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Cottstittitnmalwf & JUjiuMir. j
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JAKSS M. SMYTHE, )
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O'* ALE REMITTANCES PER MAIL, ana ai or*
aisx.
A Week's Work.
Sunday—church doors enter in,
Rust from toil, repent of sin;
Strive a heavenly rest to win.
Monday—to your calling, go:
Servo tno Lord; lovo friend and foe;
To the tempter, answer No.
Tuesday—do what good you can;
Livo in pence with God and man;
Remember life is but a span I 1
Wednesday—givoaway and earn ; j
Teach sorno truth, some good thing leara;
Joyfully good for ill return. e
Thursday—build your houso upon ?
Christ, the mighty comor stono ;
Whom God helps, his work is done. 1
Friday—for the truth bo strong;
Own your fuult, if in the wrong; (
Put a bridle on your tonguo.
Saturday—thank God and sing; *
Tributo to his treasury bring)
Bo proparod for Terror's king!
Thus—your hopes on Josus cast— ]
Thus lot all your weeks bo past, {
And you shall be savod at last.
Woman's Rights.
Why such confusion when wo see
The ladies a la Uloomer f
In this at least -we should permit
Thom to enjoy their humor.
If naturo in her kindest mood
Uavo fair propotions to them,
It is but right that fashion should
Permit the dears to Bhow thorn.
Though sappy heads with sapless limbs
There aro enough—l know it—
To cry for sliniuo ! My notion is
They're right. So,, lot ’em go it.
(From the Marietta .Advocate, 11(4 ins(.)
001. Chastain’s Bargain and Sale.
We ask the attention of every voter to the
conclusive evidence in the lett u r of tHfe Hon.
Thomas C. Hacket. The plain statement there
made shows, beyond the possibility of denial,
how Col. Chastain came to change his coat, and
how he caitie to get the nomination to Congress.
With this evidence, we ask, how can any honest
minded vot >r put in the ballot box a vote for
Chastain? In electing to high and respectable
offices, the citizen is under an obligation of duty
and conscience to seek the good of his country,
or it is a matter of indifference how he votes, atid
for whom. If the former—if the citizen, in cas
ting his vote, has a duty to perform, then many
an honest Constitutional Union man will awfully
strain his conscience in voting for Chastain. If
the latter—if it makes no difference whether the
candidate is trust-worthy or not, honest or other
wise. then votes might as well be bought and
sold as any other way. But we cannot believe
that the people of Cherokee Georgia will so far
prostitute the privileges of freemen as, by their ,
ballots, to select Klijah Chastain to represent ;
them in Cdngiets, when they have such pssitive
proof of his utter unworthiness.
Read.
Leiianon, Sept. 4, 1851.
I understand that Col. Chastain, in his various
speeches, takes occasion to denounce as false the
charge that any proposition was ever made to
him, in relation to his being run for Congress, in '
the event that he would abandon his Southern I
Rights doctrine, and the party, and join the Con- j
gtitutional Union party. He also denounces those
who have made the statement, as guilty of false- !
hood.—l have made the statement, and will now ]
very beieily give the tacts upon which 1 made
it, which I would have done sooner but for my
extreme ill health.
A few days before the August Term of Cass
Superior Court, 1850, in conversation with a
certain prominent Union man of Cass county,
upon the subject of politics, the position of differ
ent men, tic., he mentioned Col. Chastain, whose
position he seemed to be more astonished at than
that of any other min, he, Chastain, being at
that time what is termed a “fire-eater,” or dis
uuionist. He spoke of Chastain as being an ac
tive partizan, veiy useful, Btc.; and remarked,
among other things, that if he were a Union man,
his chance for the next Congress would be very
good—for, said he, Col. Chastain would have
been my choice overbuy other man in the Di
strict; and further remarked, that he had not lost
all hope ofhim yet, tor, said he, I think that if a
few of his old friends were to give him a plain
talk that he would yet be right. There is one
way, said he, that he ran be influenced —WE MUST
PROMISE TO RUN HIM FOR CONGRESS!
He further remarked he should see him the next"
week, and would say to him, that if he were a
Union man that he and his friends would be for
him for the next Congress.
I subsequently saw this gentleman after he had
spent a day or two, and perhaps one nigr t, with
the Colonel at his own house, aud he then said
to me that it was all right, that he had succeed
ed. I then remarked, yju had to promise to run
him for Congress ? His reply was—l told him
that if he would join the Union party that my
self and friends would go for him. I replied, and
he acceded to your proposition ? His answer
was, HE DID; or, to use his own language:—
“WHEN I MADE THE PROPOSITION HE
BIT AT IT LIKE A TROUTAT A M INNER}
HE IS NOW A GOOD UNION MAN, AND
WILL BE OUT IN A LETTER TO THAT
EFFECT IN THE NEXT STANDARD.”
