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Canstitutinnalißt & lUjrablir.
JAMES GARDNER, JR., 1
and / Editor*.
JAMES M. SMYTHE, )
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RISK.
(From the N. O. Picayune, 11 th mat.)
The Crop in Northwest Louisiana.
DeSoto Parish, La, July 31.
Eda. Pic. —l see by your paper, as well as
others, accounts from various portions of the cot
ton region, relative to the condition and prospect
of the growing crop, but none from this part later
than the last of June. Since that time a change,
a very great change, has taken place, in conse
quence of the almost unprecedented drought now
upon us. 1 therefore take the liberty of addressing
you, not with the view of starting the cry of
“short crop,” but simply to give the facts as they
are. The heavy decline in the cotton market
the past season admonishes the planter that cau
ses are at work to affect prices, other than short
crops or large ones; and if he were disposed to
cry “short crop,” and attempt to write up prices,
he would have no hope of sqpteding against the
power and influence of those whose interest it is
to depress them
It is now nearly three months since there was
rain enough to wet the ground over two inches
in the greater portion of this parish; and I learn
that Caddo, Natchitoches and Sabine parishes, in
this State, and the adjoining counties in Texas,
have fared no better. The consequence is that
the corn crop has been cut off, and there will be
a greater scarcity than it has been for years. Cot
ton, though the weed is small, stood it astonish
ingly until some three weeks since, when the
squares commenced dropping off, and there are
now fewer blooms than 1 have ever known at
this season of the year. I allude of course to the
uplands, as they comprise the greater portion of
the country referred to. The crops on the Red
River bottoms are doubtless better off.
Should the season be favorable from now on,
with a late frost, there is time for some improve
ment, but any thing like an average crop is out
ot the question. Yours, &c., r.
“If the people of Georgia understood this slavery
question as well as / do, they wimld not > emain in
the Union five minutes.” — Toombs.
The Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel wants to
know of the Savannah Georgian in what speech
or letter, Mr. Toombs used this expression. The
Georgian, replies that it does not know. We
can tell Itoth of them. Mr. Toombs made use of
the remark to two gentlemen, then of his own
political party (whig,) in Washington City. The
gentlemen were from Stewart county Georgia.—
Columbus Times , 20/A inst.
A Great Dentist.—A Paris letter in theN.
Y. Herald contains the following:
Our American dentists, who, it is well known,
are the first in the world, have been somewhat
surpassed by a Mr. Chapart, Doctor of the School
of Allort, who perlormed the wonderful experi
ment to pull out a tusk from the mouth of the
mammoth elephant of Mr. Hugues de Massilia’s
menagerie. The huge animal, who had been
previously “chloroformized,” was also strongly
tied with ropes, and after much difficulty the
two roots of the tusks, which had been broken
a few years ago, and were now painful to Aly
SJia, were taken out in a very skilful manner.
These two pieces of ivory weigh more than
eighteen pounds. The operation was made to
prevent the elephant from having another tooth
ache. similar to that which, about two weeks
ago, had rendered him mad, and excited him to
commit much mischief.
Re-Discovery of a Voecanio Island.—lt
will be remembered, that an island, about 120
feet high and 2 ; 000 feet in circumference, sudden
ly sprang up, in 1831, between Sicily and La
l’antellaria. It disappeared about a month after,
and at a later period, even the sounding lead
could give no indication of its eixstence—but
vessels, passing over the place it had formerly oc
cupied, would sometimes feel a sort of shock,
which showd that it was of volcanic orgin. In
March last, however, the French vessel Eolo,
which was taking sounding in the vicinity, dis
covered some traces of its existence; and we now
learn from Naples, that, in the course of last
month, H. M. S. Scourge, Captain Kerr, veritiad
the truth of the preceding observation, and fur
ther discovered, that the island which liad been
christened “Isola Giulia,” was only 9 feet under
water. Captain Kerr had a pole with a strea
mer and an inscription set up on the spot.—
Journal des Debats.
Gone Back to his Old Friends.— lt would ap
pear from the recent amalgamation coalition—or
Union as it is styled, of the New York Whigs,
that Mr. Fillmore is once more upon the old
platform by the side of Seward and Greely.
This result is by no means surprising to us. All
his affinities—all his associations have heretofore
been with the freesoilers and abolitionists, and it
is but natural that he should return to his first
love. No doubt the terms of the Union are ac
ceptable to l\lr. Fillmore and the platform pre
sented, such a one as he is prepared to occupy.
Let the South look to it that no half-hearted
pseudo friend of the Union, with its compromises
andjguarantees be summggled upon them through
the cunning of designing demagogues.— Baltimore
-drgus.
Col. Jackson at St. Maf.y's—This District.
