Newspaper Page Text
4 CONSTITUTIONAL!!^.
JAMES GARDNER. JR.
T i: R 31 s.
Daily, p.*r annum, $3
Tri-Weekly, per annum, ® 00
If paid in adv ance,
W eekly, {*cr annum, 00
If paid in advance, - J '- >
To Clubs of five, remitting $lO in advance. 2 00
iO" Ail new subacripuoiis must be paid in advance.
i)Crl Jf wtage must be paid uu all Communications
and Defers of business.
UU 1 -——a ■" ’ -
CO>r,K 9j
IS SENATE—FEUUUAKY 25.
THE THREE MILLION BILL.
On motion of Mr. Sevier, the Senate re
sumed the consideration, as in commbtee of
the whole, of the bill making further appro
priation to bring the existing war with .Mexi
co to a speedy and honorable conclusion
Mr. Ilannegaii then rose and said: Ihe
main proposition Indore Ice Senate is simple
in its nature, and when stripped of adventi
lous matter, rather barren as a subject of de
bate. The motives which induce the Presi
dent to call for, au3 the Committee on For
eign Relations to report, a biil for an extra
ordinary appropriation of three millions, were
frankly and clearly set forth by the chairman
of (hat committee in his opening remarks,
and signify nothing more than a desire to
have the proposed amount placed at the dis
cretion of the Executive, to be used, if ne
cessary, in the final attainment of that most
desirable end—a peace with Mexico. I will
3 iot offend the Senate by descanting upon the
blessings of peace. There is no object more
desirable to a nation than its proper preser
vation. A termination of the present war
with Mexico is desirable for both countries
by every consideration which policy can sug
gest or humanity inspire. The appropria
tion itself presents nothing unusual in the
practice of the government. It lias all the
authority of precedent on past occasions,
neither of which can be regarded of equal ur
gency with the present crisis; and so far as
the precedent is concerned, it has all the
weight which can attach to illustrious names
intimately «nd eternally associated with our
civil institutions. The question, therefore,
is one of expediency alone. At me last ses
sion a similar appropriation was called for
by the President. Regarding it then, as I
have said I regard it now, a mere question of
expediency, 1 was opposed to its grant, be
cause I desired further information as to its
object. With the explanation now before us,
I am satisfied to trust the amount In the
hands of the Executive, because the act it
self is preceded by a satisfactory disclosure
of the motives inducing, and the uses requir
ing it. It is guarded in advance by all the
cautionary measures which the most jealous
vigilance seems to require, and the applica
tion of the money cannot be misdirected,
without a gross violation of his official trust
by the President—such a violation as would
inevitably bring him to the bar of public jus
tice, and within the precincts of this very
chamber, consign him to degradation, and his
memory to the most ignominious associa
tions. The one exclusive purpose to which
the money is to be applied, is the seenrement
of peace, which all concur is most desirable.
I do not use the bandied term honorable peace,
because I take it for granted that any other is
cut of the question. No member of the Sen
ate entertains higher opinions of the impor
tance ot that great constitutional provision
which confides to Congress the absolute con
trol of the public treasury, and withholds
from application at individual discretion one
single cent. This appropriation I regard as
strictly specific, as if directed to the erection
of a custom-house, or the construction of a
harbor. The object is equally determinate,
and in its expenditure, 1 feel that we have a
guarantee of the highest possible character.
The eyes of the country are directed with all
absorbing interest to the prosecution, the pro
gress and the termination of the war with
Mexico. Every step that is taken is noted
throughout the land, and none ran doubt that
as the passage of this extraordinary appro
priation would attract the deepest interest,
the public would require, as tlie price of its
expenditure, the most wholesome and the
most desirable result. lam not prepared to
say that the appropriation of this money will
effect the object, nor am I armed with any
reasons ot her than those I derive from the
senator from Arkansas, in support of the pro
bability that it will he an earnest of peace.—
Viewing it as I do, if the measure do no good,
it can do no harm. Unless applied in accord
ance with the law, and the spirit and morn
ing of that law, it remains in the treasury,
and of course lapses into the common fund,
the property es the nation, and under the ex
clusive control of Congress. The President
must have reasons of a confidential character
in addition to what has been communicated
to Congress, satisfactory to bis own mind, i
that this money is essential to the termina
tion of the war; and, in the present crisis, as
on all similar occasions, the common sue
stions of policy forbid a public disclosure |
of tlie information which I presume lie has
confidentially received. The great defect of
our government is the publicity to which all
our movements, intentions, and negotiations
connected with foreign governments are ex
posed. They uniformly read us through the
debates in Congress, whilst we arc blind as
to their ultimate designs. And the advan
tages which have thus been acquired over us
at various limes could not easily be estimated.