The letter appeared in the next Standard , and
the Colonel has been from that day up to the
Convention, openly electioneering for Congress;
and the gentleman of Cass, together with those
whom he controls, have been openly and active
ly engaged for him.
These are the facts, together with a few of the
circumstances, upon which I made the state
ment. Col. Chastain, however, says that any
one who says that such a proposition was ever
made to him, on t hat subject, is guilty of false
hood. The gentleman from Cass said that he
made it—not only made it, but that the Col. ac
ceded to it. So the falsehood, connected with this
matter, lies between the Colonel and the gentleman of 1
Cast, which they must reconcile.
THOS. C. HACKETT. 1
lWagon Artillery.
About 182—, an expedition of the U. States
troops, composed of a detachment of the 6th Foot, j
eft Fort Leavenworth, then a mere cantonment I
or the far west. On the route they were com
pletely invested by a large party of wild Indians, I
who charged up to their very lines, shaking their
long copper lances in the very face of the Foot,
md menacing them, in case one should break the
ine, with certain destruction. Charge after
?barge was made, until the veteran officer in
command—the present General Riley—gave the
>rder—Fire! The fighting Sixth threw in its
aden hail, and the chivalry of the prairie was
iwept from before them like a summer cloud.
The command ofMajor Riley had with them
i six pound gun, which they had been on the
point of abandoning halfa dozen times, out which
iovf~ came into play. Elevating it to an angle
>f 45 degrees, and filling it almost to the tampion
with largrage, the Major waited his opportunity.
The Indiana, after the fire of the Sixth, had re
peated to the top of a MA prairie teton, or mound,
where they made all imaginable derisive gestures
it the American troops. A group of several
hundred had gathered on the very pinacle of the
hill, when the Major gave the order to fire the
solitary gun. The shot and largrage fell on the
laminar limestone of the hill, each fragment of
the rock proving fatal, as a shot, and more than
twenty ot the red-skins falling dead and wound
ed.
Away went the party of Indians; and after a
rapid retreat, went into the depart imento of Tex
as, which did not belong to Uncle Sam, exhibit
ing the greatest alarm.
Major Riley returned home, and after the lapse
of some time, visited St. Louis, where he met
with a gentleman named Coffee, a son of the fa
mous defender of Mobile, in 1815.
“Hallo, Riley !”
“Hallo! yoursel.”
“What did you do to the Camanche V
“Whipped them.”
“You did more than that.”
“What?”
“I will tell you. They came to my post last
all, and said: ‘We have been beaten. The
llanitou is angry. We do not care for rifles, for
ve have them. We care not for the horn gun
[musket and bayonet,) but the man in the prairie
hot a wagon at us /”
This was the first time the Camanche had ever
een artillery, and poor Ben Moore used to say,
rhen the Indians came, it was only necessary
o wheel your wagons into a battery, and they
rould riever wait for you to fire at them.
The Union announces with some degree of
xultation that it has received a despatch from
lanton, Mississippi, dated September Bth, to the
iffect that Gen. Quitman had abandoned the
ield, and was no longer a candidate for Gover
lor. There is, of course, no published signa
ure—but the Union says, in explanation of its
lubrication of it: “as it bore a responsible signa
ure, the fact which it states admits of no doubt.”
We are not so easy on that score as our con
;emporary. We do not put much faith in what
ire always called responsible signatures. So many
itatements, equally reliable, have come from the
West of late, that we do not doubt but the Union
has been deceived. We believe we should have
received similar intelligence had there been any
truth in it General Quitman will not give in,
unless compelled to do so by ill health.
The Union is supporting the cause of Foote,
is in fact siding with the Whig, while it pro
fesses to belong to the Democratic party. That
those who now proclaim themsekes friends of
the Union will Show their Whig colors before
long, we have little doubt And then what
course will our cotemporary take? We appre
hend it will look with another eye upon the
course of the Southern Rights party, aud find less
fault with the just and independent course which
the Southern Press has all alongadopted in up
holding the constitutional rights ol the South.—
Southern Press, 10(4 inst.
The Golden Harvest. —The New York Tri
bune says: “ The Georgia brings $1,500,000 on
freight, aud $400,000 in the hands of passengers,
making $1,900,000, which is the full amount ex
pected l»y her. The receipts from California
within the week have then probably been, per
Prometheus, $ 400.000
Empire City, 100,000
Georgia, 1,900,000
Total $-2,400,000
At New Orleans, 250,000
Total, $2,650,000
The month promises to yield ss,ooo,ooo,which
is considerably beyond the amount wenhall pro
bably export. Although we shall continue to
export largely of Coin, certainly until the new
Cotton crop begins to go forward, yet it must be
remembered that we have already paid twenty
eigth millions of dollars of our indebtedness to
Europe in specie, aud so much balance of trade
is out of the way.