By a friend from Camden county, we understand
that Col. Jackson was warmly received by the
peonle of St. Mary's and vicinity, at his appear
ance among them, on Monday last. His speech
on the occasion, we are told, was most excellent,
and listened to with general approval. Out of
about eighty voters (more or less) in that pre
cinct, our informant thinks not more than three
or four will go against him. The intelligence
from all parts of this district is in the highest de
gree encouraging to the friends of McDonald and
Jackson. From Thomas and Lowndes, the ex
treme west, the reports are all that we could de
sire. Thomas, which formerly gave about 160
Whig majority will go for McDonald and Jack
son by from 150 to 200, while Lowndes, we are
told, will go the same way by 3 to I.—Savan
nah Georgian, 22nd inst.
Kentucky.—it appears that Beverley L.
Clarke, Dem., is elected to Congress in the 3d
district ol Kentucky, instead of Presley Ewing,
Whig, as at first reported. This is a Democratic
gain, and gives the Democrats a majority of the !
delegation. Whigs 4, Democrats 6 I
According to the Tribune, most of the districts 1
which have elected Democratic Congressmen
are “strong Whig districts." We judge.\ow™ er
that they are not -Ultra Whig,” as a majority of
the voters prefer to be represented by Demo- I
crats. —2V, ¥. Journal of Commerce , 19/A inst.
AUGUSTA, GA.
SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 23.
For Governor.
cbarles J. McDonald.
For OongreM-Eigh.il District,
ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert.
THE L.RGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STATE.
Appointments of 001. McMillan. 0
Col. McMillan will address his fellow-citizens
At Augusta, Tuesday, Sept. 2nd.
At Judge Neal's Mills, Warren co., Thursday,
Sept. 4th.
“Another Recklesa Assertion.”
Under this caption, the Chnmiclc (f Sentinel of
Wednesday, has a long article in reply to ours
of the 15th instant. Our declaration that “ the
public sentiment of Georgia was unanimously,
or nearly so, against the doctrines of the Procla
mation of General Jackson, on the subject of
State Rights and Federal powers,” it designates
as a reckless assertion. He quotes further from
us as follows: “We go further, and deny that
any party in the South, in express terms, ever
approved of the doctrines of that Proclamation.
If it was ever done, the documents can easily be
found. We deny their adduction.”
We shall not take up our room with a tedious
reply to the Chronicle's criticism upon the action
of the Georgia Legislature. That paper has not,
as yet, refuted our position in any |iarticular, and
we would deem it a waste of time, as well as an
infliction upon our readers, to fill our columns
with a refutation or exposure of its sophistry.
The only proof it adduces to show that the
Proclamation was sustained by a party in Geor
gia, is the resolutions passed by a Union meet
ing in Forsyth, Monroe county, in January, 1833>
as reported by a committee of which one of the
Editors of the Constitutionalist 6f Republic [Mr. S.]
is represented to have been one. The second
resolution of that meeting approbates the Procla
mation as being constitutional, timely and ne
cessary. In the first place, the proceedings of
the meeting may have been incorrectly publish
ed, or they may have been hastily adopted. The
Proclamation may have been hastily read by
those who composed it. It may be that Mr. S.
acquiesced in the resolutions without noticing
them critically. There were old veteran leaders
in that meeting, to whose opinion he may have
bowed with respectful deference, as he then had
just grown up to manhood; or he may have ob
jected to the resolutions, but yielded to his politi
cal friends of greater age and experience ; oi the
resolutions may be incorrectly reported.
The idea is supremely absurd that the declara
tion ol such a meeting, perhaps attended by
about as many persons as attended some of the
meetings, in this place, of the Constitutional
Union party, (about twenty in all,) should de
cide the position of a great party in the State.
We say this, even upon the supposition that the
Monroe meeting did, unqualifiedly, approbate
the Proclamation, in each and every particular,
after caieful reading and full deliberation.
But the preamble says: “And whereas the
President of the United States has issued his
Proclamation declaring the unconstitutionality
of such proceedings, so far as they regard the as
sumed jtower of a State to nullify an act of Con
gress passed ," &c., &c. Here it will he seen that
the committee pointed out, specially, that fea
ture in the Proclamation which, no doubt, they
afterwards intended to approbate. Be all this,
however, as it may, the great question is, what
do people believe now ? It is not what they
believed 10, 15 or 20 years ago, hut what do they
believe now, when they see the Constitution
disregarded, and the rights of the South tram
pled in the dust ?
We shall dispose of this subject with a word
or two more. Our readers who are familiar with
the past, will liear us out in the assertion that
such was the opposition manifested, even by the
friends of General Jackson, throughout the South,
to the Federal doctrines of his Proclamation, that
he ordered the publication of a commentary upon
it, explaining away some ot its most objectiona
ble features. That commentary has been usual
ly termed his Counter Proelamation.
