Newspaper Page Text
Tri-Weekly Republican,
g : iff*"- "■ ' -rr-~
Americas, Georgia:
0. W, HANCOCK,
Editor and Proprietor.
THUBBDAY, JULY 25, 1867.
Editorial Brevities.
Kossuth has again taken his
seat in the Hungarian Parliament.
B®»Registration at Mobile has been
completed. The result is 2,340 whites
and 8,805 blacks.
Three hundred and Sixty tons
ot meat are daily consumed in New
York City alone.
B®, Escobedo talks of visiting Eu
rope. He ought to go to Austria by
all means—but if he wishes to locate
outside of Mexico, Washington is the
place for him.
(jgjp* Kcrosiuc oil is said to burn
much better and with economical ad
vantage, if the lamps be half filled
with salt.
It appears that infanticide pre
vails to a great extent among the
freed negroes. In Columbia, Miss.,
nine babies were found in one well.
Is this what Sheridan means when lie
says “ the freedmen are doing well
enough
SST A young lady of Charleston
died on Sunday afternoon from the
effects of extreme heat. She attend
ed church that morning.
ggfPTwo celebrated English minis
ters, Derby and Spurgeon, have the
gout. Derby is entitled to it, but how
did the temperate Spurgeon manage
to secure it ?
Egg?” The citizens of Greensburg,
La., are sadly incommoded from the
want of post-master. The Star calls
upon some colored mail to come for
ward and apply, and that bond will
be furnished by merchants of the
town.
One of Brownlow’s i, on
being arrested for murder in broad
daylight, boasted that lie had killed
eighteen men. lie was allowed to
escape that night, as the campaign
is not yet closed.
B©* Victor Hugo’s address to
Juarez in behalf of Maximilian, is cer
tainly hifalutin enough, to convince a
Mexican, if Mexicans ever are con
vinced by their own pronunciamento
style. lie makes the Indian fight
“ a war of giants” and “hurls moun
tains at liis foes” in a way that must
he news to him.
Chicago seems to be such a
place now as Salt Lake City, Sodom,
Boston, and Gomorrah combined
would make.
It is the scene of stories of conjugal
infidelity, &0., as numerous as they
are appalling.
Compliment to Miss Evans. —The
honarary degree of Mistress ot En
glish Literature was conferred on
Miss Augusta J. Evans, of Mobile,
Ala., the distinguished authoress ot
“ Beulah” aud other works of celebri
ty, at the Sixteenth annual Commence
ment of the Baltimore Female Col
lege.
A New Sensation.--A recent sen
sation at Quincy, Illinois, is an ex
periment by a traveling peddler, who,
by putting bis arms around them and
kissing them, succeeded in so com
pletely magnetizing a German and his
wife that he sold them two linen
table-cloths for five hundred dollars.
The German not having money bor
rowed it from a friend and gave it to
the peddler who suddenly decamped.
Mr. Otto was unconscious from the
time the peddler put his arm around
him, and knew nothing of what lie
did.
The Fifth District. —It is stated
in a New York paper, on the authori
ty ot a letter from New Orleans, that
Gen. Sheridan will soon issue orders
removing the entire body of office
holders in Texas, with the exception
of a few who hold positions of minor
importance. Judge Paschal will prob
ably be appointed Governor in the
place of Gov. Throckmorton, in the j
present incumbent.
jJaP”It is said at u recent audience giv-1
on by the Pope an American lady step
ped forward upon tbe cntranco of his
Holiness, and with the peculiar nasal
twang of the New England States, thus
spoke: “How d'yejdo, Pope Pius Ninth ?
I want to ioterduee you to my darter
Jane,” His Holiness appeared to take the
affair very good naturedly and to appre
ciate the joke, while the Americans pres
ent were overwhlemed with mortifica
tion.
B®*- Belle Boyd the Confederate spy, ’
to play in the Eastern and Western cities
soon." ■
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
Veto of the Reconstruction Bill.
ITS r nconstuTionality demon-
m
To the House of Representatives
of the United Stales :
I return herewith the bill entitled “An act
supplementary to an act entitled‘An aet to
provide for tbe more efficient government of
the rebel State, passed on tlie 2d day of
March, 1807, and the net Supplementary
thereto, passed on the 23d day of March,
1867," nml will state as briefly ns possible,
some of tliercasons which prevent inp Irwn
giving it my approval.
This is one of a series of measures passed
by Congress during the last four months on
the subject of reconstruction. The Jmessage
returning the act of the 2d of March last,
states at length my objections to the passage
of that measure. They apply equally well
to the bill now before me, and I am content,
merely, to refer to them and to reiterate my
conviction that they arc sound and unanswer
able.
