Newspaper Page Text
■ninths by this system all
Phev ofthis common fund
■ain be replaced in the
w, so as to be reinvested
<>l 1 lie mnnlicis.
VIELII AMI FIRESIDE.
■tla, tlarrli 111. 1*77.
■EXPLANATORY.
Bidersigned, Proprietor of
■ice, has been induced to
■connection with anotli
■if business; from tin
|ff a of friends,
l
HrTed with Imw
Tof the < Xliee 11
Mv ill < ■'
■nee I may possess t^
’ business successful ; wß>r
.the management of the Office
■f left to them. Generous
Is will applaud thc^^o^aiid
|/.r it in
Enfold ■
Known me, hi association
El Tens, will gladly we I
latest effort ,ii pnlilie
Vs.
ft R. M. GOODMAN.
BFIELI) AND FIRESIDE,
■ill contain, enough of politics
Bkecp the Farmer posted;
Eugh of news to interest him
®he events of the day; enough
pf the markets to keep him wide
■awake in his economy; enough
Wf Rural economy, and tin- pro
■luction, dial ri Init ion and con
|Bnption of wealth, in all its mu
End enough ol’miscellany and hn
nnor to lighten his toil.
We issue this paper without
[Bicial patronage of any kind
a limited amount of Inisiness
advertising. Our reliance is
werefore, mainly upon an exten
Hvc subscript ion list. The price
Pk so low ail'd the margin of prof
it so small that the Paper can
only he published on the basis of
a large subscription list. Will
you take it 1
ONLY ONE DOLLAR!
Just think of it 1 A handsome
paper, tilled with interesting mat
ter every week of the year for
only One Dollar. We should
have one thousand readers in
Cobb and as many more in the
adjacent counties. Every House
hold “without distinction of color"
can afford that and he richly re
paid for the expenditure.
Wo have purchased the finest
fast-printing Presses and the tin
est Printing material made, so
that no City can excel us in the
style of work to be done, and bet
ter still, we can afford to do the
work at lower prices than rule in
any city north or south.
THE FIELD AND FIRESIDE
NKWS AND .IOU oi l'll I .
Subscription to the Paper with
in the County, Single Subscribers
Ono Dollar per annum; out of
the County, One Dollar and Fif
teen Cents. Clubs of Ten within
the County, Nine Dollars -out of
the County Ten Dollars and Fifty
Cents, this price including pre
payment of Postage by the Otlice.
As soon as an adequate number
of Subscribers are obtained to
cover the expense of publication,
we will commence the regular is
sue of the paper. Price of sub
scription to be paid on the receipt
next issue.
Job Okkick is complete in
Ball its appliances—fast Power
of the most approved
. ami I’.ij'i
Et at prices as low as it is
it anywhere.
PSTall kinds, of npprov
franq will he kept on hand to
i^Brders.
COMMUNICATIONS.
It is the hope of the Publishers
to give the Field and Fireside its
highest interest or value from the
contributions of cultivated minds
within reach of its circulation.
•Several have promised it the ben
efit of t heir observations and re
flections and we solicit others to
occupy its respective departments
with articles relating to Political
and Rural Kcondmy, popular Phy
sical Science, Literature or Art.
We see no reason why the small
Town of Marietta may not have
organized a corps of able waiters
who could fill a Magazine with
■Ber which would do no discred
it to Blackwood. Shall we feel
w wav throng the Field ani>
in
Bsoea
came, and perhaps the
■■■ raii'C, of the depression of
|nbii''i'i' -I- for several years has
the dread of the political
crisis, through which we have just
passed; lack of confidence in the
stability of the Government, or
the fear of civil commotion. The
money interest is proverbially
sensitive and capitalists have
been quick to gather in, and slow
to invest. Now that we have ti
ded over the Presidential scram
ble without civil war let us hope
that for many years to come
“hard times will be no ma|e.”
POLITICS.
It is not our intention to en
| gage to a great extent in the dis
cussion of politics. The produ
cing classes are largely interested
in all questions affecting the gen
eral welfare and should be in pos
session of all facts touching their
own and the general interest,and,
in devoting this Paper especially
lo them, we will present them as
I hey arise. In the politics of this
country, however, there is no lon
ger any such thing as principle.