The Editor referred to by the Chronicle, as a
participant in the meeting in Monroe county, in
1833, denies that the doctrines of the Proclama
tion met his approbation. He was opposed to
nullification, hut not to State secession. While
he believed a State had no right to nullify a law
ofgeneral operation, and still enjoy all the bene
fits of the Union, he did not question her right
to resume the exercise of her delegated powers,
and secede from it. At the same time he frankly
admits that his views, in some respects, have
undergone a change.
We shall sweep off these cobwebs of contro
versy upon unimportant matters, and proceed on
in the great path of duty which is marked out by
the critical aspect of affairs at present. We can
not and will not spare the time and room which
they would occupy, without instruction or profit
to any one.
Mr. Oobb and Mr. Chappell.
“ Resolved, That the faculty of secession is in
separably incident to a compact subsisting be
tween sovereign States; and the right of scees
l sion in any particular instance must depend up
on causes of which the party asserting the right
1 must judge for itself—amongst which causes fla
grant breaches of the compact by the party or
parties have always been considered good—and
secession for any cause can, at the most, expose
the seceding State only to the consequences aris
ing under the laws of war and of nations—and
never to those of treason and rebellion.’'— (See
Journal of 1832, page 123.)
We deny that Mr. Cobb's doctrine is similiar
to this. Mr. Chappell says that the faculty of
secession is inseparably incident tc the coinpact be
tween the soveriegn States. Mr. Cobb says : “ I
deny the right of a State to secede and thus dis
• solve the Union.” It is true he afterwards said
I a State had the right to withdrawn by an act of
revolution if she saw proper to risk the conse
quences. Mr. Chappell says in the above, li and
secession for any cause can. at the most, expose the
j seceding State only to the consequences arising
. under the laws of war and of nations—and
never to those of treason and rebellion.'’ Now
! mark, Mr. Chappell says secession at the most
j can only expose the seceding State, &c. Mr. Chap-
I pell does not say it ought to expose her to war, or
| affords a right to the General Government to
1 make war upon her. Os course when a State
becomes a separate nation it is liable to war as
other nations are.
] But Mr. Cobb holds that as soon as a State se
| cedes the other States have a right to proceed at
f onct to coerce her back and hold her in the Union
by force.
The man who will say that that was the doc
trine of Mr. Chappell, or the State Rights party
in 1833, is utterly ignorant of the history of
those times, if his object is not to misrepresent
facts. Mr. Chappell and the States Rights party
then held, that a State had a right to secede from
the Union if it saw proper to do so, and that the
General Govornment had no right to coerce her
back, or make war upon her for it.
Mr. Toombs.
Having heretofore shown Mr. Toombs’ grounds
of complaint against the North, we now proceed
to show his grounds for resistance. And in the
first place we will make a few extracts to show
what he held to be the duty of the government.
From his speech of December 13th, 1849 :
“ Give me securities that the power of the or
ganization which you seek will not be used to the
injury of my constituents, then you can have my
co-operation, but not till then. Grant them, and
you prevent the recurrence of the disgraceful
scenes of the last twenty-four hours, and restore
tranquillity to the country. Refuse them, and,
so far as I am concerned, 1 let discord reign for
ever.’ ”
February speech, 1850:
“ Whatever any of the States recognize as pro
perty, it is the duty of the government to pro
tect.”
“We hold it to be the duty oftheir government
to protect the persons and property ol the citi
zens of the United States wherever its flag floats
and it has paramount jurisdiction. And as a
just corollary from this principle, we affirm that
as the territories of the United States are the
common projterly of the people of the several States,
we have the right to enter them with our flocks
and our herds, with our men servants and our
maid servants and whatever else the laws of
any of the States of this Union declare to be pro
perty, and to receive full and ample protection
from our common government until its authoii
ty is rightfully superceded by a State govern
ment. This is equity; this is what we call
eipudity , and it is what you would call equity and
equality but for your crusade against slavery.'’
'•We ask protection against all hostile imqtedi
tnents to the introduction and peaceable enjoy
ment of all our property in the territories, wheth
er these impediments arise from foreign laws or
from any pretended domestic authority, we hold
it be your duty to remove, them. Foreign laws
can only exist in acquired territory by your will,
express or implied. It is a fraud upon our rights
to permit them to remain to our prejudice. 1 ’
“We demand an equal participation in the
whole country acquired, or a’ division of it be
tween the North and the South.”
“We are entitled to non-interference from
alien and foreign governments. England owes
us Mur much; France owes us that much ; Russia
owes us non-intervention. l r ou owe us more.
You owe us protection.
“ Our next and last acquisition was California
and New Mexico. They are the fruits of suc
cessful war. We have borne an equal share of
its burdens —we demand an equal participation
in its benefits .”
Having shown what Mr. Toombs demanded
of the government to do. and which he insisted it
was its duty to do, we proceed to show what
were his grounds of resistance in case of its fail
ure to perform it.
