Newspaper Page Text
CONSTITUTIONALIST.
BY JAMES GARDNER, JR.
TERMS.
Daily, per annum, in advance $8 00
Tki-Wekkly, per annum 5 00
Wkkkly, per annum, if paid in advance 2 00
These terms are offered to new subscribers, and to old
subscribers who pay up all arrearages.
In no case will the Weekly paper be sent at $2, on-
R- less the money accompanies the order.
In no case will it be sent at $2 to an old subscriber in
arrears.
gy When the year paid for at $2 expires, the paper,
if not discontinued, or paid for in advance, will be sent
on the old terms, i 2 50 if paid at the office within the
year, or $3 if paid at the expiration of the year.
IC7* Postage must be paid on all communications and
letters of business.
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
One square (12 lines,) 50 cents the first insertion, and
37 j cents for the next 5 insertions, and 25 cents for
each subsequent insertion.
Contracts made by the year, or for a less period, on
reasonable terms.
LEUAE ADVERTISEMENTS.
Sheriff’s Levies, 30 iliya. $2 50 per levy; 00days. $5.
. Executors, Administrator’s and Guardian's Sales, Real
Estate, (per square, 12 lines) $4 75
Do. do. Personal Estate 3 25
Citation for Letters of Administration 2 75
Do. do. Dismission 4 50
Notice to Debtors and Creditors 3 25
Four Months’ Notices 4 00
Rules Nisi, (monthly) $1 per square, each insertion.
By ALL REMITTANCES PER MAIL, ark at our
RISK.
{From the N. O. Picayune, 16th inst.)
Further from Texas.
The Southwestern American says that the
Rangers belonging to the company ol Capt.
Grumbles were ,to be paid off on the Bth inst. in
the city of Austin.
The cotton worm has made its appearance in
the vicinity of Victoria and Lavaca.
We learn that the steamship Mexico has sus
teined no damage, and will probably be got alloat
in a short time. Some idea of the force of the
gale in which the Mexico grounded may be form
ed from the fact that she had on twenty inches
of steam and both anchors out, and had her head
to the wind, yet could not be kept from dragging.
The steamer Win. Penn, which sunk in the same
gale, has been raised. She was not much injured.
On the night of the sth inst. an unfortunate
occurrence took place in Matagorda. An indi
vidual who was arrested two weeks before for
the crime of horse stealing, but who effected his
escape, had returned to the place and hired himself
as a hand to Mr. McPherson, who runs a boat on
the bay. On the night above-mentioned, Mc-
Pherson was sleeping in his boat at the wharf,
when this individual came on board, accompanied
by a Mexican. They attempted to put up the
sails, but failing, began to examine McPherson's
pockets. This awoke him, and he demanded
their business on board. Receiving no satisfac
tory reply, he peremptorily ordered the Mexican
to leave the boat. This order was not obeyed
and he struck the Mexican with his fist, and as
the latter still manifested no disposition to depart,
he seized the tiller and struck him severely over
the head, fracturing the skull. The American,
on seeing the Mexican attacked and so roughly
treated, sprang overboard, and received a blow
from McPherson while in the water. McPher
son bore the Mexican to the wharf and went to
obtain medical assistance. The case was thought
to be hopeless. He however still survives, and
there is a bare possibility that he may recover.
The American made his escape for the night, but
was found in the outskirts of the town next
morning, and is now in custody tor his first of
fence of horse stealing.
By a communication from a Roma correspon
dent in the Brownsville Sentinel, we learn that
the condition of affairs in the valley of the Rio
Grande is extremely deplorable. He represents
the Indians as ranging at will over the whole
country, plundering, murdering, and ravaging. In
one incursion from Laredo to Roma, they had
killed eight men. The depredations of the In
dians are not the only evils to which they are
compelled to submit. Armed bands of Mexicans
from Mexico are roaming over the country, seiz
ing and carrying off such large numbers of horses
and cattle, that the vast number which formerly
pastured in the forests and prairies between the
Nueces and the Rio Grande, has become ma
terially lessened. Some Americans, in convey
ing goods up. to the river, had landed them on a
sandbar, for the purpose of reshipping them in
smaller boats, when they were pounced upon
and seized by the vigilant Mexican authorities.
The Sentinel says that Brownsville is terribly
infested with thieves—burglaries and thiefts be
ing of nightly occurrence.
(Corrcsjjondence of the Picayune.)
Indianola, Texas, June 25,1851.
Dear Pic. —The engineers, Messrs. Girard and
Schleischer, have completed the survey of the pro
posed railroad route from San Antonio to the
lower suburbs of this pleace, at the ship anchor
age, known as Brown’s addition to Indianola.
The distance from point to point is less than 140
miles; the elevation of the public square in San
Antonio above the bay at Indianola is 610 feet.