At the same time I do not well know how the
evil could be remedied,consistently with the
form and spirit of republican institutions.
But, Mr. President, whilst I am thus willing
to place this sum of money in the hands o7
the Executive for a specific purpose, I must
be allowed to express rny own strong convic
tions that it should be accompanied by the
most decided and energetic prosecution of
the war on the part of this government. I
am grossly deceived by all the lessons of ex
perience which are taught in the history of :
other nations, if a temporizing policy on our
part will have any effect but to defeat the
very end we would accomplish. There is no
peace within the circle of a system of half- •
way measures at this juncture. If there is, !
all history is a lie. A friend, aware of rny
opinion on this point, lias kindly furnished
me with the following very apt quotation
from one of the most accomplished writers of I
the day. Macaulay, in his review of Hall
man's Constitutional History, says : "If there
be any truth established by the universal ex
perience of nations, it is this, that to carry
the spirit of peace into war, is a weak and
cruel policy. The time of negotiation is the j
time for deliberation and delay. Rut when I
an ex’reme case calls for that remedy, which
i* in its own nature most violent, and which
in such cases is a remedy only because it is
violent, it is idle to think* of mitigating and j
diluting. Languid vvar can do nothing which |
negotiation or submission will not do better;
and to act on any other principle is not to
save blood and money but to squander them.''
To tall back upon a system ot defensive ntea<
sures, after a!! that has transpired, would en-
courage the belief in Mexico that we felt our
( selves inadequate to the prosecution of offen
sive measures, and in all probability wouid
J entail upon the country an interminable bor-
J i der war. If this sjstem ofdefence should be
1 | adopted, in accordance with ihe views ot tiie
1 senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,]
■ elevated and statesmaiiiiite as those views
s are in many respects, 1 must be permitted to
differ with him both in his estimate of the
- number of troops necessary to defend the
frontier from the month of the river to the
Passo del Norte, as well as the consequences
which must result from a policy which it is
certainly not offensive to denominate tempo
s rising. The distance ot the hue, as I have
estimated it on the map, is over five hundred
miles, to be defended by our posts, each gar
risoned with one regiment.
1 It wifi not lie contended that these posts can
1 j furnish mutual succor in case of attack.—
Their want, of contiguity must necessarily
sordid the thought. Is it lo be supposed that
a garrison, consisting ol a single regiment
could resist the attack of such an army as
Mexico can at any time bring into tbc field?