Stale Rights limitation to Feder
al power died with the subjuga
lion the conquest of the South,
! and popular limitation was buried
\ forever by the National Democra
l tic Party at St. Louis, under the
j system of Republican reconstruc
j lion. In future our choice must
; be, not one of principle, but of
preference, as to which party will
lest administer the affairs of the
central government, now absolute
supreme, without check or bal
ance and subject wholly to the
views of expediency controlling
the party dominant. Still, it
may lie preserved, a good gov
ernment, with adequate popular
intelligence, though the great
changes of our system have al
ready brought us to the very verge
of a midst rom of political corrup
tion. Still, the South must draw'
(doser and closer its ties to it, as
with it are bound up all we have
of security in the present or hope
in the future. Let us never for
got that any government is better
than anarchy and that that is our
only alternative, and not only for
us but for the whole country.
In view of these facts, for facts
they are, we propose to preserve,
Hplitically,our independence, and
to acknowledge the authority of
no ring, clique, caucus or conven
tion to bind us in our political ac
t ion. The Paper will be held free
to advocate, in the evolution of
political events, such policy as
may seem best promotive of the
public good, and especially will
it it always be found on the side
of “ retrenchment and reform,”
.just as far as they can be urged
in removing unnecessary bur
thens of State or local govern
ment from an oppressed people.
A STATE CONVENTION.
An election will be held in
this State in June next at which
the people will decide for or a
gainst State Convention. Before
they make up their minds on the
one side or the other they will
desire to know what the frieuds
of a Convention propose to do.-*-
Fhere tire many changes in our
-date government desirable,—a
tunic. <
J >ss of CONFIDENCE.
THE FIELD AND FIRESIDE.
j reduction, for instance, of the
i Homestead, —the school system
modified, —biennial sessions only,
; redaction of Offices and salaries;
| removal of the Capitol; these and
: other matters looking to retrench
ment and true economy may be
! proper objects of the Convention
and may justify its assemblage.—
Perhaps someone will briefly dis
cuss the matter pro and con, for
the benefit of our readers.
WITHERS’ IRON FOUNDRY.
Mr. Withers established his
Foundry here some years ago,
with limited means, but, with
thorough skill as a machinist and
persevering energy, he has
brought it up to its present ca
pacity and can now turn out as
good machinery with as much
dispatch and at as low prices as
such work can be procured in any
part of the country. His Found
ry is one of those valuable indus
tries in the success of which ev
ery one in this section should feel
an interest.
THE INAUGURAL.
If the President acts as he
speaks we can concieve of little
in his administration of which the
South may justly complain.
THE PRESIDENTS INAUGURAL
ADDRESS.
Fellow-citizens : We have assembled
to repeat the public ceremonies begun
by Washington, observed by all my pre
decessors, and now a time-honored cus
tom, which marks the commencement
of the presidential ollice.
Called to the duties of this great trust
I proceed, in compliance with usage, to
announce some of the leading principles
oil the subjects which now engage the
public attention, by which it is my de
sire to lie guided in the discharge of
those duties.
1 shall not undertake to lay down ir
revocable principles or measures of ad
ministration, but rather to speak of the
motives which should animate us, and
suggest several important ends to be at
tained, in accordance with our institu
tion, and essential to the welfare of our
country.
At the outset of the discussions which
preceded the recent presidential elec
tion,it seemed to me titling that 1 should
fully make known my sentiments in
regard to several of the important ques
tions which then appeared to demand
the consideration of the country. Fol
lowing the example and in part adopt
ing the language of one of my prede
cessors, I wisli now, when every mo
tive of misrepresentation lias passed
away, to repeat what was said before
the election, trusting that my country
men will candidly weigli and under
stand it, and that they will feel assured
that the sentiments declared in accept
ing the nomination for the presidency
will be the standard of my conduct iii
the path before me, charged as I now
am with tiie grave and ditiicult task of
carrying them out in the practical ad
ministration of the government, so far
as depends under the constitution and
laws In the chief executive of the na
tion.
The permanent pacification of the
country upon such principles and by
such measures as will secure the com
plete protection of ail its citizens in the
free enjoyment of all their constitution
al rights is now the one subject in our
public atiairs which all thoughtful and
jiatriotic citizens regard as of supreme
importance.