The engineers speak in the highest terms of the
route and think the road can be built at SIO,OOO
per mile. Stock enough has been subscribed to
commence the work. It is proposed also to sur
vey a route from one of the bays west, but it is
considered more an act of courtesy than practi
cability. There can be no doubt but Indianola is
the point. This improvement is of great impor
tance to New Orleans. With the road in opera
tion and semiweekly steamers to that city, the
amount of trade and travel between her and
Indianola would soon be great. The whole valleys
of the majestic Colorado, the Lavaca, Navida,
the fertile Guadalupe, and the historic San An
tonio, arc now coming into requisition to nurture
and to sustain this favored young city. Indianola
now offers fine openings for a few experienced
cotton dealers; the exports next winter will be
large and the field is open. After this year large
amounts of hay will be shipped from this place to
New Orleans; our fine beeves are now sent over
by every Reamer. Wool, too, will ere long be
exported in large quantities, as also sugar.
Judge Rollins, Indian Agent, has sent seven
teen Mexican children and one American, recov
ered from the Indians. Col. Hardee’s expedition,
it is hoped, will do much good among the faithless
savages.
Our cotton crop never promised better. Corn
had suffered considerably for rain, but we have
had delightful showers during the past week, and
a fine crop will follow. Irish potatoes and other
vegetables have made a great yield this season;
and as to our unsurpassed melons they never were
better nor more abundant. Our bathing season,
too, is in full blast, and all seem determined to
enjoy that great luxury. We have excellent bath
ing-nouses, fine breezes, delightful evenings and
our lovely beach; all ol which, with fine health
and general prosperity, render the sovereigns
hereabouts extremely felicitous. Yours, &c.
Gulf Coast.
Sanatory. —For the information of our frieuds
abroad, we state that Charleston is, at this pe
riod, in the enjoyment of as great a degree of
health as perhaps ever blessed any city ot equal
population. The weather, it is true, is warm,
but seasonable. The thermometer keeps well
up to the mark, but seldom ventures to over-top
the figure of 90, which is a very bearable tem
perature. The sea-breezes prevent the heating
and close atmosphere from weakening and ener
vating our can’t-get-to-watering-plaee inhabit
ants, who look so fresh and rosy and healthful
as to put to shame the returned seeker after
pleasure abroad, who has undergone the fatigue
of travelling for what can never be found away
from “ sweet home.”
The Greenville Mountaineer contradicts a re
port that sickness prevailed in that section of
country, and states that Greenville was never
healthier than at the present time. — Charleston
Courier , 21 st inst.
New York, July 18 —10 p. m.
Secretary Corwin —The State Departtnent — Mr. ’
Webster. —Secretary Corwin has ween telegraph- .
ed to be in Washington on Sunday. The State
Department has been reorganized, and Mr. Chew
placed at the head of the Consular Bureau. Mr.
Webster went to Boston this evening.
AUGUSTA, GA.
TUESDAY MORNING, JULY 22.
For Governor.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
fiy Notice to Advertisers. —Our advertising
friends will please hand in their favors by 5 o’clock,
P. M. hereafter—the recent change in the time of
arrival of the mail, inducing us to close our adver
tising colurns earlier than heretofore.
Masked Battery Politicians.
A recurrence to the debates in Congress but a
little more than one year ago would afford some
edifying specimens of changes of position among
prominent politicians in relation to the “ Compro
mise” measures. The same may be said of edi
torials of Southern papers, too, of the same period,
which now are the apologists of those measures.
It would teach not only charity , but humility^ to
those who not only now see “ wisdom, justice,
and liberality,” in those measures, but denounce,
with clamorous invective, as factionists and dis
unionists, all who still see in them, as they did
then, nothing but injustice, unfairness, and the
spirit of oppression. When Mr. Clay introduced
his resolutions and Compromise measures, the
same substantially as were afterwards adopted,
except that they were less unfavorable to South
ern rights, not a Southern Democrat in Congress,
not a Southern Democratic Press, failed to de
nounce them. No Southern Whig, or Southern
Whig press had the hardihood then to advocate
or defend them. They, too, denounced them or
remained silent.
Perhaps the most striking, and at the same
time amusing changes of position are furnished
by Foote, of Mississippi, and Clemens of Ala
bama. The recent importation of Clemens into
Mississippi, to take the stump in aid of Foote,
in his candidacy for Governor, for he is sadly in
want of help, has given occasion to the republi
cation of a speech delivered in the Senate, May
20th, 1850, in which Clemens most unmercifully
belabors Foote for BjT" “ inconsistency.' ■ He
quotes on Foote from Foote’s own speeches, the
most sweeping denunciations of the measures.