From his letter to his constituents:
“In the Whig caucus, at the opening of Con
gress,in my speech in December;in my speech in
February- in my letter to Gov. Towns in March,
I affirmed my own grounds of resistance to the
government, or disunion, to be these three: Ist.
The abolition of slavery in the District of Colum
bia; 2nd. The prohibition of slavery by Congress
in the territories; 3rd. The refusal of a fair
measure for the delivery of fugitive slaves. I
took no other; I advocated no other grounds of
resistance, I did not abandon or compromise one
jot or tittle of them; I did not enlarge them to
include the errors and follies of Southern men,
or diminish them to conciliate the hostility of
Northern men; 1 stood by them and they are not
violated by the legislation which I am about to
review.”
From .Mr. Toombs’ speech, Dec. 13th, 1849.
“I do not, then, hesitate to avow before this
House and the country,and in the presence of the
living God, that if by your legislation you seek
to drive us from the territories of California and
New Mexico, purchased by the common blood
and treasure of the whole people, and to abolish
slavery in this District, thereby attempting to
fix a national degradation upon half the States of
this confederacy, lam for disunion, and [if my
physical courage be equal to the maintenance of
my convictions of right and duty, I will devote
all 1 am and all I have on earth to its consumma
tion.”
From his speech of February, 1850.
“No government can stand in America, or
ought to stand any where, which brings its pow
ers in hostility to the property of the peo
ple.”
“Though the Union may perish —though slavery
may perish. I warn my countrymen never to sur
render their right to an equal participation in
the common property of the republic, nor their
right to full and ample protection of their proper
ty from their own government. The day they
DO Tins DEED "THEIR FALL WILD BE LIKE THAT
of Lucifer, never to rise again.”
“Whatever any of the States recognise as pro
perty, it is the duty of this government to pro
tect. When it places itself in hostility to pro
perty thus secured, it becomes an enemy to the
people, and ought to be corrected or subverted.
This is a question which affects the rights of all
the States. This is the only rule which can
preserve the harmony of the Union, and enable
the General Government to perform impartially
its duties to States having different interests and
institutions.”
“I demand to-day that protection for my con
stituents which we have never withheld from
you. It is the price of our allegiance. Let us un
derstand each other.”
“The sentiment of every true man at the South
will be—we took the Union and the constitution
together—we will have both or we will have
neither
“Fonr’posmoN offers us the fate of Hayti, or
at best Jamaica, or RESISTANCE to lawless
rule. I trust there is nothing in our past history
which ought to induce you to DOUBT which
alternative we shall accept.’’
“Withhold it (protection) and you make us
alines in our own government Our hostility to it
then becomes a necessity —a necessity justified by
our honor, our interests and our common safety.
These are stronger than all human government.”
“We who are contending for a principle es
sential to our interest, our safety and our political
union, can suffer no greater calamity than its loss.
This is an appeal from the argument to our fears.
I answer that appeal in the patriotic language
of a distinguished Georgian, who yet lives to
arouse the hearts of his countrymen to resistance
to wrong:— "When the argument is exhaust-
ED WE WILL STAND BY Ot'R ARMS.”
From the Address of Mr. Toombs and others
to the people of the South.
“That these assaults should have had their ef
fect is not surprising, when we remember that I
as yet we have offered no organized resistance to
them, and opposed but little, except the insulated
efforts of members of Congress who have oc
casionally raised their voices against what they
believed to be wrongs and injustice.”
“It is time that we should meet and maintain
an issue in which we find ourselves involved by
those who make war upon us in regard to every
interest that is peculiar to us, and which is not
enjoyed in common with them, however guaran
tied by solemn compact, and no matter how vi
tality involving our prosperity, happiness and
safety. It is time that we should take measures j
to defend ourselves against assaults, which can
end in nothing short of our destruction if we op
pose no resistance to them.”
“The eventual strength of an opinion is to be
measured not by the number who may chance to
entertain it, but by the truth which sustains it;
we believe, nay, we know that truth is with us,
and therefore we should not shrink from the con
test. We have too much staked upon it to shrink
or to tremble—a property interest, in all its forms
of incalculable amount and value; the social or
ganization, the equality of liberty, nay, the ex
istence of fourteen or fifteen States of the con
federacy—all rest upon the result of the struggle
in which we are engaged. We must maintain
the equality of our political position in the Union.
We must maintain the dignity and respectability
of our social position before the world; and we
must maintain and secure our liberty and rights,
so far as our united efforts can protect them, and,
if possible, we must effect all this within the
pale of Union. The union of the South upon
these vital interests is necessary, not only for the
sake of the South but perhaps for the sake of the
Union. We have great interests exposed to the
assaults not only of the world at large, but of
those who, constituting the majority, wield the
power of our own confederated States. We must
defend those interests by all legitimate means, or
else perish either in, or without, the effect. To
make successful defence we must unite with each
other upon the one vital question, and make the
most of our political strength. We must do more
—we must go beyond our entrenchments, and
meet even the more distant and indirect, but by
no means harmless assaults, which are directed
against us.”
