oi moral excellence
among tire people than ail the liquor tests that call be
applied from Maine to California. Nor will we stop as
to common schools, but the higher institution ol learn
ing require public attention The people of Georgia do
not realize their delinquency in these public wants. Had
the system as designed by the legislative session of
17 84 been carried out, Georgia would now have an
educational system equal to any the world, and instead
i of sending her young men at a distance to be educated,
other sections would have been sending to our State
University and a degree signed by her President would
i have given a greater prestige than is now afforded by
any institution on the American continent. How the
matter stands, the people are begining to be acquainted.
Says Dr. Church, than whom on this subject no one
is better qualified to give an opinion, “‘the plan of the
University was conceived in wisdom and most admira
bly adapted to the nature of our institutions, and the
conditions of the people.- ’ Had the requirements of its
charter been fully carried out, vve should now have a
I system of education more perfect than that of any state
in the Union, and as perfect and efficient as any king
dom in Europe. According to this charter, the educa
tion of the State was one connected system —every
school and academy, suppoi ted by public funds, was a
branch of the University, and over each the head of the
University, had a special supervision. It was his du
ty to visit tho several institutions connected with the
University, to correspond with the trustees and instruc
! tors, and endeavor t<< secure for them competent teach
ers, and to insure from them an ample number of well
prepared students for the higher departments of
learning. i:
It is not too late now to adapt such a plan. At any
rate let ns have some efficient system that may afford
at least, a good rudimental education. The present
system is but an imposition and a mockery.
delivered before the Georgia 11 istorial Society.
Takgctt shooting by the Columbus Guards. — Last
Snturiiiiy, itiis c-1.-gjint corps turned out in bright array
with well filled ranks to compete for a full uniform,
which was won by private C. H. Pryor—with an ave
rage of three shots, 4 9-10 inches.
2d Best shot, ft 2-10 “
3d “ “ 0 2-10 “
Thu Pkbfokmanok or the Cambkli. Minstrels
to-night.— The Campbells have come and vviil pc: -
form at Temperance Hall to-night. This we are re
quested to say is pi tively the only concei t they can
j give in our city. Os course every body will go. See
i advertisement in smother column.
Columbus, Oct. 2'Jth, 1853.
T<> the id it irons or the Times & .Sentinel:
Gentlemen —ln looking over the Constitutionalist
this morning, 1 find an extremely objectionable nr title
in relation to the Senatorial election. Not so much on
account of the Editor’s partiality for men, us the princi
ple which he lays down, that the Democracy should
select its Senator from the Union wing of the party.
Ihe objection would have been equally as strong if he
| had declared his preference* for a candidate from tho
Southern Rights u ing ol the party. Democracy pro
per, is one and Indivisible, and the Editor who to tickle
the ears of a few aspirants by drawing distinctions in
the'!! favor hi cause of the position they have heretofore
occupied, must see upon reflection, that lie is creating
Divisions in the party, instead of promoting union and
strength.
I.he claims of candidates for this high and responsi
ble office must not rest on hie circumstance of their be
ing in the canvas* of 1851, Southern Rights men or
Union Democrats—for such a distinction must revive
ali the fierceness of that contest, and engender division
| nd hate between those who entertained different opin
ions ou that occasion. The only qmstion to be asked
is, ‘’are they true and consistent Democrats?’’—and
when tms i> answered affirmatively, a comparison of
their claims upon the party and their fitness for the cle-
vat til position mac be freely indulged in 1 doubt verv
lnuc *’ ibe propriety ot the Editor discussing the subject
at this time ; we have abundant strengt.li in the Legis
lature to secure tee election of a sound Democrat, and
it would be decidedly safer for ihe party and the great
interest ot'the country to leave the election to the pro
per tribunal. I would vastly prefer their decision,
than to adopt the counsel of any Editor, whether he be
of Southern Rights or Union descent. [ have as much
right to the expression of my opinion as the Editor of
tlie Constitutionalist, and there is no reason why it
should not bear as much weight, if the argument upon
which it is founded shall be properly considered. Mr.
