Newspaper Page Text
fmslMmvM K XUjmblit.'
JAMES GARDNER, JR , /
and J Editor..
JAMES M. SMYTHE, )
aku sta, ga.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOV. 26.
Amusing.
We have been amused for some time at the
appropriation made by the Washington Onion
and the Washington Republic,o( the triumph of
the Constitutional Union party at the late elec
tion in this State. The former claims it as a
Democratic victory, and the latter as a Whig
victory. They seem to have practiced ujion the
rule, that one story is good till another is told,
still we thought, by this time, with all the light
ut the press, they would have seen that neither
story, as told by them, is true.
We think the Republic is Higher right than
the Inion, but when it gets its eyes open, it will
find that it will have to take its trouble for its
pains in the premises. The leaders of the tri
umpl ant party here, say that they belong to
neither of the two great parties. They profess
to wield a two-edged battle-axe, which they
declare will cut terribly upon one party or
the other, or both, as they may happen to come
up to, or fall short of their demands.
The truth of the matter is this. The late con
test in Georgia was not fought between Whigs
and Democrats, but Southern Rights men and
Constitutional Unicn men. The latter made the
people believe that the former were trying to
blow up the Union. We heard of one Compro
mise enthusiast, who contended that they were
trying to blow up creation. No wonder, with
these dreadful ideas in the people's heads, that
the madcap, disunion, Southern Rights men, in
stead of blowing up the Union, or creation, got
blovved up themselves. It was, then, a Union
victory obtained by false pretensions and repre
sentations. That's the truth of the whole mat
ter, let the Union and Republic dob and paint up
the ease as they may. We admit, however, as
we hinted before, that whiggery got somewhat
the upper hand. As to how the whole matter
will turn out, it is not exactly in the power of
any one yet to say. Whether Mr. Toombs af
ftett the “ obsolete ” about whiggery, or is play
ing |Hi.ssum, we cannot yet say, but we think it
most probable that national whiggery will get
more kicks than lifts from him.
We have been led to say more upon this sub
ject than we intended at the outset, our object
having been merely to allude to the singular ap
parent blindness of our two Washington city
co'einporaries. It is evident they need light, or
pectacles, one.
Tlio Constitutional Union Party.
The professed object for which the Constitu
tional Union party was brought into existence,
was to save the Union. We think another mo
tive was its orgiu, a master passion, the deep
passion of a selfish and unquenchable ambition.
But we wish not to stir up the fires of strife.
Hence, we pass this point, and ask if the object,
lor which this party was formed, has not been ac
complished * lias it not saved the Union,
llbavmi UVA lVw» ***.!• 1 C..» ll.« Uni-n In
no danger!) anil run its legitimate course !
Why keep up its present organization ' There
is no such party in any other State. Kvery
where else, but in Georgia, parties are divided
upon Whig and Democratic principles. Could
any thing lie more ridiculous than for the Con
stitutional Union party, of Georgia, to pretend
to hold, in its feeble hands, the power to turn
the scales in a great Presidential contest—to pre
tend that the fate of (he Union depends upon its
organization ?
Why, therefore, should it stand in a state of
lasting estrangement from all other parties, and
pretend to be holier than the rest? Does it set
itself up, now, to be the peculiar guardian of
Southern rights, and the whole Union itself ?
Some of the other Stales would be very apt to
ridicule that pretension, if they did not absolute
ly tieat it with contempt.
It is perfectly idle to talk about making the
entire Constitutional Union a Democratic party.
There is too much Fillmoreism, and Webster
ism, and Federalism, and Consolidationism, and
theie's no telling how much other ism, in it, for
that. You could as easily make a swan of a
crow, as to make them Democrats.
Then, let those who are opposed to all these
isms, come out from among the rest, and join the
Democrats. The Union Democrats will have
no difficulty in doing so. for the Union is safe.
The Worst red-eyed fire-eaters admit that. Those
Union Democrats certainly do not sympathize
with the isms to which we have referred. Their
natural position is with their old friends, and,
certainly, their political sympathies, as to na
tional politics, are. Come, then, and unite with
IIS.