“All that we ask is, that he shall consider the
constitutional rights of the South, which are in
volved in the great abolition movement, as para
mount to all party, and political considerations.
And surely the time has come when all South
ern men should unite for purposes of self-defence.
Our relative powers in the legislature of the
Union is diminishing with every census, the
dangers which menace us are daily becoming
greater, and the chief instrument in the assaults
upon us is the public press, over which, owing to
our supineness the North exercises a controlling
influence. So far as the South is concerned, we
can change and reverse this state of things. It
is not to be borne, that public sentiment at the
South should be stifled or controlled by the par
ty press.”
From another speech of Mr. Toombs’:
“I SPEAK NOT FOR OTHERS, BUT FOR
MYSELF. Deprive us of this right and appro
priate this common property to yourselves, it is
then your government, not mine. Then lam
Us enemy, and I will then, if I can, bring my
children and my constituents to the altar of liber
ty, and like Hamilcar, I would swear them to
eternal hostility to your foul domination. Give
us our just rights and we are ready, as hereto
fore, to stand by the Union, every part of it, and
its eve>y interest. Refuse it, and for one, I
WILL STRIKE FOR INDEPENDENCE.”
Astounding Invention.— The Baltimore Sun
says: “We notice an invention by Mr. Solo-
I mons, of Cincinnati, of what he calls a perfect
substitute for steam! From common whiting,
sulphuric acid and water, he obtains carbon in
the gaseous state; and with the power exerted
by this gas, be asserts that he now drives a
25-horse engine, and for one-fortieth the expense
of steam, lifts and lets fall 12,000 pounds five
times in a minute. This fluid, without any heat
applied at all, exerts a pressure of 540 pounds to
the square inch, while water in the same unheat
ed state, has no pressure but that of gravity.
Water, heated to the boiling point, yields a pow
er of fifteen pounds. This fluid, with the same
heat, would yield a power of nearly 12,000 lbs.!
And what is more, a handfull of charcoal, and a
boiler the size of a tea-kettle, will produce, at
an expense of a few cents, the whole of this tre
mendous energy! Fifty dollars expense in car
bon, would carry one of the Collins steamers
from New York to Liverpool.”
The River.
Has risen since om last some five feet, and was
last evening running even with the lower
wharves. It is now in good boating order, with
a prospect of continuing so for some weeks to
come.
The Chronicle & Sentinel and the Alberti Case.
We were shocked upon reading the apology of
the Chronicle & Sentinel for this case. That pa
per says, that Alberti was not tried under the
present fugitive slave law, but the old law of
1793. What of that? How does that alter the
villainy of the transaction. It says, Alberti and
Price were found guilty for kid-napping Joel, the
child of Betsy, and says further, that kid-nap
ping, in Georgia, is punished by imprisonment
in the Penitentiary. What a miserable apology
this is! The Chronicle admits, that Betsy, the
mother of Joel was a slave , and yet insinuates
that Joel was not a slave. The most ignorant
man in the Southern States will tell you, that if
his negro woman runs away and gives birth to a
child in a free State, the condition of the child
follows that ol the mother. Now, for what rea
son did the Chronicle keep back the fact, that
Judge Parsons, in pronouncing sentence upon
these unfortunate men, toldThem.that if they had
been indicted for kid-napping Betsy also , he would
have charged the jury to have found them guil
ty. The Chronicle knew that the Judge had said
this, when it declared “ The arrest of the slave
Betsy was not the offence charged.” Such, how
ever, is the enormity of the case, that the Chron
icle says it does not believe it has been correctly
reported, but if correctly reported, “it proves
that the Jury was corrupt, and the Judge arbi
trary and tyrannical.” Indeed! pretty well after
so stiained an apology! Well, upon t chat does
the Chronicle found its disbelief of the truth of
the report. It was made some two months since,
has been published all over the country, and no
one has ever denied the facts as stated.
Does the Chronicle & Sentinel represent Mr.
Cobb, Mr. Toombs, and indeed the Constitution
al Union Party on this subject ? If it does, they
deserve to be buried under the indignation of the
people too deep for resurrection.
Mr. Cobb’s Allegiance.
u I do not so understand our government I feel
that I owe my allegiance to a government pos
sessed of more vitality and strength, than’that
which is drawn from a voluntary obedience to
its laws.”— Mr. Cobb's Letter.
