Newspaper Page Text
Sri-Wttblg 'iUjmitiCitu-
GbGL,
XJ. W . HANCOCK’
Editor and Proprietor.
Saturday, Nov. 3, 1866.
Governor’s Message.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
Millkdoeville, Ga., Nov 1, *OO.
Felloic-citizens of the Semite
and House of It eprese, datives:
Although, during the year now draw
ing to a close, the seasons have been un
propitious to the husbandmen, trade dis
appointing to the merchant, and the
signs of the times discouraging to the
patriot, blessings, not wholly “in dis
guise,’ have come to all. The true be
liever recognizes the hand of an over
ruling Providence as well in seeming
evil as in positive good.
It becomes all men, of every age and
every clime, to accept adversity as mer
ited chastisement, and to propitiate of
fended Deity by repentance and reform.
FEDERAL RELATIONS.
Since your last adjournment, little
progress has been made cither in the re
construction of a dismembered Govern
ment, or in the restoration of material
prosperity to that port ion of the country
desolated by recent civil war. Howev
er produced, the fact is indisputable,
that the Government of the United
States this day stands before the civil
ized world in the lamentable condition
of dismemberment. Four of the thir
teen States that originally took part in
the formation of the Union, and six that
have been added in the progress of a
marvelous development, are now totally
excluded from participation in its legis
lative and administrative functions. It
is true that the now excluded States did
voluntarily abandon such participation,
by what was designed as a peaceful and
permanent withdrawal; but the right
so to do was denied to them, and upon
the question of right the war ensued.—
The party denying the existence of the
right, maintained that the Union was
indissoluble by such means, that it still
existed in full force, and nothing more
was necessary than the suppression of
irregular resistance to its authority.—•
That resistance having been suppressed,
after a struggle of five years’ continu
ance—the resistants having grounded
their arms—submitted in word and act
to the authoritios of the United States—
rescinded all constitutions, -ordinances,
laws and resolutions asserting independ
ence of. or antagonism to that Govern
ment—declared its Constitution their
supreme lavy, and elected Senators and
liepresenta tives to tjie Federal Congress
■—the logical conclusion from the prem
ises of the victors is, and the practical
result should be, that the attempt
has failed and that the Union stands un
shaken. All that the resistants may
have done towards dismemberment, they
have undone. The temporary broach
they made, they have repaired. Why,
are they not in the Union as formerly ?
The answer is, that the dominant States,
through their representatives in Con
gress. positively refuse their admission
to the national council, and the conclu
sion is ine\ itable, that from this refusal
the present dismemberment results.—
Reasoning upon their own theory, if the
Southern States be not now within the
pale of the Union,they have boon ejected
by this Congress. If they be, their con
stitutional riglij ©j' representation is de
nied them by tfic jiame authority.
The President of the United States,
second to none* in devotion to the Uni
on, though placed- during the war, by
the intensity of tfjjat feeling, in opposi
tion to his native section, consistently
illustrates it m restored peace. He dis
tinctly affirms the right of the Southern
States to representation in Congress;
and, for his adherence to principle, has
been abandoned and denounced by those
who placed him in power. The Legisla
tive and Executive Departments of the
Government are thus brought into con
flict, seemingly irrecobcilahlc and daily
increasing in bitterness.
The people, too, of the dominant
States now wielding the whole power of
the Government, are themselves divided;
and we, the excluded, against whom
they recently presented the unbroken
front of relentless war, though now pas
sive and unresisting, have suddenly be
come to them an apple of discord. In
this con'est, our position, our motives,
ami our purposes are severely scrutiniz- j
ed. These are all flagrantly misrepre-:
sented by unscrupulous demagogues,
and many, very many well meaning per- j
sons are undoubtedly deceived by tnum.
The pending issue may not find a very
early solution. Meantime, we pass
through an ordeal thoroughly adapted
“to try men’s souls.” But we must be \
true to ourselves, to those, who, though
not of us, are fighting our battles, and
to the country; we must steadily and
calmly pursue the course upon which
wo have started, neither betrayed into
error by false representations of the ma
lignant and consequent injurious suspi
cions of the credulous ; nor yielding to
humiliating demands,against which jus
tice exclaims and manhood revolts. —
Pursuing this course, we shall, in time, !
live down both detraction and delusion,
and achieve a moral victory far more en
during and ennobling than any triumph
of mere physical force.