It has been announced that, that party will
stand off, wrapped up in its supposed dignity, to
see what the National Conventions will do. Did
it not condemn the Nashville Convention for
recommending this policy, as disorganizes and
factionists ! Why, those Conventions may light
the funeral torch ol the Union, the Constitutional
Unionists profess to love so much. Its fate
may depend upon their action. How important
then, it is to go into those Conventions, with a’
view to shaping their resolutions and policy in
such away as to make them, and the action
upon them, compatible with the existence of the
Union. This Constitutional Union party, in
stead ol staying out, ought to go into the Con
vention, the one or the other, as they may
choose, to exercise there, its moral power, to the
utmost extent, to have justice done for the sake
of the Union. They certainly cannot, now, fear
the Southern Rights or Democratic party, lor the
members of that party desire, with clean hearts
and honest motives, to go up to the great nation
al gathering of the Democracy, to offer their best
fruits upon the altar of a national reconciliation.
We ardently hope and trust that, that will be
the feeling throughout the Southern States. We
would fain hope that it might be the feeling of
our respected sister State of South Carolina. She
would display her magnanimity, her devotion to
the liberty and Union established by our fathers,
if she would consent to make this trial, once
again, in the spirit of brotherly love. Love has
been said to be the cordial drop of life. Who
knows but that, if it is distilled again, upon the
hearts of our brethren from every sectiou of the
Union, it may have a healing power to save, and j
protect, and honor every section of our beloved I
country.
Let us do our duty, at least—make an
other noble effort for the whole country, and its
undivided glory and happiness.
Concert Halt.—Theatre.
The 1 heatrical Corps performing here is an
excellent one, and they are nightly bringing out
favorite pieces in a very creditable style. They
announce for this evening the new and popular
Drama of “ Isabelle, 1 with the amusing after
piece of “ Dead Shot. :!
The plays selected for the benefit of the family
of Bernard Roe, for to-morrow evening, are
the Comedy of the “ Honey Moon,” and 11 Mi
chael F.arle, or the Maniac Lover.”
Death of General Tarver.
We regret to l«arn, through a letter from a
friend, of the death of General Hartwell H. Tar
ver. He expired at his residence, in Twiggs
county, on the 19th instant. His family and
community, sustain a heavy loss in the death of
this good citizen and excellent man. He was
distinguished for his integrity, energy of cl.a-ac
ter, soundness of judgment and social qualities
and virtues.
He was reported the largest cotton planter in the
State, and his kindness and charities will he re
membered by many who experienced and re
ceived them. Thus has fallen a good man and
public spirited citizen.
Reipiincut in Pace.
Brigham Young, the Governor of Utah, has
renounced all allegiance to the United States,
and all the U. S. Officers who are not Mormons
have been driven from the territory.
Fiji.to.Vs old Cotton Factory, situated at the
Northern extremity of Howard-st., Baltinore,
was, together with seven or eight adjoining
houses, totally destroyed by fire oil the 1 sth inst.
The property was partially insured.
The bill recently pending before the General
Assembly of Vermont, to allow the Atlantic and
St. Lawrence Rail Road Company further time
to make their location in that State, finally passed
on Friday, the 14th inst.: and was approved by
the Governor.
The cotton factory at Norfolk, which lias been
lying idle lor several years, has been purchased by
Mr. Alexander Dalrtmim.e, from Glasgow,
(Scotland,) who intends to put it in operation
forthwith, for spinning and weaving cotton
cloths.
The Steamer Gen. Taylor. — A roiiiuiuni,
cation in the Pensacola Gazette of Saturday week
iiii "ms us that the little steamer Gen. Taylor,
which left that place on the 13th of last month
with the commandant of the station on board
had rather a rough time. She arrived in Tampa
Bay on Sunday, the 18th, after having had a
pretty severe time. The second day out they
carried away the smoke stack in a gale of wind,
hut under the skillful and experienced manage
ment of her engineer, a piece of it was made lo
answer, and carried her in safety to Tampa. In
this gale she was obliged to heave to, and lay for
twenty hours in a heavy sea. riding with a kedge
and spar. She staid two days at Tampa repair
ing stack and boilers. Oil Tuesday, the ‘JOth, she
left for Key West, and after a good run arrived
there on Thursday evening; remained until the
aiith, when with a prospect of good weather ami
a good r in, she put out for Savannah.
On the 17th inst., Mr. Win. Hutchison slab
bed Mr. Jackson McCurry at his residence, in
Abbeville, so seriously in the left side that lie is
not expected to survive. Hutchison says that
McCurry was about striking his wife with an
axe, when he interfered, and having a knife in
his hand at the time,accidentally indicted (lie
wound, lie expressed his intention of at once
surrendering himself to the authorities.