That is, Mr. Cobb owes allegiance to the grand
consolidated Federal Government. To a’gov
ernment that can whip a sovereign State that
can lick South Carolina or Georgia or any other
Southern State. Well, we thought Mr. Cobb
owed his allegiance to his old mother, Georgia,
and not to the other States represented in a con
solidated government. But Mr. Cobb speaks for
himself. Our Federal Government is under the
control of a free soil majority. Mr. Cobb says
he owes his allegiance to that.
Do Georgians want a man to a rule over them
who cocks his nose at Georgia,and bends his knee
to a free soil government. We would’nt give
an old red hill in Georgia fqrthe eapitol of such
a government.
Col. Jones’ Appointments.
I We are authorized and requested (says the
Athens Herald) by Col. Jones, the Southern
Rights candidate for Congress in this District, to
give notice that he will address the people of the
different counties at the following times and
places:
At Social Circle, Walton Co. Aug. 23.
Jefferson, during Court week,
Clayton, Rabun, on first Tuesday in Sept.
Clarkesville, Thursday, 4th Sept.
Mt. Yonah, on Saturday, 6th Sept.
Danielsville, Tuesday of Court week.
Camesville, Thursday, 11th Sept.
Bushville, Franklin, Saturday, 13th Sept.
Gainesville, Hall, during Court week.
A private despatch from Savannah, dated Au
gust 22, 1 P. M.,says—“Good Middling Cotton
is worth 7i—clear blues are scarce, and meet
with ready sale at 6 cents.”
[communicated.]
Messrs. Erlitors: —l seat myself to give you a
hasty sketch of a discussion which came off at
our place on the 14th instant. The speakers of
the_Fillmore Constitutional Union party were
Hon. R. Toombs, Judge Andrews, Thomas,
and that pink of perfection, Howell Cobb. We
had no speaker save Robt. McMillan, our stand
ard bearer—a host of himself.
Judge Andrews opened the discussion with an
hour. He denounced as dishonest all fire-eaters,
and old nullifiers, &c.; called upon his old Demo
cratic friends to stand by their old principles of
non-intervention; alluded to resolutions they had
passed, &c. He dragged heavily in his feeble
effort.
Mr. Toombs followed, in another hour, singing
in very much the same old tune. Even his own
party showed no enthusiasm under his speech.
He said we had got all we asked for and more
too, and that the South had no cause of com
plaint. He denounced with scorn all who dared
to differ with him in opinion, and said he would
get all the honest voters of his district. This
would-be-King will be taught by these, as he
calls us, dishonest voters, a lesson, in October,
that will astonish him.
Col. McMillan followed amidst a burst of ap
plause. An hour and aquarter was all the time he
was allowed by these enlightening gentlemen;
but judging from their looks and actions, they must
have thought it a fortnight. He reviewed the
speeches of Judge Andrews and Mr. Toombs, in
a masterly and triumphant manneT, enchaining
the minds of his audience all the while. He
condemned his opponents out of their own
mouths, and lashed them with their own wea
pons. Judge Andrews looked for an auger-hole,
but it was not there. Mr. Toombs and his
friends never wore such countenances, in Lin
coln, before. Col. McMillan proved, from their
own words, that they were neither on nor under
the Georgia platform, but were found away
North of Mason & Dixon's line, among the free
soilers. He read the proceedings of a conven
| tion held at Milledgeville, of which Judge An
-1 drews was President, and Messrs. Cobb, Thom
as, and Irwin of Wilkes, were members of a
committee to draft resolutions, and. among oth
! ers, passed one that, in the event Congress
I passed a law abolishing the slave trade in the
District of Columbia, the Governor should call
i the Legislature together to consider the mode
and measure of redress. Yet Mr. Cobb has since.
j as Speaker of the National House of Represeuta
i tives, signed and sustained a bill abolishing the
slave trade in that District. This was a poser,
j I wish you could have had a view of these infal
lible gentlemen about this time, being all present,
I writhing under his withering satire, and his
hour and a quarter not out yet. He then reviewed
| the California, New Mexico and Utah bills, and
j the Texas boundary bill, and the preamble to the
Georgia platform. He showed that Messrs.
Toombs and Stephens held that the Mexican
laws restricted slavery in the territories, anil that
j they are in force there now. and yet they say
j we have no cause of complaint.
Mr. Cobb occupied his hour, and no doubt
thought it a long one. He was in a bad fix to
face the music. Air. C. contended that the
j Compromise was all fair, just and liberal; and,
i further, that the Mexican laws are not in force.
| So he and Air. Toombs together, as a firm, can
J suit both parties.
Air. Thomas followed in a speech of an hour.
■ He said nothing a.xmt principles, but as he had
got his lesson, he repeated it pretty well for a
little fellow. He said that the Democratic par
ty had become so infected with lousy nullifiers,
that it should have been broken up.
As it happened this time, Col. AlcAlillan stood
his ground, and the other gentlemen made their
escape as soon as Air. Cobb finished. Mr.