Many of the calamitous effects of the
tremendous revolution which has jiass
ed over the southern states still remain.
Tiie innumerable benefits which will
surely follow, sooner or later, the hear
ty and generous acceptance of the legiti
mate results of that revolution, have not
yet been realized. Ditiicult and embar
rassing questions meet us at thetliresh
hold of this subject. The people of those
states are still In an impoverished con
dition, and the inestimable blessings of
wise, honest and peaceful local self-gov
ernment are not fully enjoyed. What
ever difference of opinion may exist as
to the cause of this condition of tilings,
the fact is clear that in the progress of
events the time has come when such a
government is the imperitive necessity
required by all tiie varied interests, pub
lic and private, of these states ; but it
must not lie forgotten that only a local
government which recognizes and main
tains inviolate tiie rights of all, is a true
self-government. With respect to tiie
two races whose peculiar relations to
each other have brought upon us the de
plorible complications and perplexities
which exist in those states, it must be
a government which guards the interests
of both races carefully and equally ; it
must be a government which submits
loyally and heartily to the constitution
and tiie laws—the laws of tiie nation and
thelawsof the states themselves—accep
ting and obeying faithfully the whole
constitution as it is.
Resting upon this sure and substantial
foundation the superstructure of benefi
cent local governments can lie built up,
and not otherwise. In furtherance of
such obedience to tiie letter and the spir
it of the constitution, and in behalf of
all that its attainment implies, all par
ty interests lose their apparent impor
tance, and party lines may well be per
mitted to fade into insignificance. Tiie
question we have to consider for tiie im
mediate welfare of the states of tiie south
is tiie question of government or no
government, of social order, and all
the peaceful industries and the hap
piness that belong to it, or a return
to barbarism. It US question in which
every citizen of the nation is dcp]v
interested, and with respect to which
we ought not to be in a partisan sense
either republicans or democrats, but fel
low-citizens and fellow-men, to whom
the interests of a common country and
a common humanity are dear.' The
sweeping revolution of tiie entire labour
system of a Urge portion of our country
auil the advance of four millions of peo
ple from a condition of servitude to that
of citizenship, upon an equal footing
with their former masters, could not oc
cur without presenting problems of the
greatest moment to be dealt with by tiie
emancipated race, by their former mas
ters, and by the general government, the
author of the act of emancipation. That
it was a wise, just and providential act,
fraught with good for all concerned, is
now generally conceded throughout the
country.
That a general obligation rests upon
tiie national government to employ its
constitutional power and influence to
establish the rights of tiie people it has
emancipated, and to protect them in the
enjoyment of those rights when they are
infringed or assailed, is also generally
admitted. The evils which affiict the
southern states can only be removed or
remedied by the united and harmonious
efforts of hot 1 1 races, actuated by motives
of mutual sympathy and regard, and,
while in duty bound and fully deter
mined to protect the rights of all by eve
ry constitutional means at the disposal
of my administration, I am sincerely
anxious to use every legitimate influence
in favor of honest and efficient self-gov
ernment as the true resource of those
states for tiie promotion of tiie content
ment and prosperity of their citizens.
In the effort 1 shall make to accomplish
this purpose, I ask the cordial co-ojk*ra
tion of all who cherish an interest in the
welfare of the country, trusting that
party ties and the prejudice of race will
be freely surrendered in behalf of the
great puri*ose to lie accomplished in the
important work of restoring the south.
It is not the political situation alone
that merits attention. The material de
velopment of that section of the country'
has been arrested by the social and po
litical revolution through which it lias
passed, and now needs and deserves tiie
considerate care of the national govern
ment, within the just limits prescribed
by the constitution, and wise public e
conomy, but at the basis of all prosperi
ty for that, as well as for every other
part of the country', lies the improve
ment of the intellectual moral condition
of the people. Universal suffrage should
rest upon universal education. To this
end liberal and permanent provision
should be made for the support of free
schools by tiie state governments, and if
need be supplemented by legitimate aid
from the national authority'.
Let me assure my countrymen of tiie
southern states that it is my earnest de
sire to regard and promote their truest
interests—the interests of the whites
and of the colored people—both and
equally—and to put forth my best efforts
in behalf of a civil policy which will
forever wash out of our political affairs
the color line and the distinction be
tween north and south, to the end that
we may have not merely a united north
or a united south, but a united country.