It was in that same speech Mr. Clemens de
nounced the policy of the Compromise bill, as
“ the best we can get ,” in the following eloquent
strain:
“ A few more words, Mr. President, and I am
done. lam told I ought to take this bill because
it is the best I can get. Sir, I do not know that;
but if I did, the same argument might be urged
with equal force in favor of unconditional sub
mission to any wrong ever perpetrated by the
strong upon the weak. Good God, sir! has it
come to this, that an American Senator is to ask
himself, not whether a measure is unjust, ini
quitous, and oppressive, but whether it is the
best he can do ! —not whether he will consent to
wear chains at all, but whether the links are to
be round or square ?—not whether he will bear
his shoulders to the lash; but what is to be the
color of the cowhide with which they are to be
inflicted? Sir, when I consent to ask myself
such questions, I hope the walls of this Capitol
will fall upon me and crush me. When I stop
to inquire into the degree of the oppression rather
than the fact , 1 shall feel that degradation has
reached its lowest deep, and existence is but the
privilege to be infamous.”
Alas, for Mr. Clemen’s own consistency ; he
too, is now a Compromise man, and the lash of
invective, he in May, 1850, was pouring down
on the recreant Foote, is now visiting his own
shoulders.
As early as January Gist, 1850, the members
of Congress from Mississippi, to wit: Jefferson
Davis, Henry S. Foote, J. Thompson, Wm.
Me Willie, and A. G. Brown, addressed a circu
lar to Gov. Quitman, stating, that in all proba
bility, California would be admitted as a State
into the Union, and asking instructions from
the people and the Legislature, as to their course.
The circular says:
“ We regard the proposition to admit Califor
nia, as a State, under all the circumstances of her
application, as an attempt to adopt the Wiimot
Proviso in another form.”
Early in the session, Clemens had made
a strong speech against the admission of Califor
nia. Foote followed and indorsed the speech—
complimented it highly—and said, among other
things, “ I certainly agree ivith the Senator from
Alabama, that these resolutions (Ckfy’s Compro
mise resolutions) yield up the whole controversy to
our insatiate enemies .”
Foote changes ground after this, and becomes
a Compromise —a masked battery man. Clemens,
in this speech of May 20th, turns upon the hap
less Foote, parades his indorsement of his anti-
California speech, and thus tauutingly asks him ;
“ The Senator from Mississippi avowed his
full concurrence in all that I had said, and thus
directly asserted, that the admission of California
was worse than the Wiimot proviso itself. Let
me ask him if he would be willing to-day to vote
for the Wiimot proviso, as part of a general
scheme of Compromise ? and, if he would not,
how can he reconcile to himself to vote for a
measure which he has formerly declared to be
worse ? Sir, this is a dilemma from which there
can be no escape. Whether singly, or as a part
of a general scheme, that which is worse than
the Wiimot proviso can never be sanctioned by
the South, without a total abandoment of all
claim to equal rights under the Constitution.”
Again: Clemens quotes from Foote, who is
commenting on the proposition of Benton to
purchase a portion of Texas, and establish the
boundary;
“ Yes, sir, all these things I know, and, I hope,
duly appreciated; but never did it enter my head
to conceive that there was in existence a human
being—a member of this illustrious body, too,
representing among us one of the slave States of
the Confederacy—who would dare to take it i
upon himself to bring forward a bill like that :
which has made its ghastly apparition among us
this morning, and which, if it becomes a law
without amendment, will completely unsettle |
the question of slavery in all the vast domain )
which it proposes to purchase from the State of j
Texas.”
After quoting this, Clemens goes on to express
his disgust at the proposition of Foote on the
same subject:
“He proposes now to cut off ten degrees of
latitude from the State of Texas—enough for
three free States—which we have his authority
for saying will be instantly subject to the Wiimot
proviso. He proposes further to tax us from ten
to fifteen millions of dollars for the privilege of
making them free States, and adding to the vast
power now thieatening to crush us; and then,
byway of adding the most galling insult to the
deepest injury, he demands that we shall ac
cept the outrage as a campromise—as compensa
tion for the admission of California. Bir, if I
must take this nauseous dose at all, I mean to
take it in separate parcels. I prefer that Califor
nia should come in singly to couple her admis
sion with a surrender of ten degrees of slave ter- t
ritory for the formation of free States. I prefer |
that there should be an open exercise of power,
rather than an insidious compromise which not
only surrenders everything in dispute, but sur
renders also the right to complain or resist.”
Again: Clemens quotes from Foote, and fol
lows the question with a resolution, one of a set
offered by Foote against the admission of Cali
fornia :
On the 22d of January, in reply to the hono
rable Senator from Connecticut, ne (Foote) fa
vored us with a statement of certain important
facts of which he has suddenly become entirely
oblivious:
“ I had heretofore recognized the honorable
gentleman as a regular and diligent reader of
newspapers, and should have supposed it hardly
possible that he should have failed to see it pub
lished in many of the now leading gazettes of
the Union, as most certainly I did, that a member
of the California Convention itself [Mr. Botts]
rose up in his place, just at that precise moment
when General Riley vacated the chair in the
Convention which he had continued to occupy
during its whole session, and said in substance,
that he telt authorized to state the fact, that co
ercive power had been employed to bring about
the state of things then existing in California,
and that the Constitution then about to be adopt
ed had been forced upon the people of California.