Col. W. W. Avery, who, as we have already
mentioned shot Mr. Samuel Fleming in the
Court House at Morganton, N. C., was acquitted
on the 10th inst., by a Jury composed of high
ly intelligent and respectable men, who were
not out more than ten minutes before they agreed
on their verdict. There never was (says the
Rutherfordton N. C. Mountain Banner,) a ease
tried in this country, the decision of which caused
more universal satisfact ion, and we may say gra
tification.
Gold at the Mint.— The Philadelphia Bul
letin states that the amount of gold bullion re
ceived at the Mint in Philadelphia, from the Ist
inst., to the 19th, reaches the large sum of $3-
000,000. This amount exceeds all the ship
ments to Europe of the present month, including
that by the Canada on Wednesday. Then we
have the couple of millions received that morn
ing by the Georgia, to meet future wants, so that
there will still he a handsome excess in the im
ports over the exports. The entire receipts at
the Mint in Philadelphia promise to be larger this
month than ever before, and a considerable
amount lias also gone to the New Orleans Mint.
(communicated.)
To the People of Georgia—Let both sides be heard.
1 have noticed in the public prints, an address
by a Committee of the Educational Convention
recently assembled at Marietta, “To the Peo
ple of the State of Georgia,” in which, in
my opinion, they greatly overrated the advan
tages of the Common School system, which they
recommend to the people, and at the same time,
do great injustice to the present system, both by
underrating its advantages, and by over estima
ting its defects. 1 took it but doing justice to
the cause of education, to notice a few positions
taken by the Committee in that address. And
in doing so, I took the occasion to disavow all
motives, but a desire to aid the cause of educa
tion generally, amongst our people, and as freely
to accord to the gentlemen composing that Com
mittee, a similar worthy motive.
In the address they say: " After much delibe
ration and a very full expression of opinion by I
a large majority, the Convention adopted a pie- j
amble and resolutions, &e.” lam under the im- j
pression, that before the preamble and resolution s |
were reported to the Convention for its action, a
large portion of the Delegates had left on the tip- j
ward or morning train, —that when the report
was made, it was accompanied by the adoption
and rigid enforcement of a five minutes rule,
against all the s[ieakers except Mr. Toombs,
and one or two other favorite individuals, —that
after the vote on Mr. Pierce's substitute, otiier
Delegates left the room.—and that the time, from
the report of the preamble and resolutions, to
their final adoption, including the discussion on J
Mr. P. s substitute, on one or two amendments. I
and a recess for dinner, did not exceed four hours, j
Under such a state of facts, I am at a loss to con- !
ceive, how there could have been either " much
deliberation, or a very full expression of opin
ion by a large majority
Although I am decidedly convinced, by long
experimental acquaintance, that our present sys
tem is far pre erable to that proposed by the
Committee : I shall not deny that it needs some
modification, which however, may be easily
made: yet I shall say. that it contains the rudi
ments, or general features of the best plan that
Georgia can adopt. This I expect to show, in
meeting the objections to it which have been
urged by the Committee, and in answering the
argument in favor of their proposed system of
district free schools.
The first objection to the present system by
the Committee is, the irregularities in the re
turns of poor children to the Executive office. —
These irregularities have occurred to a small ex
tent : but the remedy is so easy and plain, that
we should hardly expect to hear it seriously
urged as an objection to the system. Let some
other basis of distribution, at all times to be found
in the office of the Executive, be adopted; say
representative or voting population, Ike., and the
defect is at once healed, and this objection ob
viated ; for then no returns at all will be needed.
The next objection, if 1 rightly apprehend it,
is, that a large number of poor children are not
sent to school at all. and that those who are sent
are not, upon an average, more than tour months
in each year. Both these positions may be true.
With regard to the latter, 1 say that if poor child
ren can he spared from labor, and allowed to go
to school four months in each year, which is
nearly one half ofa school year with us, it is as
much as ought to be expected under nny system-
In regard to the latter. 1 say, that 1 amsoriyto
be compelled to admit its truth to some extent.
Ifet the Committee have not shown that the
same would not be true to a greater extent un
der the proposed system, for a long series of
years, and to an equal extent, in all time to come.