I ask the attention of the public to the
paramount necessity of reform in our
civil service—a reform not merely as to
abuses and practices of so-called official
patronage which have come to have the
sanction of usage in the several depart
ments of our government, but a change
in the system of appointment itself; —a
reform that shall lie thorough radi
cal and complete;—a return to the
principles and practice of the founders
the government. They never expected
nor desired from public officers any par
tisan service. They meant that public
officers should owe their whole service
to tiie government and the people ; they
meant that the officer should be secure
in his tenure as long as his personal
character remained untarnished, and
tiie performance of his duties satisfac
tory ; they held that appointments to of
fice were not to lie made or ezpected
merely as rewards for partisan services,
nor merely on the nominations of mem
bers of congress as being entitled in any
respect to tiie control of such appoint
ments. The fact that botli the great po
litical parties of the country in declar
ing their principles prior to theelection,
gave a prominent place to the subject of
reform in our civil service, recognizing
and strongly' urging its necessity in
terms almost identical with their spe
cific import with those I have here em
ployed, must be accepted as an argu
ment in behalf of these measures. It
must be regarded as the expression of
the united voice and will of the whole
country upon this subject, and both po
litical parties are virtually pledged to
give it their unreserved support.
The President of tiie United States of
necessity owes his election to office to
the suffrage and zealous labors of a po
litical party,the members of which cher
ish with ardor and regard as of essential
importance the principles of their party
organization, but he should strive to be
always mindful of the fact that lie serves
his party best who serves the country
best.
In furtherance of the reform we seek,
and in other important respects,a change
of great importance I recommend is an
amendment to the constitution prescri
bing a term of six years for the presiden
tial office, and forbidding a re-election.
With respect to the financial condition
of the country, I shall not attempt an
extended history of the embarrassment
and prostration which we have suffered
during the past three years. The de
pression in all our varied commercial
and manufacturing interests through
out the country, which began in Septem
ber, 1873, still continues. It is very
gratifying, however, to be able to say
that there are indications all around us
of a coining change to prosperous times.
Upon the currency question,intimate
ly connected as it is with this topic, I
liiay be permitted to repeat the statement
made in my letter of acceptance, that in
my judgment the feeling of uncertainty
inseparable from an irredeemable paper
currency, with its fluctuation of values,
is one of the greasest obstacles to a re
turn to prosperous times. The only safe
paper currency is one w hich rests upon
a coin liasis, and is at all times prompt
ly convertible into coin. I adhere to
the views heretofore expressed by me in
favor of congressional legislation in be
half of an early resumption of specie
payment, and lam satisfied not only
that this is wise, but that the interests,
as well as the pablic sentiment of the
country, imperitively demand it.
Passing from these remarks upon the
condition of our own country, to con
sider our relations with other lands, we
are reminded by the international com
plications abroad threatening the peace
of Europe, that our traditional rule of
non-iiimrrni'tUHie iu aithtrs of foreign
nations has proved of great value iu past
times, and ought to be very strictly ob
served. The policy inaugurated by my
honored predecessor, President Grant,
of submitting to arbitration grave ques
tions in dispute between ourselves and
foreign powers, points to anew and in
comparably the best instrumentality for
the preservation of peace, and will, as
I believe, become a benefident example
of the course to be pinned in similar
emergencies by other liSlions. If, un
happily, questions of difference should
at any time during the period of my ad
ministration arise between the United
States and any foreign government, it
will certainly be my disposition and my
hope to aid In their settlement In the
same peaceful and honorable way, thus
securing to our country the great bless
ing of peace, and mutual good offices
with all the nations of the world.
We have reached the close of a politi
cal contest, marked by the excitement
which usually attends the contests be
tween great ’ political parties, whose
members espouse and advocate with ear
nest faith their respective creeds. The
circumstances were perhaps in no re
spect extraordinary save in the closeness
and the consequent uncertainty of the
result. For the first time in the history
of tiie country it has been deemed best
in view of peculiar circumstances of the
case that the objections and questions in
dispute with reference to the counting
of the electoral vote should lie referred
to a tribunal appointed for the purpose.