i Cobb seems to be a choice which he expresses with
i some anxiety and feeling. His argument (in his esli
; mation) the mo-t potent, consists of Mr Cobb beiim a
“Union man. Another Editor may insist that Ve
; uould I ,,efer a Southern Rights man, therefore, you
sv at once, if this element of discord is to be thrown
into the canvass, that the Democratic party must be
devoid to another division, and consequent weakness
and mibw *i%, it was in the election for Governor,
in USE! . , ——-
if the Democracy take Mr. Cobb, let them take him
as a Democrat, and not as a Union Democrat. But
’ *’ “ i'*'deience lias Mr. Uob!> in public estimation over j
•" ud ” c “ Mr. ~ happell, Judge Iverson, r Judge
1 McDonald ? Ah these men have fought the battles of
with as much courage and consistency
as Mr. Uobb. Georgia has elevated them all; none of
jJuco ‘M-!-- et.iy spec is! oiaims upon the party- Tce-TTporT’
the Democratic principle of rotation in nflice, all of them
at the present, have greater claims than Mr. Cobb -
He, with all the honors of the Speaker’s chair restir g
on his shoulders, became the successful candidate so-
Governor. This triumph should have contented him
and his friends. Let Mr. Cobb be ever so sound ■>
Democrat, it will be admitted that Iverson, Chappell
“Warner and McDonald are each and all of them as
true. The Constitutionalist also insists that Mr. Cobb
should be rewarded for Isis support of Gov. Johnson
, 1 have nothing to oppose to that argument, but does not
the same reasons if good, require the party to support the
! other gentlemen named—all of'whom were equally as warm
; and active, and whose influence, looking at_tlie actual re
sults in those sections of the State, where their personal
power would be mostly felt; seems to have had quite as
much, if not more effect in producing that result. And while
> upon the subject of important elections, ] must protest
against the high toned dictation of the Constitutionalist in
regard to the choice which should be made of Judges of
the Supreme Court. Judge Starnes, I have no doubt is well
qualified for this position, but he has neither superior quali
fication or superior claims to many other Democrats, and,
therefore, no editor has the right to forestall opinion and
partially dictate the course of our party in the Legislature.
This recommendation of the Constitutionalist ,l look upon
as emanating from considerable self importance, but when
; that editor ha? the presumption to declare in favor of Judge
Nisbet, a Whig, it is time for the Democracy to look out
; for better council. lam not lor converting the Supreme
Court into a party tribunal, and God forbid it should ever
be done, but is not a Democrat in our estimation as good
as a Whig ! and have we not many Democrats who are at
least iu mental power and legal attainment, Judge Nisbei’s
equal ? It was distinctly understood when the Supreme
Court was formed, that the dominant party should have
two Judges and the other, one ; hence, Lumpkin and Nisbet
Whigs, and Warner Democrat, was appointed. Now, as
I am for adhering to the constitution on all occasions, I will
also adhere honestly to that understanding.
Yours, &c,
A DEMOCRAT
Startling Intelligence—The Union in Danger.
We find the following dispatch in the New York
Herald of Thursday. We should add that no other
paper has the news :
HIGHLY IMPORTANT FROM WASHINGTON.
National Democratic Cont ention to be called to take into
consideration the policy of the Cabinet
(Special Correspondence of the New York Herald.
Washington, Oct. 26,1853.
The National Demoeatie Committee are to cail a
National Convention of the Democratic party at Baltimore
about the time of the meeting of Congress. The object i?
to take into considerrtioti “the State of the Union,” as il
lustrated in the conduct of the present administration
They will determine the question whether the Baltimore
platform has been properly undeisrood by the Cabinet, and
whether their policy meets the approbation of the people.
Tho Southern States will be fully represented, as will the
anti-free soil party of the North and West. R
It would be curious to sec a Notional Convention held
to settle the disputis of the New York democracy.