I’hese consequences must inevitably result from
their plan, and the manner of its introduction;
since they propose to introduce their system very
gradually, beginning with one school in each
county. The consequences would be, the pre
sent system being abolished, that all other parts
of each county, for many years to come, would
be wholly deprived of the means of education for
their poor children, and at the end of this indefi
nite term of years, would not be in a better con
dition than they are, under the present system.
The truth of this case is, no system can be de
vised which can secure the constant attendance
of all, orall the children of the poor, which does
not use compulsion,and at ttie sametimes, does not
make provision by the government, so (lie sup
port ofa very large number of poor families, who
are wholly dependent for clothing, home and sup
port on the labor of those children. This the
plan of the Committee d >es not propose to do, and
therefore, cannot be expected to educate a larger
number than the present system, if so large. To
reach all the cliil Iren of the poor, to say nothing
of those ol the middle and higher classes, any sys
tem must be supplied with a fund so large, that the
income of it will be sufficient to |>ay the board,
clothing and tuition expenses, of all the children,
and support a vast number of their parents. For if
you take from them the labor of their children,
you deprive them and their children of all their
means of support; and the government must sup
port them, or they must beg or steal. There can
be no reasonable doubt, that our present system,
with a much less fund, and some change in some
of its features, will carry the benefits of educa
tion to a much larger number of poor children,
than the system of common district free schools,
since the clients of the latter, (common schools)
would be, to put down the intermediate schools
between the College and the common schools,
withdrawing their pupils from them, as well as
the portion of the school funds which they re
ceived under tlifc present system, and also, to
limit the number of schools in the State, for all
time to come, except perhaps in the cities and
larger towns, to one school in each district.—
While the effects of the former (the present sys
tem) are, to encourage the building up of schools
without limits; and at the same time, it extends
a kindly, fostering influence to the Academies
and higher schools. And I asked how the com
mon schools would destroy the Academies ?
The answer is palpably plain and obvious. Let
a free school be established near an Academy,
either in a village or in the country, and it will
at once take so many pupils from the Academy,
that the latter will be unable to sustain itself, and
must go down. This effect is not produced by our
present system, because the Academies get a
share of the school fund by having poor children
sent to them, which could not be done under the
plan of the Committee. In this report alsoi
it cannot fail to be apparent, that our present,
system is greatly superior to the proposed plan.
1 have been wholly unable to deduce the con
clusion, at which the Committee seem to have
arrived, “that they (common schools, Acade
mies, high schools and Colleges) will work well
together, the common schools serving as feeders
to them, and they in their turn furnishing the
necessary teachers,” from any process of reason
ing which has been suggested to my mind: and
the Committee do not give the reasons. I think
I have shown, beyond a reasonable doubt, that
the proposed system of common schools, must
operate very injuriously upon the Academies oi
all grades. And as the Academies are almost
the only “ feeders' 1 to the Colleges, if they be
destroyed or materially injured by the common
school system, 1 cannot see how its effects upon
the Colleges, can be otherwise than very hurt
ful.
Another objection of the committee to the
present system, which they seem to regard as
the broad sword by which its existence is to be
terminated at a single blow, is “its gross injus
ice to the poorer counties where there is the
greatest number of poor children, and the least
ability, to bear taxation.’’ This sword may
have two edges, and may cut both ways Allow
the facts, in regard to Newton and Jasper, and
Union and Gilmer, to be such as they are stated
to be by the committee; and what do they prove?