He charged further that orders had been given,
in the most solemn and imposing manner, by the
powers at Washington, that unless such consti
tution as was adopted should be to the taste of
certain high personages here—perhaps including
the honorable Senator from Connecticut, (for he
may have admonished them on the subject by a
circular for aught I know) —unless such consti
tution were adopted as would be suited to the
taste of distinguished gentlemen in Washington,
(including the President and his Cabinet.) the
whole influence of the Executive would be
thrown against the admission of California as a
sovereign State; and that, on the contrary, in the
event of such constitution as should prove agree
able being adopted, then that influence would be
exerted, through all legitimate modes, for the
purpose of bringing California into the Union as
a sovereign State.”
Clemens, in concluding his showing up of
Foote, says:
“ I have now shown that every feature of this
Compromise, when taken separately, has met
the strong and decided disapproval of the Senator
from Mississippi. What healing virtue there
is in tacking them all together, I confess myself
unable to comprehend.”
Southern men, generally, thought with Jerry
Clemens then, that, singly or in a batch, there
was in this Compromise, no healing virtue
for the South.
But now, Foote is a candidate for Governor,
and a defender of that very Compromise, and
Clemens—the identical Clemens of May 20th,
1830—has gone to Mississippi to defend the
Compromise too—to help Foote, and to convince
the people of Mississippi of its healing virtues.
Clemens gave a hard hit to Foote in the be
ginning of this same speech, which, we think,
will tell quite as effectually upon his friend Cobb,
and who probably was in the mind’s eye of the
speaker at the time; for it had become common
talk in the streets and in every coterie at Wash
ington city, and the general belief among South
ern Democrats, that Mr. Cobb's motive for re
fusing to unite with the Southern members of
Congress in signing the Southern Address, was
the hope of the Speaker’s Chair :
“ The extraordinary efforts which have been
made to manufacture public sentiment in its fa
vor, and the denunciations hurled against those
who, from a deep sense of duty, have expressed
their opposition to a scheme of compromise so de
lusive and so dangerous, demanded an exposure
of its deformities. Certain letter-writers from
this city have been industriously engaged in mis
representing the acts and assailing the motives
of those who, in common with myself, believe
this to be a shameless surrender—not a compro
mise. One in particular has admonished me
that the Senator from Mississippi holds a proud
position in a great national party, and therefore
he cannot afford to be ultra. I have no doubt
that the Senator has a national position, and I
hope he may alway retain it. I hope, also, that
the people of the South may take the view of the
question suggested, and while repudiating his
doctrines, that they may still cherish the kindest
feelings for the man. It may not be amiss, how
ever, to say a few words of this thing called na
tional reputation. It is something I value very
lightly. We are apt to prize objects in propor
tion to the difficulties which attend the pursuit,
and, estimated by this rule, national reputation is
of quite too easy attainment to be sought with
any great avidity. We all know a process by
which any of us may secure it. It is not even
beyond my grasp. I should only have to turn
traitor to my convictions of duty, and abandon
the interest of the South, to change entirely the
notes of that whole pack of curs who are now
yelping at my heels. Sir, I want no national re
putation purchased at such a price. I spurn it as
I would any other foul and loathsome thing.”
Jerry must since have changed his mind about
national reputation, and has concluded to adopt
that process which makes it so easy of attain
ment.
But, the District of Columbia bill! The
abolishing the slave trade there is sought now to
be justified on the ground that it was but the re
enactment of the law of the State of Maryland,
made applicable to that part of the District ce
ded by her. If a Southern State thought it
proper such a law should prevail, why, it is ask
ed, may not Congress pass it ? The answer is
two-fold:
Ist. The passage of such a law by a slave
State does not establish the right of Congress to
do the same thing.
2d. It is inexpedient to allow Congress to as
sume the right of liberating slaves on any con
tingency, in the Federal District or elsewhere,
for once assumed it is difficult to limit the point
to which the authority will be carried.