That tribunal, established by law' for
this sole purpose, its members all men
of long established reputation for integ
rity and intelligence, and with the ex
ception of those who are already mem
bers of the supreme judiciary, chosen
equally from botli political parties, its
deliberations, enlightened by the re
search and tiie arguments of able coun
sel, was entitled to the fullest confidence
of the American people. Its decisions
have been patiently waited for and ac
cepted as legally conclusive by the gen
eral judgment of the public. For the
present, opinion will widely vary as to
the wisdom of the several conclusions
announced by that tribunal. This is to
be anticipated in every instance where
matters of dispute are made the subject
of arbitration under the forms of law.
Human judgment is never unerring,
and is rarely regarded us otherwise than
wrong by the unsuccessful party in the
contest. The fact that two great politi
cal parties have in this way settled a
dispute, in regard to which good men
differ as to the facts and the law, no less
than to the proper course to be pursued
in solving the question in controversy,
is an occasion for general rejoicing.
Upon one point there entire unan
imity in public sentiment—that conflict
ing claims to the presidency must be
amicably and peaceably adjusted, and
that when so adjusted the general ac
quiescence of the nation ought surely to
follow. It has been reserved for a gov
ernment of the people where the right
of suffrage is universal, to give to the
world the first example in history of a
great nation, in the midst of a struggle
of opposing parties for power, hustling
its party tumults, to yield the issue of
the contest to adjustment according to
the forms of law.
Looking for tiie guidance of that di
vine hand, by which the destinies of na
tions and individuals are shaped, I call
upon you, senators and representatives,
judges and fellow citizens, here and eve
ry where, to unite with me in an earn
est effort to secure to our country the
blessings, not only of material prosper
ity, but of justice, peace and union—a
union depending not upon the con
straint of force, but upon the loving de
votion of a free people, and that all
things may be so ordered and settled up
on the best and surest foundations that
peace and happiness, truth and justice,
religion and piety, may be established
among us for all generations.
Communicated.
The Thirty-Fifth Senatorial District
under an Act of the Legislature au
thorizing the call of a Convetion, is en
titled to nine Delegates. Clayton, Cobb
and Fuiton Counties comprise the Dis
trict. I see that an Atlanta Paper
claims that Fulton County should have
twice as many delegates in the Conven
tion as Clayton and Cobb, both put to
gether. That paper claims that Fulton
should have three times as many dele
gates as Cobh and appeals to figures to
substantiate that claim. Now, it seems
to a plain man like myself, that Fulton
ought to have three times the popula
tion that Cobb lias to entitle the former
to three times as many Delegates to the
Convention. Is such the fact ! No, it
is not true, no matter whether we take
the census of 1870 or the popular vote
of 1870 as the basis of calculation. Take
the census table of 1870, Fulton lacks
nearly 8000 population of having thrice
the number of Cobb ! The Legislature
fixes the apportionment in the ratio of
one Delegate to every 6,000 inhabitants.
Take the last election returns, a more
reliable criterion, then the frudulent
Federal returns of 1870, Fulton lacks
over 3000 of having thrice the number of
votes polled by Cobb. I ask what jus
tice is there in Fulton’s claim ? I hope
this will not be pressed and certainly
ought not be pressed. I feel certain it
should not be.
I do not, Mr. Editor, pretend to know
“ how many statesmen to the square
mile,” as the newspaper referred to,
ironically puts It, there may be it Cobb.
I know there are at least three plain,
blunt men in Cobh, who love liberty,
and who are friends to good honest gov
ernment, and who, if chosen delegates
to the convention, will do no discredit to
themselves, no dishonor to their county,
and of whom Georgia will never be at
all ashamed. I vouch for the following
good, honest citizens, and I know that
many more of our citizens will do the
same—W, T. Winn, J. D. Waddell, and
Charles D. Phillips. These gentlemen,
though not “statesmen for the square
mile,” will nevertheless serve the citi
zens of Cobb county and State of Geor
gia, not for per diem, but out of pure
patriotism. SURBI’RBIAX.
WASHINGTON NEWS.
The following are the cabinet nomina
tions :
Secretary of State—William M.Ev
arts, of New York.
Secretary of the Treasury-Johu Sher
man, of Ohio.