Why certainly, that Newton and Jasper would
pay into the State Treasury, very nearly six
times as much as Union and Gilmer, and would
draw from the State fund less than one twenty
fifth part of what would be drawn by Union and
Gilmer. The argument of the committee can
AUGUSTA WHOLESALE PRICES CURRENT, NOVEMBER 26, 1 8 5 L
ARTICLE-. , WHOLESALE- DI-TT. ARTICLE-. PER WHOLESALE SOTI.” Bank \oVT 1)1
83&:;:j::::j 111 St* - '
BALE ROPE—Jute :.S.. ~iSi 81 25 cent. Summer do ....100® 112 Bank of Augusta
Kentucky I - Lin-ced bbl.OOo <c 100 20 cent. Branch State of Georgia. Augusta
BACON-Ham* \ Tanners 060 000 Bank of Brunswick
Sides 11 («t 12 >2O lpct Lard lOu fa, 112 ~ . _ „ ,
5h0u1der5....!..!.... a (,y 10} ) POTATOES bbl. 325 m 3 50! Georgia Rail-Road
BUTTER—Goshen "rime .so., 20;./) 23 20 pcent. PIPES 062 a* 150 Mechanics* Bank
BEESWAX ’. If "3 00 d ° z ; ® 3 ,* Bank of St. Marvs
CAXDliES^pe^acotG„ ..... g| J® p cent r^MKNTO V..!.!!" !!!!! *! OM| 05& Bank of MiUedgeville '/.| '/
Northern Id I•£ 16 1., . , RAISINS—MaIaga, bunch, box 000:w3 2o ) „ Bank of the State of Georgia, at Savannah
CHEESE—Nortnarn J<3 j , tlm Muscate 000®000 j W V Branches of ditto
CUiFEE-Cuba............... fl J® * Fair... 4 00 g 4 50i Marine & Fire Insurance Bank, Savannah
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Li'-i'iVra . ... I l ' S j f French Brandies gall 150 (gj 200 100 P ct. Planters* Bank. Savannah
SHIRTINGS, bro. 3-4 1 yd.: j> 1 j Leger Freres 2 75 ® 3 W Central Bank of Georgia
•S 7_v 1 S» uj 6 ai | Holland Gin 12o® 100 100 p ct. _ ..
1 brown, yd. wile C; 8J H | American Gin 038® 040 Central KK. & Banking Company. Savannah
53 SHEETINGS.K-0..5-! .!! 10® 13 g. t Jamaica Bum 150 (uj 200 100 p ct. Charleston Banks
,e . bleach-i. 3-4 ....' 11 (at d> N.E. Ruin, hhds ic bbls .... 031® 037 Bank of Camden
| CHECKS.'..!.....'. * <>i 12 . * Whiskev Phila.A Balt .... 030® 032 Bank of Georgetown.'.'.'.'.
S BED TICK » , Do New-Orleans 030@ 032 Commercial.at Columbia..
= OSNAIiCRGS. oz 3 ** o,vx%!!i. B f*“$ r 100 I£■ 100 Pet. Merchants', at Cheraw
-t YARN, (as-orted; if. 1* "i l’ StGAß—Cuba Muscovado .fc.O 6$ ®8 Os Bank of Hamburg
FISH —Mackerel. No. 1...' bid.] 12. 1 • 13 P. R. It St. Croix .. 0 7® 8J Alabama Notea ’.
Do. N>. 2... .... *’} ) Havana, white 000 DO Tennessee • -ft * di«
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Augusta Canal. j) * i White., bus. 0 'J (g OS, Merchants Bank, at Macon *
Georgia, .r00d....... « r > 2 [ 20 p ct Lump fc. 0 10 @ 0 11 . EXCHANGE.
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GRAIN—Com. 100-e »>u-. 00 'o, 00 t , Loose 000<g 04* Philadelphia ’ .* * pren *
]).». sa/-k .... : ... for, j * v SOAP—American, yellow. sack 0 5 \w_ 0 630 p cent Boston
Wheat— >Good \Vh:V» 100 12 SHOT—AII sizes 162@175 20 p cent. Charleston and Savannah.V.V.V.
])o KM r1 00 )anry ct SEGARS Spanish .M. 20
GUNPOWDER - y 6"5 25 f k * TALLOW—American 0 8 (co 0910 p cent Nashville. Tennessee
HIDES—Dry * 0 I OQ u * TOBACCO —Georgia fc. 000@ 0 00 ! 30» rt STOCKS
• Dry. salted ... 0 I<> \] 20 ? ci Cavendish........ 022g050 j 3O * ct ‘ 6 ceuts STOCKfe
IRON —Pig W 00 30 p cent. TWlNE—Bagging 0 18 (g} 025 t par
Swedes assorte-l. . on' 4i nb 4j 30 pcent. Seine 030(a0 50 | V CI . . .
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Nail Rods 5 -jj 0 Hyson 070 080[ re ' .
LEAD Bir .10<» 6 7 w * Young Hyson o7otvo 75 J Savannah UhanilM'r of Commerce.
White Lead !....! of** vCI WlNES—Madeira gall. 200%225 30 P cent. =”--=======r._-.-_ ■-~
LARD •!'* • a) 11 j Claret, Marseilles cask 025 (a} 0 6040 pcent. ROBERT HABERSHAM, President.
MOLASSES—Cuba gall. 25 /J 27 Do. Bordeaux,doz 300a) 3 5040 pcent. C. GREEN. l*t Vice-President.