On this subject, and others, mark how quick
the Free-Soilers are to take advantage. The
following is an extract from the speech of John
Van Buren before the Democratic Free-Soil Con
vention of Vermont:
“ It may safely be assumed that the earnest
contest of 1848 [that is the contest of tree soil
ism] has led to the prohibition of slavery in that
state [California.] The rapid pulsations of the
great heart of liberty injected the blood of free
dom into the veins of California, and she came
thus into the Union, a free state She came in
as the thirty-first state. She came in alone,
without a slaveholding state attached to her to
neutralize her strength, as Maine had in Missouri,
and lowa had in Texas, and as the south claim
should always be done when a free state was
created. The majority of the states of this confed
eracy have thus become free. The entire Pacific
coast of the U. States was dedicated to freedom by
the prohibition of slavery in Oregon and Califor
nia. The slave traffic has also been prohibited
in the District of Columbia, and a power has
thus been exercised over that subject, which
the south have denied and zealously resisted.—
The same power exists to abolish slavery itself
in the District, and its eventual exercise is thus
rendered a mere question of time. The ground
assumed by the Buffalo Convention was, that
slavery within the United States should be ex
clusively controlled by the state themselves, but i
that the general government should relief itself i
from all responsibility for the evil, by abolishing
it where Congress had the power, and prohibiting
its introduction where it did not then exist. The
brief statement shows the extent to which the
doctrines of that convention have thus far been
canned into the action of the government, and, it
seems to me, furnishes just ground of exultation
to the advocates of those doctrines.”
Yet, in the face of this—in the face of the
universal boast of Northern men from Daniel
Webster down, that the North gained every
thpg and conceded nothing by the Compromise,
we are told in the South, by Messrs. Foote, Cobb,
Toombs, Stephens & Co., that the South gained
a victory.
There is one thing the South did not gain, and
it was a right, Mr. Toombs once eloquently said,
“At would never surrender. ” This is his lan
guage :
“I stand upon the great principle that the
South has a right to an equal participation in the
territories of the United States. I claim the
right for her to enter them with her property and
security to enjoy it! She will divide with you, if
you wish it. but the right to enter all I shall never
surrender, and that we will maintain the posi
tions there laid down.”
The name of Jefferson is invoked to give
sanction to the propriety of the District of Co
lumbia bill. The enactment in 1801, by Con
gress, of the law of Maryland of 1796, which
Mr. Jefferson signed, is now quoted to silence
Southern remonstrance. Had Mr. Jefferson lived
ty this day, who doubts that he would have re
gretted that signature? He then could little
have dreamed of the use Abolitionists are now
making of it.
Southern Democrats are told that they have
no right to murmur, because, in the Presidential
contest of 1819, they contended for non-inter
vention, and that in the Compromise the South
got non-intervention. We deny it. They got no
such thing. There was the foulest intervention
in the case of California to get the Wilmot Pro
viso engrafted in her Constitution, and thus to
deprive the South of all share in that territory.
Had a territorial government been given to her
in 1848, on the principles of non-intervention
contended for by the Democrats of the South,
leaving the Southern people free to go into that
territory with their slavas as they believed they
were entitled to do, they would not have been
cheated out of their share of California and
its vast depositories of gold. They would have
gone there with their slaves. But for fear
they would do this, the Northern members
of Congress, aided by eight Southern Whigs
voted down the Clayton Compromise bill, and
left California and New Mexico, without gov
ernment.
A State government, with the intervention of
the Wilmot Proviso in her Constitution, was
given more than two years after to California.
Territorial governments, without the proviso , were
given to New Mexico and Utah. But in the
meantime Southern men were afraid to carry
slaves to a country without government—with
out Courts under Federal authority—to give
them the protection of the Federal Constitution
and the recognized laws of property.
Non-intervention then came too late. It was
valueless without a distinct recognition of the
right by Congress of the slave holder to carry his
slave property into the common territory. This,
Congress refused with shameful bad faith to the
South. There were no two men in the Union
that had claimed this recognition from Congress
with more pertinacity, or in more bellicose lan
guage than Mr. Toombs, and Mr. Stephens.—
But it was refused—scornfully refused. Yet
those gentlemen have so far changed their views
as now to assert that notwithstanding that re
fusal, the South has nothing to complain of.
To show what Mr. Toombs once thought on
this subject, we quote the following from his
celebrated Hamilcar speech.
“Our lives, our property, our constitutional
privileges are really involved in the issue. Your
position offers us the fate of Hayti, or, at best, of
Jamaica, of resistance to lawless rule. I trust
there is nothing in our past history which ought
to induce you to doubt the alternative we shall
accept. Though the Union may perish—
though slavery may perish—l warm my coun
trymen never to surrender their right to an
equal participation in the common property of
the Republic, nor their right to full and ample
protection of their property from their own
government. The day they do this deed “their
fall will be like that of Lucifer, never to rise
r.gain.”
Mr. Cobb’s Suppressed Letter.
Does Mr. Cobb believe a State has the right to
secede, or does he deny the right of secession ?
If he would publish that letter which Mr.
Toombs advised him to suppress it would save
his organs much labor in trying to mystify the
people, and conceal the truth on this subject.
In that letter Mr. Cobb denied the right of a
State to secede, and asserted that if she attempt
ed it the Federal Government had the right to
coerce her back into the Union.