There are some points peculiar to this bill
which I will proceed at once to consider.
The first section proposes to declare “the
true intent and meaning,” in some partic
ulars, of the two prior acts upon this sub
ject.
It is declared that the intent of thos acts
was, first, that the existing governments in
the ten “rebel States” were nut legal “State
governments and, second, that thereafter
said “governments, if continued, were to be
continued subject in all respects to the mili
tary commanders of the respective districts,
and to the paramount authority of Con
gress.”
Congress may, by a declaratory act, fix up
on a prior act of construction altogether at
variance with its apparent meaning, and
from tiie time, at least, when such construe
tiou is fixed,the origiual act will be construed
to mean exactly what is stated to mean by
tbe declaratory statute. There will be, then,
from the time this bill may become a law.no
doubt, no question, as to the relation in
which the “existing governments” in those
States, called in the original act “the pro
visional governments,” stand toward the mil
itary authority. As those relations stood
before the declaratory act, these ‘‘govern
ments,” it is true, wore made subject to ab
solute military authority in many respects,
but not in all—the language of the act being
“subject to the military authority of ihe Uni
ted States, as hereinafter prescribed.” By
the sixth section of the original aet, these
governments were made “in all respects sub
ject to the paramount authority of the Uni
ted States,”
Now, by this declaratory act, it appears
that Congress did not. by tue original act, in
tend to limit the military authority to any
particulars or subjects therein “prescribed,”
but meant to make it universal. Thus,
over all these ten Etates, this military gov
ernment is now declared to have unlimited
authority. It is no longer confined to the
preservation of the public peace, the admin
istration of criminal law, the registration of
voters, and the superintendence of elections ;
but ‘1 in all respects ” is asserted to be par
mount to the existing civil governments.
It is impossible to conceive any state of
society more deplorable than this and yet it
is to this condition that twelve millions of
American citizens are reduced by the Con
gress of the United States. Over every foot
of the immense territory occupied by these
American citizens, the Constitution of the
United States is theoretically in full operation.
It binds all the people there, and should pro
tect them, yet they arc denied every one of
its sacred guaranties.
TfOf what aVai!_will ( it be to any one of these
Southern people, when serial by a tile of sol
diers, to ask the cause of arrest, or for the
production of tbe warrant ? Os what avail
to ask for the privilege of bail when in mili
tary custody, which knows no such thing as
bail? Os what avail to demand a trial.by
jury, process for witnesses, a copy of the in
dictment, the privilege of counsel, or that
greater privilege, tbe writ of habeas cor
pus?
The veto of the Original hill of the 2nd of
March, was based*on two distinct grounds:
the interference of Congress in matters strict
ly appertaining to the the reserved powers of
the States, and the establishment of military
tribunals for the trial of citizens in time of
peace. The impartial reader of that message
will understand that all that it contains with
respect to military despotism and martial law
has reference especially to the fearful power
conferred on the district commanders to dis
place the criminal courts and assume juris
diction to try and punish by military boards;
that, potentially, the suspension of the ha
beas corpus was.martial law aud military
despotism. The act now before rue not only
declares that the intent was to confer such
military authority, but also to confer unlim
ited military authority over all the other
courts of theStaie, and over all the officers
of the State—legislative, executive, and ju
dicial. Not content with the general grant
of power, Congress, in the second section of
this bill,specifically gives to each military
tbe power “to suspend or remove from office,
or from the performance ot official duties,and
the exercise of official pow.ejs, any officer or
person holding or exercising, or professing to
hold or exercise, any civil or military office
or duty in such district, under any power,
election, appointment, or authority derived
from, or granted by, or claimed under any
so-called State,or the government thereof, or
any municipal or other division thereof.”
A power that hitherto all tbe departments
of the Federal Government, acting in con
cert or separately, have not dared to exercise
is here attempted to be conferred on a a sub
ordinate military office,r. To him, as a mil
itary officer of the Federal Government, is
given the power, supported by “a sufficient
military force,” to remove every civil officer
of the State. What next? The district
commander who has thus displaced a civil
officer, is authorized to fill the vacancy by
bv .the detail of an officer or soldier of the
army, or by the appointment of “some other
person.”
This military appointee, whether an offi
cor, a soldier, or “some other person,” is to
perform the duties of such officer or person
suspended nr removed. In other words, an
office- or soldier of the army is thus trans
formed into a civil officer. lie may be made
a governor, a legislator, or a judge. How
ever unfit he may deem himself for such civil
duties, lie mur-t obey the order. The officer
of the army must, if “detailed,” go upon the
supreme bench of the State, with the same
prompt obedience as if he were detailed to go
upon a pour,.martial. The soldier, it detail
ed to aet as a justice of the peace, must obey
as quickly as if he were detailed for picket
duty.