New-Or!-an . ... (a) 40 ) t Cliampagne 900(a1500 40 p cent. KDW’D. PADELFORD. 2d Vice-President
NAILS—Cut. Id. to 2 t ... 350 rg, 375 (* . Malaga 050 06240 P cent OCT A YUS COHEN. Secretary and Treasurer
have no force, unless in thi case that the State |
pav nothing to the counties, and that the tuition
he paid entirely by a county tax. But in that
case, w here is the inequality or “ gross injustice
complained of by the committee 1 If Union
anil Gilmer pay a larger tax, it is for the educa
tion of their own children; they have the whole
benefit of its expenditure; not a dollar of it
goes to other counties. Now this really appears
to me to be all fair, equal and just; and there
fore, even in this view, is not an argument
against the present system, or if it be, it is clear
ly destitute of force or point, and does not kill
oIF the system at a blo w. Now let us see how
the other edge of this fata! instrument may be
made to cut. Allow the object aimed at by the
argument to be attained. Allow t.ieir system
of common Free Sclio ils to be established. 1 hen
Union and Gilmer would pay into the School
Fund, according to the argument of the commit
tee, less than one-fifth a.; much as Newton and
Jasper, and would draw from tha' fund mire than
tmnhj five times as much as they would. Is there
any justice in this I No, indeed; but very “gross
injustice,” and this u gross injustice, let me
retort, “ must be fatal” to their Common School
system. If there be any justice in such a sys
tem, I am unable to see it. And I think il the
committee will re-consider the argument, they
must he sensible that they could scarcely have
used one more potential, both for the destruction
of their system, and for the establishment, be
yond a cavil, of the present system, against
which they wage a warfare of total extermina
tion. To this mode of using the argument, the
committee cannot reasonably object, inasmuch
as it is the application ol tlie.r own principles—
the other way of working their own rule —the
other edge of their own instrument of death.
If, then, these facts and thi3 reasoning be cor
rect, and 1 think no one who is informed on the
subject can doubt that- they are, then according
to the admitted principle (injustice) of the com
mittee. this objection t > their system must be
“ lata!" to its introduction.
Thus I have met. and I think, successfully an
swered, all the objections urged by the Commit
tee against our present system; or. at least, all
which appeared to me to require an answer.
And it really appears to me, that the system has
passed through the contest, unhurt by its assail
ants.
In regard to the appointment of a “ Bureau oj
Education,” I will only y, that such a Bureau
would require a large outlay of money, and, in
my opinion, would add no benefits, if it would
not do actual injury to our present system. If,
however, the sy.-tem of the Committee should
be unwisely adopted, then, such a Bureau, to
gether with many other heavy expenses, as well
as other influences, might be required in giving
efficiency to the system. Indeed, to put the
system, as recommended, into successful and
complete operation, and to provide offices for
il distinguished" men, would require, I should
think, the investment of a sum not less than
ten to fifteen millions of 'ollars. This, however,
is only a matter of opinion, not bused upon actual
calculation.
I cannot agree with the Committee, that
sparseness of population constitutes no objection
to the system which they propose, that is, the
Common School system. lam decidedly of the
opinion, that it is not only an objection, but an
insuperable objection. If the Shite of Maine, as
the Committee say in the address, “ has long had
one of the best systems of Common Schools,” and
has not been able, in this long time, 11 from the
sparseness of their population.” to extend its
benefits as yet, to some of the counties, but ex
tends them gradually, “ as they become fitted for
its operation,” (thickly ououga settled.) what
reason is there to think, or to say, that the same
cause, under the same or a similar system, will
not produce the same or similar effects in Geor
gia ! And what reason is there to suppose, that
this cause will not continue to produce the same
results, since it is not likely to be—indeed, never
can be, removed ? for Georgia will always be
sparsely populated, particularly in the middle and
lower counties.
I heartily agree with the Committee in the
patriotic sentiment expressed in the rhetorical '
tlourish about the “ sons of Cavaliers,”' and the
,l descendants of the Puritans.” But if this is
expected to have any influence in favor of their j
system, I will only suggest, that the Puritans j
were very different in character and circumstan
ces from the Cavaliers—and that, therefore, a
system might be very suitable for the descend
ants of the Puritans, and yet very unsuitable for
those who differ so widely from them, both in
character and circumstances, as the sons of the
Cavaliers.