This position Mr. Cobb does not deny occupy
ing now.
In none of his speeches before the people has
lie denied that this is his position, or denied that
the suppressed letter contains it. In his speech
at Columbus he substantially reiterated this same
State coercion doctrine.
But notwithstanding all this, we find the fol
lowing effort to represent Mr. Cobb as holding
the opposite doctrine.
The Chronicle St Sentinel has the following in
its issue of the 20th inst.
The Convention that nominated Mr. Benning
passed a series of resolutions, among which is
the following:
“sth. That we rejoice to find in the following
resolution of the Georgia Convention of last De
cember, not only the strongest implied recogni
tion of this right of secession, but also the ex
press and particular recognition of the propriety
of its exercise is a number of specific cases.
Resolved , That the State of Georgia, in the
judgment of this Convention, “ will and ought
to resist, even (as a last resort) to a disruption of
every tie which binds her to the Union, any ac
tion of Congress upon the subject of slavery in
the District of Columbia or in places subject to
the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with
the safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights
and the honor of the slaveholding States, or any
refusal to admit as a State, any territory hereaf
ter applying, because of the existence of slavery
therein, or any act prohibiting the introduction
of slaves into the territory of Utah or New Mex
ico, or any act repealing or materially modifying
the laws now in force for the recovery of fugi
tive slaves,” and we do not think we are beyond
this resolution when we say that if a State may
exercise the right in These cases, it may exercise
it in any.”
Thus the Convention rejoices to find the doc
trine of secession proclaimed in the Georgia
Platform, the 4th resolution of which it ap
proves and copies as above.
Let us see how this declaration comports with
the charge made so recklessly by their party a
gainst Mr. Cobb, of “ denying the right of seces
sion.” Mr. Cobb aided in laying the founda
tion and rearing the superstructure of that plat
form, and when constructed took his stand upon
it, and has maintained it ever since. He is still
upon it, as avowed in his recent letter of accep
tance. Yet, in the face of all these facts, the
party persists in charging him with “ denying
the right of secession,” and will doubtless con
tinue to charge it, notwithstanding the resolu
tion of the Convention of their own party, in the
Second Congressional District.
Is it true that Mr. Cobb had anything to do
with rearing the Georgia Platform ? Is there
any evidence of it? Mr. Cobb was at Wash
ington City when the convention met. Mr.
Jenkins, Mr. Toombs, Judge Dawson, Mr.
Stephens, Gen. Hansell, and Mr. Miller were a
mongthe architects. But this is the first we
have heard of Mr. Cobb having aided in the bu
siness.
That platform did not “ wholly approve’’ the
compromise. Mr. Cobb has declared it to be
“ wise, just and liberal .” Does that look as if Mr.
Cobb helped to construct the platform ?
But it is here said Mr. Cobb took his stand
upon it, and has maintained it ever since. Ad
mit that he has; but has he maintained that that
platform contains an implied recognition of the
right of secession. Mr. Cobb is very willing to
stand on anything that will elevate him to office.
But the people want him to stand up to that
suppressed letter. They want him to give it to
them, and then they can judge whether he de
nies the right of secession or not. We challenge
Mr. Cobb, Mr. Toombs and Mr. Holsey to pub
lish it. Until this is done, and until Mr. Cobb
manfully responds to the questions propounded
to him by citizens of Bibb and other counties in
published cards, the party will persist in charg
ing him with denying the right of secession,
notwithstanding the resolution of the Conven
tion in the Second Congressional District. We
want Mr. Cobb's recognition of the right of se
cession.
Come out from behind Mr. Toombs's masked
battery, Mr. Cobb, and read Q ~3T that letter
to the people.
The Methodist Property Suit. —The Chris
tian Advocate and Journal says that the negotia
tions, consequent upon the earnest recommenda
tions of the Court, for an amicable settlement of
the unfortunate dispute between the two bran
ches ot the Methodist Episcopal Church, have
failed, the South making it a prerequisite that
the justice of her claim shall he admitted, and the
North refusing to make any such acknowledg
ment.
Sailing of the Africa. —The steamship Af
rica, for Liverpool, sailed at noon on Wednesday
from New York, taking out $1,001,543 in specie,
and about ninety passengers.
Release of Mr. Brace. —The Hartford Cour
ant says that letters have been received (by the
Franklin) from Mr. McCurdy (our Minister to
Austria) dated June 27th, stating that he had
received a verbal communication from the State
Department at Vienna, that Charles L. Brace
had been released, and was at Pesth, on his way
to Vienna.
Fatal Railroad Accident at Hari.em. —On
the morning of the 16th inst. about a quarter
before nine o’clock, as the accommodation cars
at Harlem were filling for New York, and a large
number of people were standing about on both
tracks, the 8 o’clock express train from New
York for New Haven, passed through at full
speed, instantly killing two persons and wound
ing a number of others.