The marble palace dry goods store in New
York, known as Stewart’s, is to be-opened.—
It is five stores high, ami now extends from
Reade to Chambers streets, fronting one hun
dred and fifty-one feet on Broadway. It fronts
one hundred feet on Chambers street, and its
length in Reade street, is one hundred and twen
ty-seven feet. There are also large vaults be
neath the street, two hundred aud seventy
eight feet in length, well lighted by numer
ous gratings, and so well finished that it is diffi
cult for a visitor to realize that he is under
ground. Below these, and extending under the
whole tmildiug, are vast sellers, stored with
goods not required for immediate use. The ave
rage value of stock in the store is upward
of two millions of dollars..
[Correspondence of the Baltimore Sun.]
Washington, Sept. 7, 1851.
The Government, I understand, is not under
any apprehension that any further demand will
be made upon their extreme energy and vigi
lance for the prevention of more crusaders a
gainst Cuba. But, last evening, we had, from
New Orleans, authentic acccounts that the Pam
pero has actually taking a considerable number
of emigrants from Florida to Cuba. I wonder
if the Government knew or ever will know any
thing about it. Will any more “ stringent and
precise orders” be given, the day after the affair 1
We have received further information trom
private and Spanish sources, which goes to con
firm the impression, produced by other facts, that
the Captain General of Cuba was made well ac
quainted with the Lopez expedition, and the
names of those persons in Cuba who were in
the plot, some time before the Pampero left New
Orleans, and that he was well prepared and de
sirous to receive the invaders. It is certain that
he knew at what point Lopez was advised
by his Cuban compatriots to land. There can
be no doubt, in fine, that while Lopez was going
on to execute his part in the plot, and acting in
perfect good faith to all whom he enlisted with
him, his com-plotters in Cuba had no designs but
to betray him and his three. They and the
Captain General ofCuba encouraged him to come
to Cuba, and some of our own public officers
took care to throw no impediment in his way.
lon.
A Pejzlek. —ln taking the census in one of
the western towns, the enumerator found in one
of the papers, under the head, “ Occupation, &c.,”
the entry “ Zooker,” carried out opposite the
name of the a young child. He enquired the
meaning of the entry, and received the following
solution of the enigma trom the mother of the
child : —“ Aw ! that's my chell 1 He hath’n left
off yooking (sucking) net, zo that’s es occupa
tion.”
The Boston Times learns from a reliable source,
1 that a lump of hail, weighing two hundred and
seventeen pounds, fell near Dover N. H., on the
>oth ult. The mass was observed at a considera
te elevation before it descended, and created no
ittle alarm among a number of people. It for
:unately fell in a bog, and did no other damage
than to throw up mud and dirt upon all who
were in the vicinity.
A Tragedy Equal to that of the Boman Lucretia, ,
The last letter of the European correspondent
to the St. Louis Republican is unusually interest
ing. From it we extract the following tragic in
cident at Verona, Italy:
“On the 15th of J une, at 9 o’clock in the even
ing, M. Evangelisti, Chancellor of the Criminal
Tribune, (which, I believe, means a kind of
sheriff.) and a friend to His Holiness Pius IX,
was assassinated in the street, as he was about
entering the house of a friend. Mr. Evangelisti,
celebrated for the violence of his character, treat
ed the political prisoners under his charge with
the greatest cruelty. Among others imprisoned
for political offences, was a young man, of ex
cellent character and family, and the husband of
a beautiful and devoted wife. She had been,
again and again, to Evangelisti, and on her knees
implored him to intercede for the release of her
husband. His answer was always the same;
he would grant her request, but only on one con
dition, which always made the beautiful woman
bow her head in shame and leave the monster in
despair.
At last her husband’s sufferings were increas
ed, and his state of health became alarming; the
poor wife could bear it no longer; once more she
went to Evangelisti, and returned with her hus
band's pardon in her hand, and with dishonor
branded upon her brow. But she was a Roman,
and she did not forget the example of her ances
tors. The next day her husband was free, but
when the shadow of night fell over the city, the
wife who had offered herself up a sacrifice for
him she loved, watched alone in the street for
her destroyer. Evangelisti left his house, but
saw not who followed liim, knew not until he
felt a dagger in his heart; then, as he looked up
he saw two black eyes, which he knew even in
their fury, as they gazed an instant upon him
from out the hood of a man’s cloak. The next
morning in one of the small rooms of the public
bath house of Genoa, the dead body of the devo
ted wife was found. She brought the tragedy to
its most terrible point by ending her own life.
The Pope, it is related, wept when he heard
of the “ melancholy ” death of his dear friend
and worthy officer, Evangelisti, and crowds
gathered round his coffin and begged to see his
face, and a brilliant cortege followed him to his
tomb; but a broken-hearted husband and a
motherless child, were all who accompanied to
its last resting place, the body of Evaugelisti’s
victim.
Never, it is said, has the persecution of politi
cal prisoners been so great in Italy, as at this
time, and murmurs loud and deep against the
Pope, are again raising from all quarters, and
that at the first news of a disturbance in France,
Italy would once more make an effort for her
disentrallment from papal power.