What is the character of snch a military
civil officer? This bill declars that he shall
perform the duties of the office to which he
is detailed. It is clear, however, that he
does cot lose his position .in the military ser
vice. lie is still an offigkr oj- euldier of the
army > lie is still subject to the rules and reg
ulations which govern it, and.must yield-due,
deference, raspect, aud obedience toward his
superiors.
The clear intent ot this section is, that the
officer or soldier detailed to fill a civil office,
must execute his duties according to the laws
of the State. If lie is appointed a Governor
of a State ( he is to exccuter the duties as provi
ded by the laws of that Stute, arid for the
time being his military character is to he
suspended in his new civil capacity. If he
is appointed a State treasurer, be must at
once assume (he custody and disbursement
of the funds of the State, and must perform
those duties precisely according to the laws
of the Stute, for he is entrustedvrith no oth
er official duty or other officia power. Hold
ing the office ot treasurer, and entrusted with
funds, it happens that he is required by the
laws to enter into bond, with security, an to
take an oath of office ; yet trom the begin
ning of the bill to the end, therG is no pro
vision for any bond or oath of office, or for
any single qualification required under the
State law, such as residence, Citizenship, or
anything else. The only oath is that provi
ded tor in’the ninth sc'-tion, by the terms of
which every one detailed or appointed to nny
civil office in the State is required “to take
and to subscribe the oath of office prescribed
by law for officers of the United States.”
Thus an officer of the army of tbe United
States detailed to fill a civil office in one of
thpse States, gives no official bond and takes
nq official oath for the performance of his
new duties, as a civil officer of the State ; he
only- takes the same oath which he has al
ready taken as a military officer of the Uni
ted Slates. He is, nt. least, a military officer
performing civil duties, and the authority un
der which he acts is Federal authority only ;
and the inevitable result is, that the Federal
Government, by the agency of its own sworn
officers, in effect, assumes the civil govern
ment of the States.
A singular contradiction is apparent here.
Congress declares these Real State govern
ments to be illegal governments, and then
provides that these illegal governments shall
be carried on by Federal officers, who are to
perform the very duties imposed on its own
officers by this illegal State authority. It
certainly would be a novel specacle if Con
gress should attempt to carry on a legal
State Government by the agency of ils own
officers. It is yet more strange that Con
gress attempts to sustain and carry on an il
legal State government by the same Fc-derai
agency.
In this connection, I must call attention to
the 10th and 11th sections of the bill, which
provide that none of the officers or appoin
tees of these military commanders “shall he
bound in bis action by any opinion of any
civil officer of the United States,” and that
all the of the act shall be con
strued liberally,to the end that all the intents
tliereol tnay be fully and perfectly carried
out.”
It, seems Congress supposed that 1 his bill
might require construction,and they fix,there
fore, the rule to be applied. But where is
the construction to come from ? Certainly
no one can be more in want of instruction
than a soldier or an officer of the army de
tailed for a civil service, perhaps the most
important in a State, with the duties of
which ho is altogether unfamiliar. This bill
says he shall not he boun 1 in his action by
the opinion of any civil officer of the United
States. The duties of the office are altoget li
er civil, but when lie asks for an opinion he
can only as the opinion of another military
officer, who, perhaps, understands as little of
liis dutie3 as he does himseit; and, as to his
“action.” he is answerable to the military
authority,and to the military authority alone.
Strictly, no opinion of any civil officer, other
than a judge, has a binding force.
But these military appointees would not
be bound even by a judicial opinion. They
might very well say, even when their action
is in conflict with the Supreme Court of the
United. States, “That court is composed of
civil offie'-s nf the United States, and tve are
not bou o.conform our action to any opin
ion of any such authority.”
This bill and and the act to which it is sup
plementary are all founded upon the assump
tion that these ten communities are not Slates
and that their existing governments are not
legal, 'l’hroug&'out tbe legislation npon this
subject they me called “rebel States,” and in
this particular bill they are denominated “so
called States,” aud the vice of illegality isde
clarod to pervade all of them. The obliga
tion of consistenceucy bind the legislative
body as well the indittiduals who compose it.
It is now too late to say that these ten polit
iea’ communities are not States of this Un
ion. Declarations to the contrary made in
these three acts are contradicted again and,
again by the repeated acts of legislation en
acted by Congress from the year ISGI to the
year 1807.