1 The unhappy late of the brave defenders of
i the Alamo is a sufficient answer to the ques
, tion. These posts must be abandoned at the
i approach of a Mexican army, properly led,
or their garrisons find bloods graves beneath
the ruins of their own defences. The great
and vital objection which exists to this plan
i.-, that as it furnishes nut even the remote
assurance of peace, it entails upon the coun
j try an absolute necessity for the maintenance
; of a numerous standing army—a warequip
ment as strong in numbers as our present
list will be when filled by the additional ten
regiments just provided for. This is inevita
{ hie, from the fact that vve must necessarily
I keep a sufficient force.in our southern divi
sion to meet any emergency that may arise
lo concentrate at any required point for the
repulsion of an army, which may at any mo
ment become an army of invasion. How
long this state qf things would continue,
human foreMght must vainly endeavor lo
predict. But, in addition to this it devolves
upon the inhabitants of Texas and the entire
frontier the necessity of a military organiza
tion as strict and vigilant as though tiie ene
my was continually at hand. It will drive
back tiie frontier, and make desolate tiie ex
posed settlements, when the inhabitants must
become the prey of innumerable bands of
murderous and marauding ram-herns, to
whom such a state of warfare would be the
very spring of existence. In addition to all
this, it would require us to keep up extensive
depots of provision,s and all the necessary
equipments of war requisite for an army
marching to give battle in an enemy’s coun
try. In the event of a successful attack upon
one or more ot these fortified posts, and in
deed in every movement of our forces under
I such a state of things, all would depend upon
celerity. Not a day, not an hour could be
spared from the quick and sudden march. It
j would become a war of continual forays with
I ail the advantages on the side of the enemy,
whose halfsavage, vagrant, and itinerant peo
i pole would find ample fille to gratify their
nnsatiated and insatiable love of rapine and
blood in the indiscriminate plunder and
slaughter of families and nighborhonds.—
There isetill a most fatal object to the pro
posed plan, in my mind. To levy and col
lect the imposts from customs as contempla
ted, it would be absolutely necessary to main
tain garrisons at the various posts along the
Gulf of Mexico sufficiently strong not only
i for the defence ofthe works intrusted to their
care, but for various offensive operations,
and more especially the prevention of a gen-
I oral system of contraband, which would in
evitably defeat the object of revenue. Expo
i rience has proved that our present, squadron
in fthe gulf is altogether inadequate to the
: purpose of blockade. Unless we are deceived
by the most gross misrepresentations, there
has been up to this time little more than anorn- ;
inal blockade of tiie single port and harbor
of Vera Cruz. I will not pretend to estimate j
tiie naval augmentation which would be ne- :
j cessary to enforce such a blockade as would ,
put a stop to wholesale smuggling along the
| entire cost of Mexico on the guli; but I doubt '
very much if our whole naval force would
I not find active and sufficient employment in
the service. In addition to this, the whole j
plan of revenue from imports may be coun
teracted by the regulations of Mexico esta
blishing such duties on imported articles |
consumed as would amount to an interior
: prohibition. And, sir, our own history im
presses a lesson which stands out in bold
relief for the admiration and imitation of
I mankind, and which, as it will never be for
gotten by us, may, whenever the exigency
shall require, be adopted by others. They
may, as our ancestors did with tea, resolve
I neither to purchase not to use that which has
, paid a duly to ns. These are the prominent I
objections which have arisen in niv mind to '
1 the military feature in the plan of the senator
j from Smith Carolina. I offer them with
great diffidence, and without the slightest
abatement of the high respect which I feel
for his eminent endowments, and which for
more than the third of a century have made
him a burnished and “a shining mark” in the
history of his country. If my objections are \
well-grounded, any plan of mere defence and ;
consequent inactivity is utterly inadequate (
to the desired end. Instead of promoting
peace, such defensive measures wouid pro
j crastinate the war. They would increase
1 rather than diminish the effusion of human
blood. Upon the score of expense, it offers
to me no advantage; for I cannot see how we
are to retain military possession along the
banks ofthe Rio del Norte ami the entire
Gulf of Mexico with a less military force
than would be sufficient for all the purposes
of invasion. The whole plan ofthe senator ;
from South Carolina is resolved in three in j
words—armed possession and inaction. My j
limited reading and reflection have taught i
me that, indeterming upon a plan of military I
operations, it is a fatal oversight not lo con
sider well the probable effect which the plan I
shall have upon the mind and condition of |
the enemy, as well as upon (he habits and |
predisposition of their lives. This one over- 1
sight in a single instance arrested in his
towering career and consigned to loneliness
and death upon a barren rock, the mightiest
of earth’s conquerors, the loftiest of all her
princes—he who burst upon a dazzled world
with all the brightness of a new sun in the
zenith, and “before whose deeds the achieve- j
ments of Ammon’s son grow pale.” So far i
as tiie boundary proposed to be defended by ;
the honorable senator from South Carolina is
concerned, I am well content with it as a ;
permanent boundary ia fixing future limits |
between this country ai d Mexico, and to !
this purpose lam willing to contribute by a I
j proper indemnity upon a final adjustment of !