(Correspondence of the Baltimore Clipper.)
Washington, Sept. 9, 1851.
An Offence to Jloyalty—The American Minister to
England and hit Wife —Royal Babies.
There are many occurrences among the aris
tocracy everywhere, the knowledge of which is
studiously excluded from the “common people,”
the plebians; but occasionally some of the pri
vate doings, of interest to the public, leak out.—
We have heard of a case recently communicated
to a friend by a gentleman just returned from
England, whose credulity cannot well be ques
tioned. although he may have been joking when
he, in a private party, mentioned the extraordi
nary fact that Mrs. Abbott Lawrence not long
since being at Buckingham Palace, actually took
the liberty of kissing Queen Victoria’s youngest
baby. Now, we republicans would not consider
this a great offence; in fact, parents do not con
sider it hurtful for their little ones to kiss the
nurses, no matter what may be the color, or the
general cut of the features. But royalty, even if
carried in the arms, cannot be kissed with impuni
ty. It is a high privilege not accorded to com
mon blood. All this may be right, and in accor
dance with the usages of kingly and queenly
courts. The etiquette cannot be infringed. But
the “over-stepping of the bounds” of propriety
did not end with the kiss, it was made the sub
ject of diplomacy, and Victoria's chief minister
wrote a note to Mr. Lawrence, complaining ot
the otlence. As we heard not the “ rumor of
war,” it is to be presumed that a proper apology
was made by the American Minister, uud theie
fore " the two countries still enjoy an uninter
rupted peace.”
We all remember how the Brazilian Govern
ment tlared up because Henry A. Wise, our min
ister to that court, did not have the big guns of
an American ship tired, and Hags run up, on the
anniversary of the birth day of the Emperor’s
child; and that the offence was considered tne
more criminal because he stood God-father to an
infant born on the ocean in a ship while on its
way to California with a regiment of American
armed sold ers, and made a speech in which he
contrasted the two systems of republican and
monarchical governments. However, Mr. Wise
came home, and Mr. Tod was sent thither with
a note to his Majesty in the torm of an ajiology.
The matter were amicably arranged, and peace
was still preserved to us. And as an evidence
of this, it was officially announced that Mr. Tod
danced with the Empress and Mrs. Toil with the
Emperor. “ Cross hands and forward two!”
Some of our ministers have heretofore made
themselves ridiculous at court and fancy parties,
especially while personating mock Dukes , but they
ought to be required to represent us as republi
cans and not as mountebanks, and all monkey
cajiers should be rebuked by our General Gov
ernment.
(From Dr. Brewer's Guide to Sc ience.)
Hints on Things Familiar.
What is carbonic acid gas ? A gas formed by
the union of carbon and oxygen. It used to be
called “fixed air.”
Under what circumstances does carbon most
readily unite with oxygen ? 1. When its tem
perature is raised ; thus if carbon be red hot, ox
ygen will most readily unite with it; and 'l.
When it forms part ot the lluid blood.
Why do oxygen and caibon so readily unite in
the blood ? Because the atoms of carton are so
loosely attracted by the other materials of the
blood, that they may unite very readily with the
oxvgen of the air inhaled.
Is carbonic acid wholesome? No: it is fatal
to animal life; and (whenever it is inhaled,) acts
like a narqoctic poison—producing drowsiness,
which sometimes ends in death.
How can any one know if t place to infested
w'ith carbonic acid gas ? If a pit or well con
tain carbonic acid, a candle (let down it) will be
instantly extinguished. The rule, therefore, is
this—where a candle will burn, a man can live;
but what will extinguish a candle, will also des
troy life.
Why does a miner lower a candle into a mine
before ne descends ? Because the candle will to
extinguished, if the mine contains carbonic acid
gaS; but if the candle is not extinguished, the
mine is safe, and the man may fearlessly descend.
Why does a crowded room produce head-ache?
Because we breathe air vitiated by the crowd.
Why is the air of a room vitiated by a crowd?
Because it is deprived of its due proportion of
oxygen, aud laden with carbonic acid.
How is the air of a room affected thus by a
crowd? The elements of the air (inhaled by
the breath) are separated in the lungs,—the ox
ygen is converted in the blood into carbonic acid;
and the carbonic acid (together with the nitro
gen) is then thrown off by the breath into the
room.
Is all the nitrogen rejected by the liltigs! Yes:
all the nitrogen pf the air is always expired.
Why is a crowded loom unwholesome? Be
cause the oxygen of the air is absorbed by the
lungs; and carbonic gas (which is a noxious poi
son) is substituted for it.
Mention the historical circumstance, so well
known in-connexion with the “Black Hole of
Calcutta.” In the reign of George ji, the Raja
(or Prince) of Bengal, marched suddenly to Cal
cutta, to drive the English from the country: as
the attack was unexpected, the English were ob
liged to submit, and 146 persons were taken pri
soners.