Toombs claimed the meeting as his own, not
withstanding all the arrangements were made,
and dinner prepared, by both parties.
LINCOLN.
Raysville, Aug. 19,1851.
Calhoun on Submission. —‘Come what will
should it cost every drop of blood, and every cent
of property, we must defend ourselves, and if
compelled, we would stand justified by all laws
human and divine.’
‘lf we do not defend ourselves, none will de
fend us: we wili be more and more pressed, as
we recede: and if we submit we will be trampled
under foot.’ r
'I say, for one, I would rather meet any ex
tremity on earth than give up one inch of our
equality—one inch of what belongs to us as
members of this great republic!’
•Whenever a free people permit their fear to
control them in refusing to vindicate their rights
they are ready to be slaves, and only wait for a
despot who has more courage than they have to 1
make them such.’ <
‘There is one point on which there can be no
diversity of opinion in the South among those
who are true to her, or who have made up their
minds not to be slaves: that is, if we should be •
forced to choose between resistance and sub- 1
mission, we should take resistance at all haz- 1
aids.’ *
Air. Editor—The above quotations are from ,
speeches and letters of J. C. Calhoun. No pu
rer patriot than him ever lived—no name shines ,
brighter upon the roll of fame than that of the ‘
'illustrious Carolinian.’ Age after age may pass
away, but as long as freedom live, his name will
be honored—his memory revered. And especial
ly should the sons of the Palmetto State attend i
to the counsels and follow the advice of him | ;
whose life was spent in the defence of their ! j
rights and native land. j l
The separate State action party do but obey ; j
the commands of Air. Calhoun in advising resist- I
ance. Did he ever say, that because we were I j
not as powerful as our enemies, we must endure f
oppression or injustice? No. Read the above i
third and fifth quotations, and especially the 1 1
fourth, and see what his injunctions were. If, i
then, we heed his advice, we will ‘resist at all I
hazards.' Hayne .—Fairfield Register .
Georgia and South-Carolina The I
test now going on in our sister State be J:° n ' I
ex-Governor McDonald and Air Cobb f ; I
office of Governor, is not without interest ‘ I
side of the Savannah River. Governor Mdw I
aid s position is this: he maintains the rfeht I
State to secede from the Union—but dl I
advocate the exercise of that rio-ht for th S not I
aggressions ofthe Federal Government I
nies the justice of the Compromise—but „ n i!' I
dience to the will of his State, as expreCh' I
her Convention, he acquiesces in her detemdi ' I
tion. Mr. Cobb, on the other hand, denies tv' I
right of secession, and contends that the Cm, I
promise is fair, and liberal and just. 1
Both these gentlemen, fell short of the «l a * ■
form, occupied by the co-operation party of fey I
11 is. obvious, that while the electinn 1
of AtcDonald will be a decided gain to Souse„° a
Rights, the election of Cobb, apparently ojvJ fk" 9
sanction of Georgia to the Webster nrim-ti M
which he professes. Such a result will unZf' ■
nately, increase the desperation of the W "' ■
party in our State, and. forgetting the fareX
of Southern Rights voters, who have vinrCfe, ■
McDonald, they will urge upon the peopK
it is vain to expect any co-operation from Geo
gia, to the common cause. In the present exci" fl
ted state of the public mind here, such arguments I
will have more influence then they are entitled I
to: and the success of Cobb is, therefore, to be I
deprecated.
If, however, AlcDonald should be elected y I
will show a decided advance of the Southern I
Rights party in Georgia: and assure us, that they I
not only agree with us on the great sovereign
right of a State to secede, but also, that they I
sympathise with us in opposing the aggressive I
measures of the Federal Government, and will I
be ready to unite with us in some plan of resist I
tance, when they see, that the proper time for I
action has come; and that this time cannot be I
far distant, is apparent, from the agitations ofthe I
political atmosphere.— Charleston Standard.
Cuba. —Since the arrival of the news of the I
landing of Lopez, which we have already pub. I
lished, our city has been quite alive with Cuba I
excitement. On rising yesterday morning, our I
eyes were greeted by a flag, with a lone star and I
three stripes, streaming the breeze from the ill I
of the Exchange. Soon another, much largll I
floated out most gracefully from the Georgili I
office. Our Republican neighbors, catching tfc I
infection, followed the example. Nor was the I
News—a zealous laborer in the Cuban cause— I
behind hand. While we write, we understand 1
that there are some eight or ten hung out in I
different portions of the city. The current of I
feeling in our midst runs strong and deep in |
behalf of Lopez and his fellow patriots. Few I
hearts among us but are beating with anxious j
hopes that victory may pureh upon his standard
And we may say to the friends of liberty througn
out the country, that those among us whose in- ,
formation and intelligence best qualify them to ]
speak, are confident in their expectations of his !
success. His landing is believed to be in one of
the most favorable quarters of the Island, where,
strong in the physical advantages of a moun-
country, and in troops of friends, who,
but waited his arrival to rally to his standard—he
can laugh defiance at the Captain General ami
his mercenaries.—Ere this, we believe that an
Independent provisional government has been
organized: and we should not be surprised at any i
hour to see the Pampero, with the flag of In
dependent Cuba unfurled from her mast, make
her entrance, amidst shouts of welcome, into our
port. And no longer will there be left to our
government the shadow of right, to interfere be
tween the belligerent parties, adversely to the
cause of liberty. — Savannah Georgian, 22 d inst.