FJSOI-OSED AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTI
TUTION.
As germain to the subject already dis- j
tuas-d, I call your attention to another I
proposed amendment of the Constitution
of the United States, transmitted to me
by the Secretary of State, and accom
panying this communication. The fact
that your action upon it is thus invoked,
imposes on you au obligation to consid
er it respectfully.
This amendment, designed, like all of
recent origin, to operate especially on
tho Southern States, contains several
sections, to some of which 1 invite your
special attention.
1. The prominent feature of the first
is, that it settles definitely the right of
citizenship in the several States, as po
litical communities, thereby depriving
them in the future of all discretionary
power over the subject within their res
pective limits,and with reference to their
States Governments proper. It makes
all persons of color, horn in tho United
States, citizens.
2. The second changes the basis of
representation in the popular branch of
the Congress and in Presidential electo
ral colleges. It provides that, in ap
portioning representation among the
States, all persons (except Indians not
taxed) shall lie taken into the enumera
tion, unless the elective franchise he de
nied in any State to any male inhabi
tants, being citizens of the United States
and twenty-one years of age, or be in
anv manner abridged (otherwise than as
a punishment for crime,) in which event
the representation shall be proportion
ally reduced.
Whether the object in proposing this
change bo the extension of the elective
franchise to persons of African descent,
(nearly all of whom are notoriously un
qualified for it,) or a fhrther diminution
of the already relatively small weight
of the Southern States in the administra
tion of the Government, the adoption of
this amendment will certainty force up
on them a choice between those evils.—
Ts the former be the real object, the lat
ter alternative must he regarded simply
as a penalty for refusing it. In this
view, it is not difficult to expose the fla
grant injustico of the proposition. Let
us consider briefly how the amendment
will affect States wherein slavery did
not exist prior to the war, and how
those wherein it existed. In the former
class, tho election of the one or the oth
er alternative will he only a matter of
taste, no great public interest being in
volved. If the franchise bo extended,
the number thus newly admitted to the
ballot will bo so small that no appreci
able effect upon popular elections can
result. If refused, the number excluded
front the enumeration in fixing the ratio
of representation will still be so small,
that the consequent reduction would
not be seriously felt, and in some instan
ces would probably be merely fraction
al, producing no curtailment at all.—
Now, look to the other class of States.—
There the number of voters proposed to
he enfranchised, and wholly unprepared
for the trust would be immense, and the
disturbance in the motive power of re
publican machinery incalculable. There,
too, on the other hand, it the franchise
be withheld, the reduction of represen
tation would be vast. Is there fairness,
is there justice in a proposed change so
differently affecting different portions of
a country, united under a common gov
ernment for the common weal ? Would
the enforcement ot such a change by a
majority, it could not harm, upon a mi
nority it must ruin, bespeak magnan
imity ?
It may be said in reply, that the Con-
I stitution does not respect sectional dif
ference—that it was designed for the
protection and advancement of personal
rights. To a large extent this is an eg
regious error. The Union was original
ly designed mainly for the Conduct of
| foreign affairs and common defense,
leaving to the States the regulation of
their domestic concerns. The Constitu
tion resulted from a compromise of sec
tional interests, without which it could
not have been formed. Indeed, in that
compromise, the rights and interests of
the Caucasian as affected by the pres
ence of a very large African population
in some of the States, were considered
and adjusted. The African element,
whether bond or free, was computed
alike with reference to this identical
subject of representation, and alike ig
j nored regarding the elective franchise.
I The objection now urged against the
! amendment is, that it will fall upon cit
j izeus inhabiting one latitude like an av
alanche from its mountain perch, crush
| ing where it settles: whilst upon those
of another latitude it will alight unfelt
like a feather floating in still air.