What became of these prisoners? The were,
driven into a place about eighteen feet square
and fifteen or sixteen feet in height, with only
two small grated windows. 122 of the prison
ers died in one night; and (of the twenty-three'
who survived) the larger portion died of putrid
fevers after they were liberated.
Why were 123 persons suffocated in a few
hours, from confinement in this close hot prison
hole? Because the oxygen of the air was soon
consumed by so many lungs, and its place sup- ;
plied by carbonic acid, exhaled by the hot |
breath.
Why did the captives in the black hole die
sleeping! 1. Because the absence of oxygen
quickly affects the vital functions, depressess the
1 nervous energies, and produces a lassitude which
ends in death; and 2. The carbonic acid gas
(being a narcotic poison) produces drowsiness
and death in those who inhale it.
Why are the jungles of Java and Hindostan so
fatal to life? Because vast quantities of carbonic
acid are thrown off by decaying vegetables; and
(as the wind cannot penetrate the thick brush
wood to blow it away) it settles there, and de
stroys animal life.
Why do persons in a crowded church feel
drowsy? 1. Because the crowded congrega
tion inhale a large portion of the oxygen of the
air, which can alone sustain vitality and healthy
action; and 2. The air of the church is impreg
nated with carbonic acid gas, which (being a
strong narcotic) producesdrowsiness in those who
inhale it.
What is choke damp? Cabonic gas accumu
lated at the bottom of wells and pits, which
renders them noxious, and often fatal to life.
Thf. Shop Girls op Paris. —The following is
an extraet from “Fresh Glcanigns,” by Ike Marvel,
and is a fair specimen of the sprightly style which
pervades the whole work.
“But if it be good philosophy to boar meekly
with the cheaterics of the shopmen—it is doubly
so with the shopgirls.
The high-heeled shoes, and high head gear, that
turned the soul of poor Lawrence Sterne, have in
deed gone by, but the Grisette presides over gloves
and silks yet, and whatever she may do with the
heart-strings, she makos the purse-strings yield.—
You will find her id every shop of Paris —(except
thoso of the exchange brokers, were are fat, mid
dle-aged ladies, who would adorn tho circles of
Wall street)—there sho stands, with tor hair laid
smooth as her choek, over her forehead—in the
prettiost blue muslin dress you can possibly ima
gine—a bit of narrow white lace running around
the neck, aud oach little hand set off' with tho samo
—anil a very witch at a bargain. He who makos
the shop girl of Paris bate one jot of price, must
needs have French at his tonguo's end.
There may be two at a time, thoro may be six,
she is not abashed; sho has the samo pleasant
smilo, tho same gentle eourtscy for each; and her
eye glances like thought from one to the other. You
may laugh, sho will laugh back; you may chat, she
will chat back; you may scold, she will scold back.
Sho guesses your wants—thero they are, the pret
tiest gloves (she says) in Paris. You cannot utter
half a sentence but she understands the whole; you
cannot pronounce so badly but what she has your
meaning in a moment. She takes down package
upon package; she measures your hand, her light
fingers running over yours— Qurl/t jolie /u tile mat
—sho assists you in patting a pair fairly on; and,
ilow many pair dous Monsieur wish?
But one! ah. Monsieur is surely joking. See
what pretty colors! and she gathers a cluster in
her finger.-, and so nice a fit! and sho takes hold of
tho glove upon vour band.
Oniy two! ah, it is indeed too few; and so
oheap! only fifteen francs for the six pair, which is
too little for Monsieur; and she rolls them in a
paper, lookiug you all tho tirno fixedly in the eye.
And there is no refusal; you slip tho throe pieces
ofmonoyon tho counter, she drops them into a
little drawer, aud thanks you in away that makes
you think, as you go out, that you havobeon pay
ing for the smiles and nothing for tho gloves.
We have been furnished with the following
statement of the amounts of cotton received in
and shipped from this place during the year end
ing the Ist inst.
• Total No. of bales received, 14,141
“ “ “ shipped, 13,887
Leaving on hand, 257
(Rome Southerner, 1 lfA inst.
I From the Marietta Advocate.]
Letter of Governor McDonald.
Mr. Editor. —On my return home a day or
two since, 1 found a letter Irom an intelligent
and respected friend residing in Floyd county,
from Which 1 make the following extract:
“Mr. Cobb addressed the citizens of this coun
ty at Rome, on the 2’Jth mst., and in the course
of his speech,charged the Southern Rights par
ty with advocating the right of a State to seceede
without q cause, and stated that in a recent discus
sion witn you, you maintained that doctrine,
whilst he contended that the right existed only
for muse, and that the other parties to the com
pact would have the right to protect themselves
against the effects ot such action on the part of a
seceding State. Believing that he placed you
in a wrong position, 1 deem it due you, and the
cause you advocated, that you should be appris-'
ed of the charge.”
I regret the necessity of adverting to this sub
ject. But it is most strange to me that Mr.