Wesleyan Female College. —The Macon
Georgia Citizen says: “The examination of the
pupils of this Institution commenced on Monday
last, and was closed on Wednesday evening, by
a musical concert, in which many of the young
ladies participated, on the Harp, Violin and
Piano, with vocal accompaniment. The College
was densely crowded on this occasion, and the
performances were well received.
On Thursday the exercises of the Senior class
were held in the Methodist church, where about
30 young ladies read their Compositions and re
ceived the customary Degree from the hands of
President Ellison, who made the Valedictory
Address to the Graduates.
The whole ceremonies of the day were inter
esting and imposing as well as highly creditable
to both Instructors and Pupils.
We regret to hear that the worthy President
of the College contemplates retiring from the
control of the Institution, immediately. If so he
has the proud satisfaction to know that he
leaves it in a high and palmy state of usefulness
and prosperity.
Baltimore Coffee Market. —The N. O.
Picayune of the 16th inst. says.—W« learn from
♦he circular of Messrs. White & Elder, brokers,
of Baltimore, that the coffee market throughout
the last month was steady, with a regular fair
demand from the city trade and for the supply of
Western and Southern orders. There were few
or no heavy operations on speculation, and the
market partakes generally of the dullness which
usually prevails at this season of the year. Most
holders were firm in their views and disposed to
store rather than submit to a decline from the
prevailing prices. Quotations were for prime
9 i-4c., good 9c., low grades 8 1-2 a 8 3-4 c.
The imports at Baltimore from Jan. 1 to June
30, were 179,310 bags, of which 148,523 were
from Rio. During the same period in 1850 the
imports were 91,993 bags, of which 63,150 were
from Rio; the increase this year consequently is
87,317 bags. The stock on hand was 34,200
bags of Rio, and 9,500 of other descriptions;
against 50,500 at the same time last year.
Quick Work. —The Goldsboro’, N. C. Repub
can and Patriot, states that one half of the Neuse
River Bridge, being one span of one hundred and
twenty-feet in length, was raised in the after
noon of Thursday last—one of the hottest days
experienced this season in that locality—in three
hours and a half. It is a lattice bridge, and when
it is considered that the work had to be put up
from one end, and that both sides were raised
within that time, it must be regarded as an ex
traordinary feat. We are glad to learn that there
is every prospect of the train soon being enabled
to pass over the River, the former bridge, it will
be recollected, was sometime since destroyed by
fire.
The steam ship City of Glasgow left Philadel
phia on the 17th inst. for Liverpool, taking out
66 cabin passengers, a full freight, and $15,000 in
specie.
The N. Y. Sun of Thursday morning, says
that a steam ship is now building, and will be
ready for sea by the Ist of December, which is
intended to ply between that city and Galway,
stopping at Halifax on the route. The contract
with the builder is that the steamer shall make
the trip between Galway and Halifax in six
days, otherwise the parties contracting for the
vessel are at liberty to reject her. The steamer
is to be of the largest size, with accommodations
for 800 to 1000 second class passengers besides
having accommodations for first class passengers.
The Bolt. Worm.— The Concordia (Lou.) In
telligencer, of Saturday, 12th inst., says: “This
destructive worm, in an army of countless mil
lions, is now at work on many plantations in
our parish. Where the host comes, a sad change
in the color and general aspect of the field is im
mediately visible. No one can mistake the path
of the devastator.’ 1
i The citizens of Mobile have it in contempla
tion to establish a line of steamers between that
city and New York.
Col. Henry L. Bennino.— -It is with no or
dinary degree of pleasure that we run up the
name of this distinguished gentleman to our
mast-head, as the Southern Rights candidate for
Congress from the Second Congressional Dis
trict. As an ardent and devoted friend of South
ern rights. Col. Henning stands second to no man
in Georgia. He is emphatically a Southern
rights man, and if elected, which he doubtless
will be, all the bribes that the North can oiler
him from now till dooms-day, will never induce
him to desert the South in her hour of greatest
need, or barter away her rights for a little per
sonal aggrandizement. Col. Benniug, of all oth
ers, in this District, is the man that the South
needs in Congress in the present emergency. He
is a man of splendid attainments and line intel
lectual powers, and withal, an honest man. The
unanimity with which he was nominated by the
Convention, presages the enthusiasm that his
nomination will create in the Southern Rights
ranks, and we confidently expect to roll up a
majority of eight hundred or a thousand for him,
from South-Western Georgia. —Oglethorpe (Ga.)
Democrat. U)th inst.
Mr. G. W. Moore, long a dry goods merchant
in this city, died on Saturday morning last after
a protracted illness.— Savannah Republican , 20 t/i
inst.
Fatal Rencounter in Florida. —We learn
from a passenger, that a fight occurred near Nas
sau, in Florida, on Wednesday last, between H.