During that period whilst these States
were in actual rebellion, and after that rebel
lion was brought to a close, they have been
again and again recognized as States of the
Union. Representation lias been apportion
ed to them as States. 'They have been di
vided into judicial districts, for the holding
of district and Circuit Courts of the
States, as Statc-s of the Union only
districted. The last, acton this subject was
passed July 2od, 1800, by which every one
of these ten States was ranged into districts
and circuits. 0
They have been ettiled upon Congress to
aet, through their Legislatures, upon at least
two amendments to the Constitution of the
United States. As States, they have rati
fied one amendment, which required the vote
ol twenty-seven States of the thirty-six then
composing the Union. When the requisite
twenty-seven votes were given in favor of
that amendment—seven of which votes were
given by seven of these teu States—it was
proclaimed to be a part of the Constitution
of the United States, and slavery was decla
red no longer to exist in the United Sates,
or nny place subject to their jurisdiction.
""these seven States were not legal States
of the Union, it follows, as the inevitable cou
sequecce, that in some of the States slavery
yet exists. It does not exist in these seven
States, for they have abolished it, also, in
their own State Constitutions, but Kentucky
not having done so, it would still remain in
that State- But, in truth, if this assumption
that these States have no legal State govern
ments be true, then the abolition of slavery
by these illegal governments binds no one,for
Congress now denies to these States the power
to elect a legal State Legislature, or to frame
a Constitution for any purpose, even for such
a purpose as the abolition of slavery.
As to the other constitutional amendment,
having reference to suffrage, it happens that
these States have not accepted it. The con
sequence is, that it. has never been proclaim
ed or understood, even by Congress, to boa
part of the Constitution of the United States.
The Senate of the United States has repeat
edly given its sanction to the appointment of
judges, district attorneys, and marshals for
everv one of these State? ; and yet. if they
are notlegal States, not one of these judges
is authorized to hold court. So, too, both
llousc%.of Congress have,passed appropria
tion bins to pay these judges, attorneys, and
ojficer«bl the United State's for exercising
“their fmictiobs'in those States. Again, in
the machinery of the internal revenue laws,
aH of these States are districted, not as*“Ter- -
riUu:iM,tf but as “States.”
So mo eh for continuous legislative recog
nition. The instances cited, however, fall far
short of all that might be enumerated. Ex
exuiive recognition, as is well known, has
been frequent and unwavering. The same
may be said us to judicial recognition, thro’
the Supreme Court of the United States.—
That august tribunal, from first to last, in
the administration or its duties, in banc and
upon the circuit, has never failed to recog
nize these ten communities as legal Status of
; the Union.
i The cases depending in that Court, upon ap
peal and writ of error from these States When
the rebellion begun, have not been dismissed
j upon tiny idea of the cessation of jurisdic
tion. 'They were carefully continued from
1 term to term nntil the rebellion was entirely
! subdued and peace re-established, and they
| were called fnr argument and consideration
las if no insurrection hud intervened. New
1 eases occurring since the rebellion have come
from these States before that Court by writ
of error and appeal, and even by original
suit, where only -‘a State” can bring such a
suit. These eases are, entertained by that
tribunal in the exercise of its aeknowledgded
jurisdiction, which could not attach to them
it they had come froth any political body :
other than a State of the Union Finally,
in the allotments of their circuits, made by
the Judges at the December term, 1865, eve
ry one of these States is put on the same
footing ot legality with nil the other States
of the Union. Virginia and North Caroli
na, being a part of the fourth circuit, are al
lotted to the Chief Justice. South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida
constitute the fifth circuit, and were allotted
to the late Mr. Justice Wayne. Louisiana,
Arkansas and Texas, are allotted to the sixth
judicial circuit, ns to which there is a vacan
cy on the bench.
The Chief Justice, in the exercise of his
circuit dunes, has recently held a circuit
court in the State of North Carolina. If
North Carolina: is not a State of this Union,
the Chief Justice has no authority to hold a
court there and evdrv order, judgment and
decree rendered by him in that court were
coram non judice and void.
Another groumlon which tlie^greconstruc
tion nets are attempted to be sustained is
this: That those ten States are conquered ter
ritory; that the constitutional, relation in
which they stood as States toward the Feder
al Government, prior to the rebellion, has
given place to anew relation ; that their
territory js a conquered territory; and their
citizens as conquered people;” and that in
this new relation Congress can govern them
by military power,
A title by conquest stands on clear gonnd.