3. The third section engrafts upon the
fundamental law anew disqualification
I for office, State and Federal—a disqual:
ideation not the result of any act to he
i done after the adoption of the aniend
j ment, but consummated before its con
ception. The act entailing disqualifica
j tion for office consists in having liereto
j fore taken an oath to support the Consti
tution of the United States, and having
thereafter engaged in rebellion or insur
rection against the same, or “ having
j given aid and comfort to the enemies
thereof.” Considering the number of
cur citizens who have taken the oath un
der the circumstances set forth, the num
ber engaged in the war, and the breadth
of ground covered by the words “giving
aid and comfort to the enemies thereof.”
we can readily perceive the sweeping
character of the disqualification. It is
as distinctly proscriptive as if the per
sons to he affected had been ascertained
and their names inserted.
Let it be noted, also, that the pro
scribed are all dwellers on one side ot a
geographical line, whilst the authors ofj
the proscription have their local habita-|
tion on the other side.
It is quite remarkable, moreover, that I
there is in the cnti.ic section no saving i
clause iii lavorof tiioso who, in the in- '
terval between the cessation of host ill-;
ties and the adoption of the Amendment,
may have received the amnesty of the
Government. Pardoned they may have
been, hut disfranchised they will be.
You are asked your consent that
such a fate he visited upon many of our
best citizens, who have long enjoyed the
public confidence, and some of whom
now fill important public trusts. Can
Georgia spare all these from her service?
5. The fifth and last section empow
ers the Congress “ to enforce, by appro
priate legislation,” the provisions of tho
Amendment. It will ho contended that
they are the proper judges of what con
stitutes appropriate legislation. If,
therefore, the Amendment be adopted,
and a fractional Congress, from which
the southern states, chiefly interested in
it, are excluded, ho empowered “ to en
force it by appropriate legislation,”
what vestige of hope remains to the
people of those States? Nay; more,
what semblance of Republican Govern
ment can the true patriot of tho North
discern in such a state ot affairs ? Yet,
that is the point to which we seem to be
drifting; for there is no assurance
whatever that even this concession will
ensure our restoration. Amendments
have already been proposed to and ac
cepted by us, which it was believed
would effect that result; but hope is
still deferred, right still denied.
I will not further analyze this Amend
ment, equally novel and unjust.
I ask you to consider, however, why
it is that you are called upon to vote
upon its adoption, whilst your State had
no voice in its preparation ? The Con
stitution secures to the States the one
right as distinctly und as positively as
the other. Had your Representatives,
and those of other States similarly situ
ated, been present, aiding in giving sub
stance and form to it, possibly it might
have come before you a less odious
thing. The policy seems to have been,
first to push it, without their participa
tion, beyond the stage of amendment.,
and then say to them, accept our bant
ling or take the consequences. The
omission of any material part of the pro
cess of amendment, makes the amend
ment itself, unconstitutional, null and
void.
Should the States especially to be ef
fected by this amendment refuse their
assent to it, it cannot be adopted with
out excluding them from the count and
placing its ratification upon the votes of
three-fourths of the now dominant party.
It is said, however, that unless this
concession be made, the now excluded
states will be kept out of the halls of
Congress indefinitely. Were the Amend
ment presented with such a menace dis
tinctly expressed, a higher motive (if
possible) than any hitherto suggested
would prompt its rejection.
At the termination of hostilities, it
was right and proper that the previous
ly resisting states should, in the most
unequivocal and formal manner, aban
don such resistance—should rescind ail
they had done in antagonism to, and do
whatever was necessary and proper to
place themselves in constitutional rela
tion with that Government. All this,
we believe, Georgia has done. Beyond
this,in acting upon any proposed change
in the fundamental law, even in this
critical juncture, my advice is, that her
legislators act with the same intelligent
judgment and the same unflinching firm
ness, that they would have exercised in
the past, or would exercise in the future,
when in full connection and unambigu
ous position. Any other rule of action
may involve sacrifices of interest and of
principle which magnanimity would not
exact and self-respect could not make.