If it be true, as the Committee say it is, that
11 a portion oi the Stale of Tennessee has been
only a fete years organized ” under a system of
Common Schools, adopted “ as far back as 1530,”
which system has been withholding its beneiiss
tor nearly twenty years, from the poorest and
j most destitute and needy portions of the State*
does not the fact speak volumes against the sys
tem ? and especially so, since, by its introduction,
our present system must be destroyed, which*
with its funds increased by a sum not exceeding
: one-tenth of the amount required under the
Common School system, would extend its bene
fits at once, to every neighborhood which might
be able to raise even a very small school. 1
1 shall not say merely, that we should “defer the
| adoption of the system because all portions of the
State are not in a condition to receive equal ben
efits from its provisions," but. that we should act
wisely to abandon its adoption altogether; be
cause its adoption involves the destruction of a
, system already in operation, which, in any com
parison which can be made between them, is
greatly its superior. Let us not destroy, but im
prove our present excellent system.
The idea of Districts seems to have a great in*
; tluence on the minds ol the Committee, in de
j termining the value of any system. 1 am totally
1 at a loss to imagine any good arising from a sys
i tern of Districts, which may not be obtained,
; with equal facility, under the present system :
| and, without the evils inseparably connected
i with the system of Districts. A few of these
evils 1 may Im* permitted to mention. The sys
tem would destroy an immense capital now in
vested in school buildings throughout the State,
' answering all her educational purposes quite as
well, under the present system, as new buildings
would, under the projiosed system, and without
the expenditure of a dollar from the school fund,
since very few of these buildings would happen
to be near the centre of the Districts, and there
fore they must be abandoned, and become use
less. Not only this; new houses must be built
at or near the centres of the Districts, which
would require the expenditure ot several millions
of dollars. Now, all this expenditure would be
incurred, and this destruction of valuable prop
erty, merely for the sake of Districts, which, for
aught that I can see, would, after all. confer no
real advantages, and serve more to clog than to
aid even the proposed system.
Again, the District system would limit the
number of schools in the county—would takethe
direction of their children's education out of the
hands of parents, the place where it should al
ways be left, and place it in the hands of the
i Government, the place where it never should be
trusted. Still further; the State would have the
control of the funds for the payment of the tui
tion. and would return it to the people, in pay
ment of their tuition, diminished by the amount
of interest, while it has remained in the coders
of the State, and in the hands of the officers, and
also by the expenses of its transmission through
these channels. Better that it should remain in
the hands of its owners. Let them make a profit
by the use of it during the year, then pay their
tuition bills with the principal, and put into
their pockets, the interest or profits of its uses.
Let me not, however, be understood as being op
posed to a system of Free Schools, in tolo. The
children of tl ose who are unable to pay for their
tuition, must have it free, or remain uneducated.
To this extent, [ am an advocate of Free Schools
but no farther. And this is the extent to which
our present system is a free system, and if it be
carried beyond this limit, its value would be pro
tanto diminished.
The Committee say, "We assert, without
boasting, that in no State in the Union, are the
higher and middling classes better educated than
they are in the State of Georgia at this day."
No sentiment expressed in the address is truer
than this: and the Committee have as truly as
signed the proper cause—the flourishing condi
tion of our Academies, High Schools and Col
leges. Now, let us examine this fact, and see if
we may not cull from it, a lesson ol instruction,
which may shed some light upon the question
under discussion—the abandonment of our pres
ent system, and the adoption of a new one. If
we compare our State with the Northern States,
we shall find the higher class there, at least as
well educated as the same class with us; but the
middle class, generally inferior in this respect, to
, this class with us. For this inferiority there
1 must be some reasons, and they appear to me
quite obvious. Their Colleges are as good and
as numerous, at least, as ours, and, as the children
of the higher class receive their education in this
class of schools, as they do with us, they must
necessarily be as well educated. But in those
States, the intermediate schools, excepting in
cities and large towns—schools in which the
children of the middle class, there, as in all
countries, receive their education, have been, to
a great extent, superceded by their system of
Common Free Schools ; so that, this class of citi
zens are obliged to educate their children, as a
general thing, in the Common Schools; and to be
contented with such education for their children,
as schools of that class can furnish; which we
know, is but moderate. The case is different in
Georgia. Under our present system, imperfect j
as it is, we find Academies ably conducted, scat- |
tered in profusion all over the country, as well a*
the cities and towns, in which the children ui
the middle class receive education approximatin'’
very closely to that which is obtained in the
Colleges. And now, shall we abandon a system
which is not only capable of affording, but
actually afford, even in an imperfect state, sue,
phrasing results, tor the adoption of one, who*-
earliest results will inevitably be, to strike down
our Academies and High Schools, which are ef
fectively doing so much for the cause of educa
tion in our State' Never, as I trust, while the
motto of Georgia is. “ onward and upward.’’