It is anew tiile acquired by war. It applies,
only to territory, for goods or movable tilings
regularly captured in war are called “booty,”
or, if taken by individual soldiers, “plun
der.”
There is not a foot of land in any one of
these ten States which the United Stales
holds by conquest, save only such land as
did not belong to either cf these States, or
to any individual owner. 1 mean such Hild
as dal belong to the pretended Government,
called the Confederate States. These lands
we may claim to hold by conquest. As to
til other land or territory, whether belonging
to the States or to individuals, the Federal
Government has notv no more right or title
to it than it had before the rebellion. Our
own forts, arsenals, navy yards, custom houses
and other Federal properly situate in those
State?, we now hold, not by the title of con
quest, but by our old title, acquired by pur
chase, or condemnation for public use," with
compensation to former owners. We have
nut conquered these places, hut have simply
“re-possessed ” them.
If we require more sites for forts, custom
houses, or other public use, we must acquire
the title to them by purchase or appropria
tion in the regular mode. At this moment
the United states, in the acquisition - i'sites
for national cemetrics in those States, ac
quires title in the same way. The Federal
courts sit in court houses owned or leased by
the United Slates, not in the c urt houses of
the States. The United States pays each of
these States for l fie use of its jails. Finally,
the United Stat s levies its direct taxes and
its internal revenue upon the property in
these States, including the productions of the
lands wilhiu their territorial limits; not by
way of levy and, contribution in the charac
ter of a conqueror, but in the regular way of
taxation under the same laws which apply to
all the other States of the Union.
From first to last, during the rebellion,
and since, the title of each of these States to
the land and public buildings owned by them
has never been acquired by the United States,
even under a title by confiscation, and not a
foot ofit has been taxed under Federal low.
In conclusion, I most respectfully ask the
attention of consideration of one more ques
tion arising under this‘bill. It, vests in the
military commander, only to the approval of
the General of the army of the United States,
an unlimited power to remove, from office
any civil or military officer in each of these
ten States, aud the further power, subject to
the same approval, to detail or appoint any
mililnry officer or soldier ofthe United States
to perform the duties of the officer so remov
ed. and to fulfil all vacancies oeeuriing in
those States, by death-, resignation or other,
wise.
The military apoinlce Unis required to
perform the duties of a civil office, according
to the laws of the State, and as such requir
ed to take an oath, is, for the time being, a
civil officer. IVhat. is the character ? Is lie
a civil officer of the State, or a civil officer of
ihe United Hates? If he is civil officer of
the State, whore is the Federal power under
(lie Constitution, which authorizes his ap
pointment by any Federal officer? If. how
ever, he is to be considered a civil officer of
the United Elates, as his appointment, • and
oath would seem to indicate, where is the au
thority for his appointment vested by the
Constitution ?
The power of appointment of all officers of
the United States, civil or military, where
not provided for in the Constiiution, is vest
ed in the President, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate, with this expec
tion—that Congress “may by law vest the
appointment of such inferior officers as they
think proper in the President alone in the
courts of law, or in the heads of depart
ments-” But this bill, if these are to be con
sidered inferior officers in the meaning ofthe
Uonstitutipn, doe3 not provide for (heir ap
pointment by the President alone, or by the
courts oflaw, or by the heads of departments
but vests the appointment in one subordinate
executive officer, subject to the approval of
another subordinate executive officer. 8o
that, if we put this question and fix the char
acter of this military appointee either way,
this provision of the bill is equally opposed
to the Constitution.
Take the case of a soldier or officer ap
pointed to perform Ihe office of judge in one
of those Stales, and as Such lo administer the
proper laws of tlie State. Where ia Hie au
thority to be found in the Constitution for
vesting in a military or tin executive offloer
such judicial functions, to be exercised un
derstate law ? It has been again and again
decided by .the Supreme Court of the United
States that »6ts of" Congress which have'aft
tempted to vest executive powers in the ju
dicial courts, or judges of the United States,
are not warranted by the Constitution. If
Congress cannot clothe an officer of soldier
of the army with judicial duties over citizens
of the United States, who are not in the mili
tary or naval'service, so, too; it had been re-,
peiitediy decided that ..Ongr'ess cannot, re
quire a State officer, exeoutivo or judicial,
to perform any duly enjoined upon him by
a law of the United States. How, then, can
I t’ongress confer power upon an exeoutivo of
j fleer of the United States to perform such dt(-
j ties in a State? Ts Congress could not vest
in a judge of one of these Stat.esrnny judicial
| authority under the United-tates by rtlrcot
enacment, how can it aCeomp'ish the same
thing indirectly by removing the State judge
and putting an officer of the United States in
his place ?