Horse Thieves Caught. —Our readers will
remember an advertisement of Alessrs. Wm. B.
Giles & Co., offering a reward for the apprehen
sion of the men who stolq two of their horses
from the pasture of the Vale Royal plantation.
Nothing was heard of the thieves until about ten
days since, when Sheriffs Prendergast and Sta
ley, and Constable Jones having learned their
whereabouts, started in pursuit.
In Liberty county, they ascertained that Jas.
W. -Morgan, and 11. T. McLaughlin who had
previously been arrested for stealing watches
from Air. Griffin’s store, were the culprits. Alter
stealing and selling two of Giles fk Bradley's
horses, Morgan took a trip to Charleston, return
ed thence, stole a third horse, (Air. .Pittman’s,)
and was tracked into Liberty couuty. The shei -
iff of that county came upon him, and ordered
him to stop—Alorgan jumped from his horse and
made for the swamp, and narrowly escaped be
ing shot, both barrels of the sheriff's gun missing
fire.
Sulisequently he gave himself up, was brought
here by Sheriff Prendergast, and is now lodged
in Chatham County Jail, to await his trial. The
parties acknowledged having perpetrated the
crime.
1 hese men with others residing in Liberty and
Tattnall, have formed an organized gang, styling
themselves .Murrell men, anil have been a terror
in that region. Aluch praise is due to all the of
ficers who have so successfully tracked out and
broken up this detestable crew.— Sav. Rev. 22 d
inst.
Agricultural Association.
Atlanta, August, 15th, 1851.
The Association met pursuant to adjournment.
On motion the following officers were elected
by nomination to serve the ensuing year.
FOR PRESIDENT,
Hon. John H. Lumpkin, of Floyd.
FOR VICE PRESIDENTS,
1. Hon. Edward Y. Hill, of Troup.
2 Hon. .lohn J. Floyd, of Newton.
3 Joseph J. Singleton, of Lumpkin.
4 Alaj. Easlyjof Dade.
5 Col. Joel Foster of Gass.
6 John Ray, Esq., of Coweta.
7 Col. John D. Stell, of Fayette.
8 Dr. Thomas Hamilton, of Cass.
9 Eli McConnell, of Cherokee.
10 Hon. J. H. Johnson, of Coweta
11 Maj. Wm. Y. Hansell, of Cobb.
12 Gen. L. H. Featherston, of Herd.
13 J. Norcross, of Atlanta.
FOR RECORDING SECRETARY.
J. F. McGinty, of Atlanta.
FOR CORRESPONDING SECRETARY.
William Butts, of Atlanta.
FOR TREASURER.
E. W. Holland, of Atlanta. ,
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.
C. B. Taliaferro, of Coweta.
Gen. Ira R. Foster, of Cherokee.
John T. Grant, of Walton.
I. O. McDaniel, of Atlanta,
B. O. Jones, of Atlanta.
B. F. Bomar, ot Atlanta.
C. Howell, of Atlanta.
Adjourned till the annual meeting to be held
in this city commencing on the second Wednes
day in August, 1852.
J. J. SINGLETON, Pres.
J. T. McGINTY, Sec'ry.
The New-York Tribune states that Aladame
Dembinski, wife of Count Dembinski, who has
resided in that city for a year past, left a short time
since for Paris, with the intention of visiting
Hungary, if possible. By the last arrival, intel
ligence has been received that this accomplished
lady has fallen into the hands of the Austrian
authorities, and at latest dates she was a close
prisoner at Pesth.
New York, Aug. 19th, 6 P. M.
The market for government securities is quiet
and prices unchanged—Erie Railroad declined I
at the first board, and advanced ’ at the second;
Reading Railroad advanced 1 per share; Canton
unchanged and quiet; Exchange on London 10}
prem.
Groceries quiet—sales of 300 hhds. P. R. Su
gar at 3J cts. Sales of 500 bags Rio Coffee at
8J a 9 cts. Rice unchanged.
The Cotton market is firmer —sales of 1,100
bales at 81 for middling Uplands and 81 cts. for
middling Orleans, showing I ct. advance.
Whisky in bbls. (prison) is silling at 23 cts.
The steamer Marion has arrived.