Cobb should make such a statement. I trust
that my esteemed friend misunderstood him, for
lam sure that 1 maintained, in that discussion,
no such doctrine, and no one, I supposed, could
so have understood me. My opponent, in his
opening speech, argued that position at some
length. Imtny reply, I denied that any such
issue could to made without a reflection upon
the virtue and intelligence of the people. There
was no such issue.
I maintained the right of secession for cause,
of the existence and sufficiency of which the
people of a State in their sovereign capacity,
were the exclusive judges. In the exercise ol
it, they could not be controlled by the judgment
of others; that it was absurd to say that a man
had the right to do a thing, and that another
should say that he bad no such right, and not
permit him to enjoy it. I illustrated by putting
this case: If Seward, Giddings. Wilmot, Hale.
Chase, & Co., acquire sufficient power to abolish
slavery in.the States, and raise negroes to an
equality with white persons, and Georgia were
to deem.that sufficient cause to secede irom the
Union, for the purpose of taking care other hon
or and her rights, and appeal to the same men to
know it the wrongs they had indicted justified
thq. measures we had adopted, there could be lit
tle doubt about the judgment they would pro
nounce. They would decide against the suffi
ciency of the cause for, by admitting it, they
would condemn themselves. I maintained that
a right was a perfect thing. That there was no
right, if it could not be exercised but at the plea
sure of others.
As I have been forced to this statement, I
will say additionally, that on the establishment
of the right of secession for sufficient cause, oi
which the people are to judge for themselves, in
dependent of all control by others, depend the >
rights of the people under our Government,
Establish the doctrine that the other States have
the right to say that it shall not be exercised, and
you deprive tiie States of all remedy for politi
cal wrongs and oppressions. They must sub
mit to any aggression indicted by a majority, or
if they wish to relieve themselves of it. it can
not be done but by an appeal to the God of bat
tles. There will to an end of State sovereignty
and State rights, if this doctrine prevails, and if
the time should come that powers delegated, en
trusted to the Government, lot the piotectiqn oi
the peopled each State delegating it, and all
the States, should to so used by a corrupt majori
ty in the Government, as to indict the most in
supportable wrongs on the people, and that the
people cannot re-assume as peaceably as they
delegated these powers abusively used, our Gov- 1
eminent becomes a despotism at once, and the
sun of political and constitutional liberty will go
down in revolution and blood. 6
Charles j. McDonald
Marietta, Ga. Sept. 8,1851.
AUGUSTA, GA.
SUNDAY MORNING, SEPT. 14.
TEE LARGEST CffiCULATION IN THE STATIT
For Governor.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
[ District For Congress.
1. JOS. W. JACKSON, of Chatham.
2. HENRY L. BENNING, of Muscogee.
3. DAVID J. BAILEY, of Butts.
4. JOHN D. STELL, of Fayette.
5. WILLIAM H. STILES, of Cass.
6—THOMAS F. JONES, of Newton.
7.— DAVID W. LEWIS, of Hancock.
B—ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert.
The Mails.
We received no papers by last evening's mail
from offices North of Richmond, Va.
The Western Mail, due at 4 A. M. yesterday,
did not come to hand until 5f P. M. The de
tention was caused, we learn, by running over
a cow, about a mile this side of Stone Mountain
which threw the engine and tender off the track.
No one seriously injured.
Bargain and Salk.— See letter of Col. Hack
ett. It places Mr. Chastain rather low down in
the ranks even of trading politicians.
State Rights in 1833.
Some of the Constitutional Union papers are
constantly saying that the doctrines held and
proclaimed at this time, by Mr. Cobb, Mr.
Toombs, and other modern republicans, are iden
tical with those held by the State Rights party
of Georgia in 1833.
We utterly deny it. Neither our time nor
space permits us to go into lengthy details, now,
upon all the various points of controversy appli
cable to the present political canvass. We shall
now state, in brief propositions, what were the
doctrines ot the State Rights party of Georgia, in
1833, and defy a contradiction of their truth.
We shall notice no anonymous article on the sub
ject, but we defy Mr. Toombs, Mr. Stephens,
Senator DaWson, or any of the chiels ot the Con
stitutional Union party to contradict our decla
ration of the positions or principles of the State
Rights party of 1833.
We then state that that party held, in 1833 :
Ist. That the States originally had a separate
existence.
2nd. That after they achieved their indepen
dence of Great Britain, they were free, sovereign
and independent States.
3rd. I hat upon the formation of the present
Union, they did not become a consolidated peo
pie; that is, they did not constitute one people, as
the citizens of a nation. r
4th, That the representatives of the States
were not the representatives ot a consolidated
government. That those representatives were ac
countable to their respective States, and not to
the United States.
sth. That each State had the right to decide
for itselt upon the constitutionality of any acts
ol Congress, and to protect its citizens against
the injurious operation of any act of Congress
which it might decide to to unconstitutional.