To me those considerations are conclusive
of the unconsilutionality of this part of the
bill now before me, and I earnestly commend
their consideration to the deliberate judge-
I ment of Congress.
i Within a period less than a year tie legis
lation of Congress lias attempted to strip
the Executive Department of the Government
of some of its essential powers the Constitu
tion and the oath provided in it devolve upon
the President the power and the duty to see
that the laws are faithfully executed. The
Constitution in order to carry out this pow
er, give him the choice of theageufs, and
makes them subject to his coutrol and super,
vision. Rut in 'lie execution of tlmse laws,
llie constitutional obligation upon ihe Prcsi
idem remains, but the power to exercise tlint
constitutional duty is effectually taken away.
1 he military commander is, as to the pow
er of appointment, made to take the place of
the President, and tlio General of the army
the place of tiie ,Senate, and any at tempt on
the part of the President- to assert hit
constitutional pow, r may, under pretence of
law, be met by official insurboidination. Is
it, not to be feared that these military officers,
looking to tlie authority given by these laws,
rather than to the letter of the Constitution,
will recognize no authority but the commau
dtr of the district and the General of the
army ?
if there were no other objections than this
to tliis proposed legislation, it would be suf
ficient. Whilst i hold the Chief Executive
authority of the United States—-whilst, the
} obligation rests upon me to see that all the
1 laws are faithfully executed— l can never
I willingly surrender that trust, or the powers
given for its execution.
I can never give my assent to be made rc
j sponsible for the faithful execution of
| laws, and, at the same time, surrender that
; trust, and the powers which accompany it,
to any other executive officers, if this exe
cutive trust, vested by tlie Constitution in
the President, istobetaken from him, and.
vested in a subordinate officer, the resporisi-1
bilily will bo with Congress in clothing the'
subordinate witli unconstitutional power,
and with thcofficer who assumes its exercise.
This interference with the constitutional
authority of the Executive Department is an
evil that will inevitably sap the foundations
of our Federal system : but it is not the wor»
evil of this legislation, ft is a great public
wrong to take from the President powers
conferred on him alone by the Constitution;
but the wrong is too flagrant and more dan
gerous when the powers so taken from the
President are conferred upon subordinate
executive officers, and especially upon milita
ry officers. Over nearly one-third oft lie
Union military power, regulated by no fixed
law, rules supreme.
Each one of these five district commanders,
though not chosen by the people or responsi
ble to them, exercises to-this hour more exe
cutive power, military and civil, than the
people have even been willing to confer up
on the head of the Executive Department,
though chosen by and responsible to them
selves. The remedy must come Irom the
people themselves. They know what it is,
and how it is to be applied. At the present
time the-y cannot, according to ihe forms of
the Constitution, repeal these laws; they can
not remove or control this military despotism,
The remedy is, nevertheless, in their hands ;
it is to be found in the ballot, an-1 is a sure
one, if not controlled by tiaud overdrawn by
1 arbjtray power, or from, apathy on their
! part, too long delayed. With abiding confis
j donee in their patriotism, wisdom, and integ
rity, I am still hopeful -of the future, and
that, in the end the rod of despotism will be
broken, the armed heel of power lifted from
the necks of the people, and the principles
of a violated Constitution,preserved.
Anurew Jounson.
Washington, D. C. July 19, 1867.
A New Prt.rrT Okatoi;.— A corres-
I poutlcnt of the Petersburg Index,
! writing from Baltimore, says :
“But there was a pulpit prodigy
! here the same day, who is growing
; into such fame as bids lair to rival
I that of Spuracon. His name is Mun
: sey, and lie is a member of the Balti
: more. Conference, wo believe, oi the
S Methodist Episcopal Church South.
- lie has not been long at this calling,
| and was an unsettled man in humble
| life but comparatively a few months
back, when his talent was revealed to
a friend, who aided him to the short
culture which he is producing such
wonnderful effect. His power of ora
tory is said to be miraculous, and liis
reasoning faculties no less so. People
here in the Valley flock to hear hint,
and his influence is talked of and felt
everywhere. I could not gain a seat
in the church in which he held forth
Sunday night; but several friends
who were more fortunate reported
that all the praises they had previous
ly heard bestowed upon him fell
far short of the real height of
his powers. Certain it is, that
hereinafter he will be so famous as
to cause interest even to this megre
notice of his ministerial beginning.”
Mercer University. —The annual
commenccmet of this institution took
place last week. The Atlanta “ Opin
ion” says : “ The Board of Trustees
were in session during the commence
ment day. A resolution was passed
declaring that the best interests of the
University demanded its removal to
sonic eligible location ; and an agent
was appointed to receive propositions
from cities and towns which were de
sirous of securing the honor of its
presence.”