To subnut to injurious changes in the
Constitution, when forced upon a state,
according to tho forms prescribed for
its amendment, would bo one thing; to
participate in making them, under du
ress, against her sense of right and jus
tice, would he a very different thing. —
The difference, in principle, is as broad
as that which distinguishes martyrdom
from suicide. Far better calmly await
a returning sense of justice, and a con
sequent reflux of the tide now running
strongly against us.
The military rule to which, as a peo
ple, we have been subjected during the
past eighteen months, so different from
all previous experience, must necessari
ly he more or less prejudicial to our in
terests and wounding to our feelings.—
You are well aware, however, that it has
been greatly mitigated during your re
cess. '1 he Administration, I think have
become thoroughly convinced that the
sword and the bayonet are not necessary
to the enforcement of law and order in
Georgia.
We probably have not now a larger
military force within our borders than
have often been stationed here in times
of peace. Our people, with rare excep
tions, such as occur everywhere, have
been quiet, orderly, and devoted to in
dustrial pursuits. The officers of the
Army and agents of the Freed men’s Bu
reau, stationed among us, have, with
few exceptions, manifested a growing
I confidence and a disposition to relax
l their authority and leave the adminis
l tration of the law to the civil courts.—
I Vexatious interferences sometimes oc
cur, usually traceable to imprudent con
duct outlie part ot misguided citizens,
or to the officious intermeddling of inju
dicious or evil-disposed subordinates.—
Due allowance being made for honest
differences of opinion upon questions aris
ing in a novel state of affairs, the Presi
dent and heads of departments have
manifested a gratifying determination to
deal justly and kindly with our govern
ment and people. With* a view to die
adjustment of some points of difference,
tho more rapid restoration of mail facili
ties, and 'he procuring of action upon
the application of our citizens for amnes
ty, in which they naturally felt great
anxiety, I made a short visit to Wash
ington, and had abundant reason to bo
gratified by this kindness shown towards
our people in word and in act.
FINANCES, STATE DEBT AND TAXATION.
You are fully aware of the difficulties
that have beset the fiscal operations of
the Government during the past yean—
There has been no relaxation ot the pres
sure upon the Treasury since I came in
to office. Empty when the process of
reorganizing the state Government com
menced, and the ordinary sources of
supply suspended, it has been called up
on to meet large arrearages lor the year
1865, demands originating anterior to
that year, the expenses of the Provision
al Government, (except the salary of the
incumbent of this office,) expenses of the
Convention of 1865; those of the reor
ganized Government, repairs and refit
ting of the Western and Atlantic E. It.,
the supply of corn for the destitute, aird
other appropriations ! made at the late
session of the General Assembly. As
was anticipated and provided for, these
heavy demands could only be discharged
by recourse to the credit of the state.
The authority given me at your last
session to raise money by sale of the
bonds of the state has been partially ex
ecuted.
After careful consideration and ad
visement with those more versed in
financial affairs than myself, I deter
mined in the exercise of the discretion
reposed in me, to issue bonds with the
simple security afforded by a mortage
of the Western and Atlantic Railroad.
The delay incident to the preparation
ot these bonds, and tho anexation of the
mortgage security, rendered a resort to
temporary loans necessary.
Avery liberal spirit was manifested
by moneyed corporations, and by indi
viduals of our own State; but in this
time of prostration, barely enough
could be realized from these sources to
defray ordinary expenses and pressing
arrearages. To obtain tlie means of
purchasing corn for the destitute, and
making repairs upon the Western and
Atlantic Railroad, it was found necessa
ry to resort to localites where money
was more abundant and States And
individuals less needy. In New York,
the great commercial emporium of the
country, the required relief was found.
Loans for four and three months wefe
negotiated at the rate of seven per cent,
per annum. Only in two or three in
stances, (within the State) for small
amounts comparatively, when there re
mained no other resources to meet the
expenses of your last session, rapidly
drawing to a close, was more than seven
per cent, paid for these temporary loans.