Secretary of War —W. M. McCrary, of
lowa.
Secretary of Navy—R. M. Thompson,
of Indiana.
Secretary of the Interior—Carl
Sclmrz,of Missouri.
A
of Massachusenß
Postmaster Gent
of Tennessee.
March 7.—The an extract
from u letter w Postmaster
General Key on Feb.^^B:
I am ready to do allßpcan to restore
confidence and good government to the
people of the south. This can only be
done bv a hearty fraternization of the
section’s, for which I have labored. *
* * If, without requiring of me the
sacrifice of my personal or political in
dependence, you ffnd my name can be
used for the good of the south in your
best judgment, you are at liberty to use
it. If I were to become a member of an
administration I should not feel myself
at liberty to place myself in opposition
to its general policy, but should feel
bound to build it up and strengthen it
in the hearts of the people, and if the
time arrived when I (fould not fully co
operate with it, I 4houW resign. As
matters are in the south; I %>uld be
more useful to our people by an inde
pendent ud, as I hope and
believe, the administration will develop
a broad and liberal policy toward the
people of the south, I would not hesi
tate to incorporate my fortunes and
self with it.”
This letter was before President
Hayes last night, when he had a con
sultation with Mr. Key, prior to his
selection as postmaster general.
General Banks of the nouse South
Corolina investigating committee and
the United States marshal for South
Carolina called upon President Hayes
this morning, and had a brief conversa
tion upon the political situation in
that state.
The president stated to General Banks
that he would have to excuse any ex
pression of views on that subject at this
time, as he had determined to take some
days for its full consideration, and not
to act until he had conferred with his
cobinet, that he would then deal with
the subject in both South Carolina and
Louisiana.
It is stated that a letter has been writ
ten to Governor Chamberlin by a prom
inent friend of President Hayes, and
endorsed by another friend, intimating
that Governor Chamberlain’s resigna
tion would be acceptable.
Washington D. C., March 9
All of Hayes proposed cabinet
are here, and have signified will
ingness to serve.
Sherman declines acting until
his colleagues are confirmed.
Morrill did not attend the cab
inet on account of delicate health
and harsh weather.
No public business.
The president has done practi
cally nothing regarding the dual
governments of South Carolinia
and Louisana. Neither has there
been any action taken with re
gard to the southeren federal offi
ces except in the instance of
Stone for disrict attorney of South
Carolinia, and there is a halt in
this, because the delegation in
congress prefer that Wm. E.
Earle, a native republican and
equally efficient with Mr. Stone,
should have the place.
THE LATE PRESIDENTIAL
CONTEST.
Gov. Hendr'icks, of Indiana,
has been recently “interviewed”
on the recent action of the Com
mission at Washington and said:
The commission having gone
according to the law, the result
will be the election of Hajes. I
do not think that they acted ac
cording to the spirit of the law.—
Their decision will not be satis
faciory to the country and the
longer this people think upon it
the more it will he condemned.
Correspondent.—Many demo
crats are now' abusing their con
gressmen and saying they were
imbeciles for voting for the com
mission.
Governor Hendricks—Yes; but
it is because they don’t compre
hend the difficulties which would
have arisen had the question not
been so decided. The senate
would have elected Hayes, and
the house would have elected
Tilden, both would have been in
augurated. Hayes would have
had the support of the army, the
office-holders and the other re
sources of the government, leav
ing Tilden nothing to fight with*
had a fight been deemed advisa
ble.”
Well, is it not better, a thous
and times better, to have Hayes
President than to have had a
civil war involving ruin to life,
liberty and property throughout
the land and finally ending, as it
only could end, in absolute des
potism ? What a narrow escape
we have had from a dreadful fate,
and how terrible the reflection,
when it comes home to us, that
we are now no longer under
the safeguards of the Constitu
tion but subject to fall victims at
anytime to the fierce contests of
hungry or ambitious partizens.
OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN
MEMPHIS AND ST. LOUIS.
St. Louis, March 9,1877. —After
’Change this afternoon, a joint
meeting of the merchants and
cotton exchanges was held in the
chamber of the former, and th)
following resolution adopted:
Whereas, The sentiments enun
ciated by the president in his in
augural address and foreshadow
ed in the appointment of his
FM. Key,