Fred. Douglass on the Situation.
Having given our readers the
views of Thad. Stevens, lien.jWade,
etc., our apology for introducing
Fred. Douglas must bo that he is
quite as good as the rest of the party.
We extract from the Now Pork
correspondence of the Louisville Dem
ocrat :
Somebody yesterday asked Fred.
Douglass fltlaek man) uhyito didn’t
go down South along with the rest
of the Republican orators, to help en
lighten the minds of the freeduieu, as
to their political duties, etc.
“ Because,” said Fred, “ I want to
train alone. I want to wait Until
these mean whites ’get through with
their talk, and then I will begin. I
notice that in ail the-speeches that
Wilson, Kelly, and the rest of them
have been making to tho colored
folks at Richmond, Mobile, New Or
leans and other places, nothing is
ever said about giving tlie colored men
a Vice President of their own color.
But they’ve got to make that con
cession to us, and that’s just what I
am going down South to tell our
folks to insist upon.”
“ But Fred, do you think the Rad
ical managers will accede to that ar
rangement ?
“ l have no doubt of it, snr ; none
at Wendell Phillips and Horace
Grcely say they are in favor of it, and
what they say has got to be done.
They are the men who run the Repub-
Hern party along with old Ben .Butler,
and whosoever would run with that
party must do what they say.”
“ But tlo you think if they nominate
Grant for President, that Grant will
consent to have a darkey on the same
ticket as Vice ?”
Don’t think anything about it,
sar. Grant only Shunts one. It is
not for Grant, nor any to
dictate to the people. Wo are the
people. Grant is but one of our ser
vants, sar. It lie closen’t like his com
pany, let him resign. Plenty of
others, sar, ready to take his place ;
plenty of others, sar.”
“ But even if they nominate a dar
key. for Vice President, what good
will that do you or your race ?”
“ Dont’t talk foolish child. It will
do us a lieep of good. In do fust
place, it will make a colored man pre
siding officer of the Senate, and then,
nsllto President may die, ho may lie
I .President of the United States. That’s
■mv plan of reconstruction, par; and
it is adopted and made success
mi, sar, the Union will never be re
moved, and the country will never
fare peace.”
I There were other queries about to
be submitted to the distinguished
man and brother,.but just at this mo
ment Reverend Doctor Cheever came
along, and after introducing Fred to
a blushing damsel, (who was liahging
on bis arm) the whole party vanished
in the direction of tho office of the
Anti-Slaver Standard.
The Speech of a Radical Governor.
The amiable and estimable Brown
low, a year or two before the war,
delivered a lecture in Memphis, Tenn
essee, in which he said ;
“ My friends I have tried to do my
duty in this world, as an accountable
being, as a man and as a Christian
minister, and when I depart this life,
I confidentially expect to go to the,
mansions of the blessed. Yes my
friends, when I die I am pretty sure 1
shall go strait to Heaven. Having
fought the goQcl tight, and kept the
faith here on earth, I hope to be ad
mitted to the great reward. But my
friends when I have shuffled off this
mortal coil, and entered into that
happy place, and shall look around
among the untold myriads of the just
made perfect in that blissful abode,
should I, by any chance, any strange,
unaccountable preadventure, behold
among those happy things a single,
s-k-g Abolitionist, of any nation,
clime or color, belie Jew, Gentile or
Hottentot, I shall at once swear there
has been cheatin’ at the door !”
Browttlovv is considered by the
Radicals as the embodiment of truth,
and we shall not, in this connection,
go into a labored argument to prove
the contrary. He is their witness,
not ours.— Cincinnati Enquirer.
Afflicted Suffer no More-
When by the use of Professor Kny
ton’s remedies you can get immediate
relief and permanent cure at a trifling
cost-. The astonishing success that
has attended the introduction ofthese
truly valuable medicines stand une
qualled in the history of modern medic
al preparations, and from our personal
knowledge of their merits, we have
no hesitation in recommending them
to our readers. The remedies consist
of Kayton’s Oleum Vitas, the great
German Liniment for rheumatisms,
neuralgia, rumatic pains in the system,
sprains, burns, bruises, toothache,
nervous headache, &c., &0., Kayton’s
Magic Cure is an infallible cure for
diarrh'joa, cholera in its first stages,
cramps and colic pains in the stom
ach and bowels. Kayton’s Dyspep
tic Pills are prominently superior to
all others in dyspepsia, liter com
plaint, and all disorders of the system,
and arc unequalled whenever a mild
! cathartic is necessary. They never
I gripe nor constipate. These remedies
are uot secret, as several of our pltysi
j cians know their formula, and the
proprietor will exhibit it to any re
spectable physician. They arc pre
-1 pared in this city, and our people
! should give them the preference.