All of the short loans thus far negoti
ated by myself, and all negotiated by
the Provisional Governor, that have
matured, have been paid in full. The
immature loans loans contracted by
him amount, in the aggregate, to fifty
three thousand three hundred and
thirty-three ami one-third dollars paya
ble in gold or its equivalent in curren
cy. I found the indications clear and
cheering that notwithstanding the
great diminution of the material wealth
subject to her taxation, her bitter ex
periences, and her present prostration,
our good old State enjoys an honorable
and enviable credit. I entertain not a
shadow of doubt that, if permitted to
enter the money market upon her own
merits—the ban of the Federal Govern
ment, which beclouds her future, re
moved—her securities would command
more than par in the present circula
ting medium. No withstanding the
palpable depressions resulting from the
cause, (purely political,) I look with
confidence to there appreciation, and
therefore have avoided, as s far as possi
ble, precipitancy on the sale of them.
It seems to be a foregone conclusion,
at the money centre, that Georgia
bonds would lie well sold at eighty
five in the hundred, and so it was an
nounced to me. The prompt and de
cided rejection of all offers below nine
ty in the hundred speedly brought
them to that point, at which, however,
■no larger amount than pressing necessi
ty required, was sold.
The bonds are authorized by the
Convention of 1865 —amounting to
§500,000 and limited in time to five
years—we arc not well received by
eapalists. The time was too short to
invite permanent investment, and for
that reason unsuited to speculation.
The Provisional Governor effected sales
of them only to the amount of $30,-
000 00. Rut tliis difficulty was over
come in a great measure by incorpora
ting in them a provision making them
convertible, at the option of the holder,
into such bonds on longer time, as the
General Assembly might authorize.
The sth secton of (he acton the subject,
approved l2th March, 1800, placing
the bonds authorized by the Conven
vention, in all respects, on the same
•footing with those provided for in the
preceding sections, fully sustained this
expedient. Very cheaply prepared, in
a stylo and with material corresponding
to the short existence intended for them,
they aided the Treasury materially
whilst more available bonds were in
preparation. Looking to the substitu
tion of the latter for the former at an
early day, I caused bonds to be pre
pared, conforming to the provisions of
the act above referred to, as follows :
Under the ordinance of the Convention
as qualified by the act of the Legisla
ture, § 500,000. Under the Ist sec
tion of the act, 51,000,000. Undqr
the 7th section to provide for payment
of the Federal tax, 500,000. Under
Bth section to funds past due bonds and
coupons, 830,000. Under 11th section
appropriation act to purchase corn for
the destitute, 200,000, Total. $3,630,000.
The assumption of the Federal tax
not having been permitted, and its
suspension having dispenced with
the necessity for such assumption, the
bonds designed for this jnrpoee, though
engraved, have not lieen executed, and
deposited in the Treasury, Being
covered, however, by the mortgage on
tbs Western and Atlantic Railroad, the
General Assembly may in perfectly
good faith, if deemed advisable, order
them executed and issued for any other
purpose and without additional ex
pense.
No bonds have been sold at a lower
price than ninety cents in the dollar,
and very few above it. The Treasurer’s
report will advise you of the amount
sold and proceeds. It will be necessary
to dispose of the entire amount author
ized jnd prepared for sale, whenever a
fair price can be obtained ; but arrange
ments have been made which, without
increased cost to the State will obviate
the necessity of forced sales not havjng
been completed and the bills for mate
rial and work in preparation of the
bonds not having been rendered, the
expense attending this particular’
service cannot now be stated.
Evidence having transpired that there
are extant, bonds of the State not regis
tered in the Treasurer’s office, and of
exceedingly doubtful genuineness—and
one having been presented for refund
ing which matured several years since
and is marked paid on the registry—
it has been deemed necessary to pro
ceed with great caution in the process
of funding. All bonds past due are
required to be presented for that pur
pose at the Treasury, and any coupons
past due wherever payable may be
funded there. Coupons payable in New
York or Loudon, arc fundable in the
former city, but all others, only at the
Treasury. That business is now in
progress at both points.