E. W. Clark, Esq., of jSt. Mary’s, and W. H.
Taylor, Esq., of this city, which resulted in the
death of tho latter. He was shot with a' double
barreled gun, the charge entering his back, kil
ling him immediately. Taylor fired three times
with a pistol at Clark, and one of his shots
wounded him in the shoulder.
We take the following from the|Evening Jour
nal of Saturday:—
The particulars as wo have learned them from
Capt. McNelty of the steamer Magnolia, arrived
this morning, are as follows:—Mr. Taylor was
engaged in teaching in the family of Mr. Har
rison, when, a dispute arose between him and Mr.
Clark, who is in some way connected with the
family of Mr. Harrison. Clark first shot at Tay
lor, and was about to shoot again, when Taylor
drew a pistol and shot him in the arm, disabling
it. Taylor was then advised to leave the place
until the anger of Clark should become apjieased.
He mounted a horse, and was in the act of leav
ing, when Clark ran round the house, and met
some persons who were coming in from a hunt,
took one of their guns and fired at Taylor, lodg
ing the whole load in his back, from which he
died in about ten minutes. i\f|.* "'—'lor was
brought up in our city, and but
ed his studies of the law, and has
city to deplore his untimely end.— lb.
(Correspondence of the Journal of Commerce.)
[per ASIA.]
LIVERPOOL, July sth, 1851.
Dear Sir : —The market opens with a mode
rate enquiry which seems to be freely met at ir
regular prices. The sales of the day probably
reach 5,000 bales, including 1,000 for export.—
The drooping state of the market has curtailed
business in Manchester, but the entire absence
of stocks of yarns enables spinners to command
within a mere fraction of last week's rates.
I am,truly yours,
Signed, JAMES McHENRY.
Brown, Shipley’s & Co., Circular.
LIVERPOOL, July-Ith, 1851.
The Cotton market throughout the past week
has been extremely depressed, and the anxiety to
realize fully as great as at any previous period of
the year. Buyers are overwhelmed by the quan
tity on sale, and in many instances Cotton has
been forced off at prices so irregular that the fol
lowing official quotations must be considered
quite nominal. Fair Orleans 0 1-4; middling do.
4 7-8; fair Mobiles and Uplands 5 3-1; middling
do. 4 3-4; inferior and ordinary 3 1-2 a 4 l-2d.
per lb.
The sales for the week amount to 30,670 bales,
of which speculators have taken 1,200 and ex
porters 5,340 bales.
The stock of Cotton in this port now reaches
697,000 bales, of which 518,000 are American,
against a stock at tliis period of last year of 563,-
000 of which 358,000 were American.
In Manchester there has been less doing in
Goods and Yarns, but prices are without much
change.
The Corn market has again relapsed into pre
vious dullness and prices have given way ls 6 2s
per bbl in Flour, 2a3d per 70 lbs in Wheat and
Is6a2s per quarter in Indian Corn, the quotations
being 205a2056 lor Western Canal Flour, 21sa21s
6 for Philadelphia and Baltimore, 21s for Ohio
and Canal and 20s per bbl for sour. Wheat 5
9a5510 for red and 6saos3 per 70 lbs lor white—
White Indian Corn 3156a325, yellow 2856 and
mixed 28s per quarter of 480 lbs.
BROWN, SHIPLEY & CO.
The appearance of the corn crop in this por
tion of Georgia is much more encouraging than
it was a lew weeks since. Almost every plan
tation has been recently blessed with an abun
dance of min and notwithstanding the drought in
May, the probability is that pretty fair crops will
be made.
Cot ton, with the exception of being backward,
looks well every where. —Lagrange Reporter,
18 th inst.
(Telegraphedfor the Charleston Courier.)
New-Ohleans, July 17.
Barely six hundred bales of Cotton have been
disposed off since the reception of the Asia’s ad
vices, and the market is atastand.
Bacon is firm—clear sides bring 9 to 9 1-4.
Bagging is steady at 13 to 13 1-2; and Rope is
worth from 6 1-4 to 6 1-2. Star Candles com
mand 20c.
The parties to the recent duel will be allowed
to put in bail.
Daimgc by the Freshet.
Harrisburg, July 18.—Accounts from the
Juniatta represent the damage to the canal and
railroad as very great, many miles of the canal
have been destroyed. Most of the crops had been
cut but not gathered, and were swept off.
Numerous bridges and houses and other pro
perty carried away. The damage is very great.
Sudden Rise in the Allegheny.
Pittsburg, July 17,8 P. M.—The Allegheny
river has risen five feet since yesterday. There
are now 8 1-2 feet water in the channel, and the 1
river is still rising. Quite a number of large
class steamers are taking freight for ports below,
—freights and passage are quite low. The weath
er is very warm.