■ They can be found for sale by all
respectable druggists in this State and
Florida, and wholesale in this city at
I A, A. Solomons &. Co -Sor. A«vs
COBN €IL PROC EE I) 1N GS.
Council Chamber Heo. Meeting, 1
Juno 10th, 1807. j
Present’-—T. AT. FurloW, Mayor.
*• Aid. I.owis, idams & Drown.
Ahsent—Aid. Cults, Cobh nndjMavo.
Minutes of the last regular mooting read
and confirmed.
Clerk and Treasurers report read and or
dered to be spread on minutes.
Couucil adjourned.
T. M. FTRLOIV. j
John Tiner, Clci k. July 26-11. ;
Couxcu. Chamueii, lira. Meeting, l !
July Ist., 1867. /
Present—T. M. Fallow, Mayor. i
“ Aid. Adams, Brown andCutts.
Absent —Aid. Mayo, Cobb and Lewis.
Minutes of last meeting read and con
firmed.
Aid Brown introduced the following ordi
nance : “ Be it ordained, by the Mayor and
City Council of Amcricus, That tho annual
License ordinance be amended so ns to af>-
ply to all itinerant Agents of Insurance Coin*
pauies, and should any agencies desire to sell
any policies of insurance in said city, that
they shall pay to said city, such sumsas taxes,
to be assessed by the Mayor, as shall seem
reasonable ntid right; and for any violation
ofthis ordinance, the offender shall be sub
ject to a fine at the discretion of ihe Mayor,
uot exceeding §20.00, for every offence m •
each sale so made by such Agent or Com pa -
ny.
Rules suspended and ordinance passed.
Clerk and Treasurer’s report received and
ordered spread on the minutes.
Council adjourned. *
T. M. FURLOW, Mayor.
John Tiner. Clerk. juty 25 It.
gar
What Everybody Says
MUST BE SO!
I?VERYGODY says P. 11. Oliver reduced the
l’j piice of Goidf in Ameiicus thirty per
cient as soon as he epened.
An Exploded Idea.
T hr? Hen. that Dry Good.* can be bought at
“ Jew Stores” cheaper than anywhere else,
is now only entertained by a few ignorant
whites and hhioks P H. Oliver his coil*
• vineed the community to the coutrary.
Grx*eat Bargains
In Bummer Goods!
I\ H OLIVER will sed his remaining stock
of Summer Goods at Red’ coil Prices.
Dried Fruit Wanted !
P. II OLIVE,t will luv all the uice dried
Fruit tbfU can be bioiight to him.
Money! Money!
Money or Dry Goods at half price, for nieo
blight, pet-led child Peaches.
P. 11. OLIVER.
BEESWAX, TALLOW Ai WOOL.
Will be bought in large or small quanti
ties, by P. H. OLIVER.
Black el vet
For ccffins. Also Coffin Tacks, at
P. H. OLIVER’S
Grenadine Silks.
A few Patterns, very handsome will be sold
at one third of their cost iu New York,
july 25 ts P. H. OLIVER.
GOOD NEWS!
LARGE ARRIVALS
AT THE
TENNESSEE HOUSE
OF
BEITIFI WHITE flip
corist,
CHOICE BACON,
Flour,
Ohio River Salt,
Fresh Butter,
Tobacco, &c.
LARGE arrivals daily of the above named
articles, and -ray superior facilities for
getting them at, tire very lowest figures, en
able me to sell as “low as tho lowest” and
(lie planters who have purchased so liberally
of me during the past season, can and will
bear witness to this fact.
Having on hand large consignments, anu
wishing to c'ose them out, in order to change
the character of my business to some extent,
preparatory to a heavy fall trade, all will
find it to their interest to give me a call.—
Thankful for past •patronage, I hope by
strict attention to merit a continuance of it.
July 28 ts. M. 11. STEPHENS.
Male High School.
TnE Exercises of this Institution will bo
resumed on MONDAYj the 20th of AU
GUST.
Let every pupil he present at the opeuing of
the term.
IV. C. DODD & I. G. HUDSON
juIy 23 ts
WHITE LEAD, CO DOES, OILS
Varnishes, Paint Brushes, Putty, Ac,
at DR. KLDRIDGE’S
June 18 ts Drue-Store.