With regard to the means of supplying the
supposed deficiency of teachers for the lowei
grade of schools, which is, perhaps, really le* s
than many persons suppose it to be, I am con
vinced that a Normal School is the best. And
that, in addition to those furnished by the AcaJ
emies and higher schools, one such school, capa
ble of receiving thirty pupils, established at a
cost of 1,000 to 1500 dollars, with a salary
for a teacher of SSOO to S6OO, would supply
the deficiency in a few years, and keep up a
full supply of the demand afterwards. I disap
prove of the plan suggested by the Committee
of obtaining from the State a large appropriation
for the Colleges, under the pretext of furuishis
a few teachers for the country schools, as an
equivalent for it. lam not op|*osed to the grant
ing of appropriations by the State, especially to
the State Institution, even to the extent ot her
ability ; but I am opposed to granting appropria
tions for any abject by ail indirection. If the
Colleges need the aid of the State, let them haw
it as a bona fide aid—a direct appropriation, with
out the pretext.
I shall notice but one more objection to the
system of common schools at this time. But if
is one, which I must say, with due respect for
the opinion of the committee to the contrary, ii
founded in reason and truth: and still further
that in the absence ol all other objections, tin*
one alone, ought to admonish the advocates ot
that measure, that the people of Georgia w ill not
abandon the present system, for that pro]*osed to
them by the committee. 1 refer to the signal
failure of the law of 1537, for establishing com
mon schools. This failure was brought about,
by a conviction in the public mind, after a trial
had been made, that the system was inferior to
that which had been superceded by it, (which
was substantially the present system.) and mi
suited to the character and condition of the peo
ple. And 1 have been somewhat surprised, that
it is agaiii to be pressed upon the acceptance ot
the people of Georgia, after so signal a rebuke,
for I think it was almost universally condemned.
And now I have only to say, let our school
fund be made as large as the available means 1 1
the State will permit—let the rates of tuition be
regulated by the Schools to which the poor child
ren may be sent, the same as other scholars.—
let the distribution of the funds amongst the coun
ties be made on some basis, at all times to be
found in the Executive Office, —let the counties,
as now, have the power to levy a county tax to
supply deficiences, —and let the funds, after they
shall have been received by the counties, be d>•
bursed wholly at the discretion of the county
authorities, who will do it more judiciously than
the Legislature can, and our present system, thus
amended, will do more for education in our State
than any other which has yet been proposed.
And now, with one additional remark. I sub
mit the whole matter to the decision of the peo
ple. To substitute the proposed plan in place oi
our present plan, would be a great innovation
and we should look well to it, before we mexe
the change ; remembering all the while, that
innovations are not always—yea, not generally,
improvements: especially when, as in this case,
the changes are great and involve important
consequences.
It is hoped, as the subject is of vital conse
quence to the people, involving the best interests
of the State, that Editors who have published
the committee's address, will also publish this,
in order that both sides may be heard, and a w ise
and judicious decision made. Euhi •
(Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier .)
Further per Steamer Asia.
England. —Kossuth continued to be receive,
with the most unprecedented enthusiasm, fee
submarine Telegraph between Doy p rand Catai*
was in successful operation. Advices leceiyed
in London represent the yield ot gold in Ae"
South Wales to be equal to that ot California
Accounts state the King of Hanover, Lncle °
Queen Victoria, to be dying.
France —The new electoral law has been re
jected, but not withstanding the defeat ol minis
ters everything was tranquil.
Baltimore, Nov. 24 6, 23 P- M.
Cotton. —In the New York Market has ad
vanced an eighth of a cent and sales
amounted to one thousand bales. Naval stores
have advanced. Flour has also advanced an
eighth. ,
Baltimore, Nov. 24,9.52 A. M.
Kossuth did not sail from Southampton in tne
Washington, but was to have left in the Hum
boldt on the 20th inst. *
In the New- Orleans market on the 21st ana