6th. That each State had the right to main
tain, within its limits, all the rights, liberties and
authorities appertaining to a sovereign State.
I hat each State was a perfect sovereign.
7th. That each State had the right to secede
i from the Union, without coercion, by virtue of
its sovereignty.
Bth. That allegiance was due to the States in
the first instance, from all of their citizens.
9th. That secession was a peaceable right, and
any attempt to prevent its exercise, by the Gen
eral Government, would to a glaring infraction
ol State rights, and a gross outrage upon the li
i berries of the people.
10th. I hat the right of secession was not the
right of revolution, which implies the right of the
party revolted against, to maintain its power by
the sword, but the right peaceably to withdraw
from the Union, aud assume an independent state
and position among the nations of the earth.
Those, we say, were the doctrines and posi
tions of the State Rights party of Georgia in
18-13. It we could go to the graves of the
mighty dead and call them up to life,.they would
sustain us in these declarations. The very wind
which whistles over the tombs in which their
• bones are resting, tell us that these are the doc
, trines of the freemen of that day. It is true the
| waves of time have covered them over in the
| past, and even many who lived then, and sus
! tained them, still live, apostates from their faith,
to bear the ignominious testimony of renegades
against these recorded truths. Effeminate and
false, they should blush at their betrayal of
their former sentiments, and the slavish doc
trines which they now proclaim, and seek with
such white-livered zeal to instillinto the hearts
of a wronged and confiding people. We still de
pend upon the noble blood, the steady principle,
the unwavering faith of Georgians. You are
not yet tamed to the disgraceful cowardice, the
faint dependence, the ignominious doom to which
modern' demagogues would subject you. Your
lances, once so bright, will yet gleam in the face
of the enemy, and protect you against Northern
tyranny and Southern treachery.
This is our hope; and, if that is vain, we are
lost and our doom is sealed. If the suu shall set,
on the sth of Oct. next, on the defeat of the prin
ciples of the-Southem Rights party of Georgia,
our noble State will become the scorn of tyrants,
and, we tear, ours will be the fate of slaves. The
people of Georgia are prepared for no such pen
cilled chart of mean submission. They have
premeditated no such political baseness and
criminality. Loyalty to truth, to freedom, and
to immutable right and justice, forbids us to
'imagine for a moment that such will be their
abject and base submission. Day dawns upon
the South, and the Southern Rights party will
triumph at the polls, and old Republican Georgia
will be herself once more. (
The steam ship Georgia has been running
twenty-one months between New York and
Chagres. without intermission, and during that 1
period has made twenty-one trips. The aggre- |
gate of the distance 6he has run is upwards of I
one hundred thousand miles. She has carried '
upwards of thirteen thousand passengers, and '
brought in several millions of gold dust and’ spe
cie, and a large amount of merchandise.
The Pampero.—A letter receivedin Charles- !
ton from Nassau River, in Florida, a short dis- 1
tance South of the Georgia line, states that on !
the 6th, the steamer Pampero was chased into t
the harbor by a Revenue Cutter. There were
about 150 of the Cuba expeditionists on board,
who immediately landed, and dispersed. The
Revenue Cutter remained off the will pro
bably detain the Pampero until orders are re
ceived from Washington.
The Wilmington and Manchester Rail Road
Company, in North Carolina, have purchased,
through their agents, Messrs. Winslow, Lanier
& Co., of New York, 7.000 tons of iron, which,
with previous purchases, will be sufficient to lay
the enire line oi road, 162 miles. The purchase
has been effected on favorable terms, the Com
pany's Bonds being taken in payment at 90 cents
on the dollar, and the cost of the iron delivered
at Wilmington and Charleston at $4l 50 per
ton.
Mutual Loan and Building Association.
September 12th, 1851.
At a meeting of citizens, at the City Hall, on
the evening of the 12thinst., for the purpose of
forming a Mutual Loan and Building Associa
tion, on motion, James Gardner, Jr., Esq. was
called to the Chair, and Mr. E. Heard appointed
Secretary.
The meeting was addressed by the Chairman
in relation to the objects of the meeting. His
remarks were followed by addresses upon the
same subject from Messrs. T. W. Miller, John
R. Jackson, J. B. Hart, and Dr. Robt. J. Black.
On motion of Mr. J. B. Hart, a committee of
five was appointed to report at a subsequent
meeting, a Constitution for the government of
the Association.
Messrs. J. B. Hart. Albert Hatch, John C.
Snead, T. W. Miller, and J. W. West were ap
pointed as that committee, and the Chairman,
upon subsequent motion, was added to it.
On motion, that the Chair appoint a commit
tee'of one from each Ward to solicit subscrip
tions to the Association, the following gentle
men were placed upon that committee: from the
Ist Ward, Mr. Chas. F. Payne; 2nd. Ward, Mr.
J. S. Stockton; 3rd. Ward, Mr. J. S. Collier;
and from the 4th Ward, Mr. Alex. Bruce.