The amount of bonds authorized to
issue for the specific purpose is §830,-
550. Os this amount 234,000, it was
estimated, would lie required to refund
past due bonds, leaving to be applied
to interest due, the sum of $590,550. —
The precise amount of past duo cou
pons, then reported to the General As
sembly was 8596,000, which added to
the amount of past due bonds made an
aggregate of $839,000 —showing clearly
in my opinion that the General Assem
bly intended to provide for us no inter
est other than was evinced by past due
bonds, after their maturity. I know not
whether this omission was or was not
iqtoitional. At is very true that, under
oixmaary circumstances, if the holder of
fail to present it atmatn
rity ■payment he is held not entitled
to rule has been applied
by private and pub
lic, to bwids maturing during the war.
I submit to the consideration of the
General Assembly, whether such appli
cation under the circumstances, is just
and equitable. It is very certan that
after Confederate and Mate Treasury
notes had filled up the channels of cir
culation, the presentation of such bonds
for payment in the medium contracted
for would have been idle ceremony. No
less certain it is that the bolder ofmanv
of these bonds was cut off from access to
the place of payment by the existing war,
and therefore could not make demand.
I recommend as more consistent with
the honorand dignity of the State that
provisions bo made for the payment of
the interest.
Evidence having been presented to
tiiis department, since the last payment
by the State on its subscription to the
stock of the Atlantic and Gulf Railroad,
additional instalments have been paid
by die private stockholders, which by
the terms of the act incorporating the
company, approved 27th February,
1856 subjected theStatc to the payment
of $134, 500 on her snb.-cription, 1 have,
in obedience to that act, caused to be ex
ecuted and delivered to the company,
bonds of the State for that sum.
Y\ hen all the bonds authorized by the
act of the General Assembly, approved
12th March, 18615, (except those intend
ed for the assumption of the Federal
tax,) shall have been disposed of as con
templated, the funded debt of the State
will stand thus :
Ronds issued anterior to IS6I and not
yet due § 2,676,5000 .Mortgage Ronds
issued in lb(su, above mentioned
3,030,000. Bonds issued to the Atlant
ic and Gulf Railroad 134,000. Total
$ 5,840,09.
Os this amount 8176,500 will mature
in 1888 ; §334.500in 1860 ; $164,500 in
1870—making a total 0t‘5675,500. The
latter sum, therefore, must be provided
for within four years from this time. I
recommend that the bonds before men
tioned, prepared to meet the Federal
tax, but as yet unexecuted, be placed
at the disposal of the Governor, with
authority to use them as occasion may
be presented by sale or exchange if
decnitag Advisable, iu redemption of the
bonds)•tb-#jpUiire iu and before tlie year
1871). Tile public debt will not thus be
increased in amount and may be some
what diminishe/L
Bonds amounting to $154,000 will ma
ture m 1871, and others amounting to
§721,500 in 1872, the aggregate being
$875,500 to bo provided for in six years.
To meet this and subsequently accru
ing liabilities I recommend that the
sum of one hundred and twenty thous
and dollars annually sen be apart as a
sinking fund accumulative.
If the first class of Bonds, to mature
within four years, be provided for in
the manner suggested, and the sinking
fund proposed bo allowed to accumu
late until 1872, at 6 percent, interest, it
will be adequate to the payment of the
Bonds maturing in 1871 and’72. But,
if in the then existing financial condi
tion of the State, it should be deemed
advisable by your successors to meet
the liabilities of 1871-72 by the sale of
the State’s stock in the Atlantic and
Gull Railroad, or by applying any oth
er resource available at that time, and
let the sinking fund to goon accumula
ting, the entire deb( may, in the progres
of time, be easily provided for, and her
credit maintaini and. In urging you to
look thus far into the future, and to pro
vide means or initiate a policy for tho
accomplishment ot ends so desirable, I
think 1 but present a clear case of duty.