The democratic party of the South have managed to
settle their two disagreements, and will no doubt ex
pect the New York ‘“shells” to do the same. What
ever are the merits of the case, it is a New York af
fair, and New York Is not quite the whole Union.—
The city of New York is not the political Paris of the
United States, that its party e/notes should be permit
ted to disturb the whole confederacy.— Sac. News.
... - ..I
: la fmt 1 1 ltd ligmci.
t From the Savannah Courier. ]
LATER FROM EUROPE.
All RIVAL OF THE ARAB [A.
n.M.TJMoiu;. O •!. —The steamship Arabia arrived
at ilalikix on \ cdiiesoay at midnight, bringing later
dates from Liverpool.
Ihe Arctic arrived out on the 12th instant, and her
nows had a favorable effect l.pon the market and all qual®
dies advanced .pi. except those inferior grade, the mar
ket being poorjy supplied with fair and middling. The
sales of < ott* n during the week amounted to 37,300 bales,
I oi which speoiihitoi> took 3,5 t mi, jmd exporters 3.250
bales, at the following quotations:
Fair Oi lean > Q o-8d
Middling. • do 53 a 5Zd
Fair Mobil- 6§d,
Middling do G 5-Sd.
Fair Upland G-}d.
r Middling... .do \\'.sh a 5 5-Sd.
ih' 1 stock ot Gotten lcniaiuing on liand (exclusive of
that on ship’*.-- rd) is very large, amounting to 753,000
bales.
Aii kmds ot i.readstutts have advanced.
The London M< my Market remains unchanged. Con
sols for money quoted at 91 :} a 92.
Political Intelligence.
It lias been announced by fin* Sultan, that if Russsir.
, u-‘e-not evacuate the Principalities within fifteen davs,
t urkey will >■< torn- nee hostilities.
Proclamation* ot war have already been posted upon
all the Mosqiv .
‘I he eombin. .1 fle. fs have been invited to repair to Con*
stantinople.
1 he Black Sea is free to all neuter flags.
[ Fix rn the Savannah Republican. 1
NEWS FROM EUROPE.
arrival of tiie Hermann.
\oi!K, < >ct. 30.—The steamship Hermann, from
Southampton, via Liverpool, with dates to the 12th isnt
has arrived.
Cotton.— Ihe sales of three days, were 7,200 bales at
al° jd advance. Quotations as follow :
Fair Orleans •
Good Middling do. jj
Fair Upland iii
Good Mid. Log do. ini
arrival of the arctic.
Xnw Fork. Oct, 3ii.— L’he steamship Arctic has arri
,vV Vbis port from Liverpool with dates to the 1 filth ilist.
I Here was a good demand for cotton at Liverpool at stif
ftr rates—the sales of the three day previous to her sail
ing amounting to 20,00 h bales. Quotations unchanged,
h ieur had advanced Is. (id. The corn market was dull.
Consols closed at 9 i £ a 913.
/trade at Manchester was slightly improved. Commer
i cial advices from India are regarded as favorable.
Political Intelligence.
\\ nr on the Danube and the Caspian Sea is inevitable.
GortsmccH, it is stated, has no authority to commence
hostilities, name peace, or to evacuate the Principalities
; ;^ u 7 ria a,,d , Prussia bave recalled their subjects from the
1 urKisn service.
| linre is much agitation'in Italv.
m Second Despatch.
iNnv. York, Oct 39. ihe Guidon Pont savs hostil
;Ues are inevitable. Gort-lieikoff has replied to the Turk
:sji summons that lie lias no power to commence bostili
make peace, or evacuate the principalities. The
Saltan replied that he Would commence hostilities if the
principalities were not evacuated by the 25th. The Czar,
o receiving the declaration of war from Turkey, swore
.ifc would wage a war of extermination. It is supposed
7* le wai ’ will commence in Georgia or on the Black Sea,
Gen. Pafckiewitch las taken > mnmand of the Russian
army.
tin tb<_ vJi October the combined fleets were ndxan-