It was then moved and seconded, that the pro
ceedings of the meeting be published in the city
papers. No further business remaining before the
meeting, it was, upon motion, adjourned to Wed
nesday evening next, the 17th inst., at half-past
seven o’clock, at the City Hall.
JAMES GARDNER, JR., Chairman.
E. Heard, Secretary.
Cotton Crop.
We find the following estimate of the present
Cotton Crop in the Mobile Tribune. It is made
by Geo. G. Henry, Esq., Commission Merchant
of Mobile—very high authority, we believe, on
this subject.
The Cotton Crop—lts Prospects.
: CaunnanUgge, Macon Co., 1
Sept. Ist, 1851. )
I left Mobile in July, and have since been
travelling in Alabama, Georgia and Tennessee,
i and have been carefully observing and inquiring
diligently respecting their cotton and other crops.
Before proceeding to give my views as to the
extent of this cotton crop (so ijtr made up by
1 personal observation a good deal,) I will state
my estimates for the crops of 1849 and 1850:
; On the 31st Aug., 1849, my estimate was a
clop of 2,150,000
That crop turned out to be 2,097,000
Ou the 3lst Aug., Last year, my estimate
was a crop of 2.200,000 to 2.C0D,000
i That crop, by yesterday'll New York state
ment. will make *..2.350.000 to 2,375,000 bales.
Each of these estimates, you will perceive, is
I very nearly correct, but the gn at falling off in
the weight of the bales last year, or for the crop
i of 1850 received in 1850-51, would reduce the
number of bales down towards 2,200,000, of
, equal weights of those of 1849.
By many, it is said, nothing can be told as to
the extent of the crop at this season of the year,
1 and the above remarks 1 introduced for their sat
isfaction.
I return then to say, that the cotton crop of
1851 will not exceed 2,100,000 to 2,200.000 bales.
It may tall very much below, but it cannot ex
ceed those figures.
Before I left Mobile, the reports were favora
ble generally for a full crop, though various com
plaints were coming in from some quarters. On
my route I found portions of some plantations
doing well, and other portions nothing. Some
crops promised finely—others poorly. As a cri
terion lor Alabama, I will state that plantations
which late in July promised a heavy crop, have
so completely shed their forms, blooms and small
bolls, that they cannot yield over a two-thirds
crop. This relates to plantations where all the
lands are fresh and strong. On those of a sandy
and light soil the tailing off’ is still greater still.
On plantations, where before I left for Georgia, I
supposed had 900 lbs. to the acre made beyond
casualty, and which were covered with forms
and .blooms, I find on my return not only all those
blooms and fonns have been shed, but many of the
bolls that were then showing finely, and a frost
on the Ist of October would do no serious iniurv
to them. , J 3
There are now no forms or blooms ou the cot
ton, and it is too late for forms to come, for them,
then to bloom and for thd bloom to mature the
bolls. You know forms or squares precede the
blooms—and from the first appearance of the'
square or form, some three weeks must elapse'
before it becomes the bloom; in two days the
bloom drops and reveals the boll, and in six or
seven weeks, this boll, if it holds on, bursts open,
and the cotton can be picked. This is the process.
Well all will see it is now too late inevitably,
for the wind to do all this.
Corn crops in Eastern Alabama are good, so of
‘wheat, oats, &c. In Georgia the corn crop is
very poor generally. Cotton on their old lands
is very light, and on their fresh and better lands,
mueh poorer than they promised to be a month
ago, &c., &c.
Hurriedly as I have been compelled to write
this, if it furnishes any information which may
be desirable to the public, it is at your service,
and belive me,
Truly your friend, Geo. G. Henry.
At their old Tricks Again.
We regret to learn that some respectable citi
zens of Cobb county are now engaged in private
ly circulating a paper headed “To the Voters of
Georgia,” and signed “Friend of the Union,” that
is made up of the most audacious falsehoods, and
the vilest misrepresentations of the Southern
Rights party. We must presume that those gen
tlemen who are distributing it have never read
it. The authors of the piece probably thought to
promote their cause by such reckless violations
of truth and honorable dealing. But the people
will treat such a bare-faced attempt at imposi
tion. and so insulting to their intelligence, as it
deserves. We call the attention of the Demo
cratic Southern Rrights party of Cobb county to
this base calumniator who has come amongst us
with this masked battery. Let them demand of
every one who circulates the imfamous docu
ment, whether he vouches (or its truth —wheth-
er he will dare to charge that of the two parties
before the people, the one is opposing, and ‘‘the
other advocating the dissolution of the Union.'—
Marietta Advocate , 11/A inst.
Expedition Postponed.
It is stated, says the N. Y. Mirror of Saturday,
that two steamers were in the way of boing pur
chased at this port to convey ‘passengers’ to Cuba,
and were to leave in a few days, when the defeat
and death of Lopez was received, which of course
prevented the completion of the purchase. One of
the ships was the El Dorado , for which $90,000