It is true, that during the immaturity of
State securities, if the annually accru
ing interest he faithfully paid, the hol
ders have no legal right to ask more.—
But I would press upon you the adopt
ion of the scheme of tho sinking fund, as
one of the surest props to State credit,
and as an act of justice to posterity: anil
for these reasons as a great measure of
State policy. Its great advantage is,
that it distributes the burthen of pay
ment equally over a series of yours; and
indeed, the sum to be provided in each
year will be so small as scarcely to mer
it the appellation of a burthen. When
soever a large amount shall mature in
anyone year, without such provision,
'either the tax payers of that year must
be oppressively burlhened, or anew
debt must be incurred. Should this oc
cur when money is scarce, it may he dif
ficult, if not impracticable, to place a
new loan, thus bringing the General As
sembly face to face with the alternative
of oppressive taxation or dishonor tho
State’s obligations. Tho escape from
this dilemma, now proposed, is so easy
that I think it will commend itself to
the favorable consideration of the Gen
eral Assembly. The debt of the United
States is so large, and her credit sustain
ed by resources so ample, that her out
standing securities will always afford fa
cilities for the investment of the sinking
fund and its accumulating interest.
I reiterate the conviction expressed
in my first message to you, that the Wes
tern and Atlantic Railroad, put in a con
dition of thorough repair, and furnished
with adequate rolling stqck, will in the
future, with proper management, sustain
itself a id yie.d a r< venue, which, increas
ed by dividends that may reasonably be
expected from the Atlantic and Gulf
Railroad, will always render unnecessa
ry onerous taxation.
The reports of the Treamrer and Comp
troller General will furnish you detailed
information relative to-the finances of
the Mate, and with statistical informa
tion of an interesting character. I com
mend to your serious consideration the
suggestions of the latter in reference to
amendments of the revenue laws.
The collection of the Federal tax up
on lands having been suspended beloro
much progress had been made, I did not
feel authorized to suspend that imposed
for the support of the State Government
I regret exceedingly that any portion
of our fellow-citizens should have been
required to pay the Federal tax, but not
believing that your legislation contem
plated partial suspension of the State
tax, I could not come to their relief.—
The State tax, ad valorem, i-s very light,
being only one-sixth of one per cent.
1 he tax upon tiie sale of spirituous li
quors geejued by its terms to embrace'
the first quarter of the present year,
which had nearly expired before the tax
"as imposed. Being retroactive, the
seller was deprived of the opportunity
to add the tax to the price of his sales]
Besides, many merchants had during
that quarter sold the article for non.res
idents, on commission, and made final
settlements with the owners. Had the
tax been exacted from them, it would
have largely exceeded their commiss
ions, and subjected them to serious loss,
without fault on their part. For these
reasons I suspended the tax for the first
quarter, and invite your attention to it.
The people of Georgia have always
been lightly taxed, and I see no indica
tions that the State Government will be
constrained to make this burthen oner
ous in the future.
EDUCATION.
The re-opening of tho University, af
ter an unavoidable suspension, has elicit
ed the most satisfactory evidence of
public approval. Many of its most ar
dent friends entertained the apprehen
sion that causes connected with the war
recently Terminated, and chief among
them tlie utter impoverishment of some,
and the straightened circumstances of
others, formerly both able and willing
to educate their sons, would occasion
such a diminution of patronage as would
render the effort abortive. The result
has been far otherwise. The number of
applicants for ad mission, very respecta
ble at first, has rapidly increased, and is.
still increasing. There are now matric
ulated considerably more than one hun
dred It offers to the people of Geor
gia very great educational advantages,,
whilst the tone oi the moral and reli
gious opinion ard feeling is decidedly
high, without the slightest taint of sec
tarian bias.
We live in an age when educated
minds must take a leading part in affaiis
of State. Any people neglecting to pro
vide either elementary education for the
mass, or to afford facilities for obtaining
higher and more extended knowledge
as will etiable their youth, passing in
to manhood, to master in due time diffi-.
cult problems in political economy and,
in State policy, wiU asaurrcdly fall be
hind in the competition of States and na
tions for superior development.
Prejudice which in former times was
heard in our legislative assemblies to
liberal education, we may well hope,
have been dissipated by experience.—
Georgia lias profited too much by the
services of her educated sons, in ail de
partments of public employment, not to
sec clearly bow much her future pros
perity and greatness depend upon the
enlighentmcut of the rising generation.
The third clause of the fifth section of
the second artiele of the Constitution,
clearly indicates that, in the opinion of
the Convention of 18(55, the present en
dowment of the University of Georgia is
inadequate to its necessities. Mindful
of the serious losses our people have re-