our difficulties. R has tern conclusively
shown hv that senator, that vacant and un
occupied territoty is the onlv accession, which
in sound policy we should think of making in
that quarter. .Mexico and the United States
are peopled by two distinct and utterly unho
mogeneous races. In no reasonable period
could we amalgamate. Nomadic in iheii
I habits, and grossly ignorant, -as a vast pro
portion ot them are, they are utterly uniat fbi
' the blessings ami the restraints of rational
' liberty, because they cannot compreliend the
; distinction between regulated freedom, and
i that unbridled licentiousness which consults
I only liie ev;l passions of tin* human heart
making each man the avenger of his own
' wrongs, and government it-e t a mere play*
1 tiling, at the capricious pleasure ofthe infu
riated mass. With them as with our own
■ savage tribes, liberty is the utter absence ol
i civil restraint and of laws. For many long
: long years before they could be adapted to
i our institutions, New England must have
i her schoolmasters there in every hamlet and
• district. Sir. in my opinion, no plan on om
: part will be effectual in restoring peace be
-1 tween the two countries, but that which in
cludes the most vigorous and efficient mea
-1 stires. And liter, fore I trust that all the
1 energies of tlie nation will bo directed to the
| prosecution of offensive war during the cam
paign novtf in progress. So far.our victories
l have been productive of no results other than
the individual glory, which all concede to
to the gallant officers and soldiers who have
participated in the various conflicts.
Our operations hither to have been confined
to the borders of Mexico; we have inflicted
upon their country none ofthe severities of
war. The .great mass of the Mexican popu
lation ha e heard of the din of war; but it is
only in I lie far distance. The feeling of se
curity, the absence of apprehension, is as
complete with them as with us. 1 think Ido
not venture ton much in saying that so far,
this war has been serviceable to them as
a nation. It lias united opposite, contending
and bloody factions; and fur the first lime in
their history, the government begins to wear
the appearance of stability, which a more
defensive war on our part, 1 think, would bo
I apt to strengthen. That there is no peace
i for us under such a slate of things, I must
1 frankly say is a conclusion irresistible w ith
i me. We must seek peace with our armies
! in their seals of power and wealth, the homes
I and palaces of their rulers-—this way lies
j peace. The road to the city of Mexico is the
| road to peace. Their capital and other
; principal cities in the hands of a well-ap
pointed army, evincing at every step a deci
ded purpose, controlled by clemency, but ac
ting, whenever the occasion requires, with
j proper severity, and determined thus to con
! tinue the war to its close, will insure us a
peace proffered by Mexico before the autumn
leaf has fallen. In this position we can sup
port our armies, because, we can avail our
selves of their revenue, by enforcing the re
gulations which we prescribe; we can com-
I inand their contributions; we can confiscate
' their public property; we can enforce all the
i rights of conquerors for the I ime being. Bui
to any such vigorous and decided measures,
1 hear objections founded in the nature and
* constitution of the Mexicans, as descendants
ofthe Spaniards, whose indomitable resistance
1 to the Moors several centuries hack, and to
I Napoleon within our own lime, has been ar
rayed bore, as an argument against the pro
secution of a war of invasion on our part.
This argument if it agreed with the case
■ would be very good, but under existing cir
| cumstancFs it is worth nothing. In the first
place all the information I possess loaches me that
| a vast majority ofthe Mexican peop’e have
scarcely a drop of Spanish blood in their veins.
They are principal!y Indians and a mongrel race,
with the negro stock engrafted on the Indian, and
occasionally a mixture of Spanish. But Span
iards and their defendants do not constitute one
fifth of the entire population. So that the groat
proportion have not this inherent obstinacy in
conflict. But admitting that they were a!!.Span
iards, all descendants ‘ of high Castile or lofty
Arragon, :: to make the argument of value the
I cases must be parallel. Between the Moors and
i Spaniards the war wa< one of extermination on
l both sides, the object was the exclusive possession
I ofthe country, which was covered with their
respective, cities, and temples and palaces, and to
effect the purposes of either side, the entire des
truction ofthe opposite race wus necessary. It
was moreover a war between two contrary sys
tems of religion. It was the crescent arras ed*
against the cross, the mosque against the mon
i asUry. And the deepstruggle was whether the
i land should be dedicated to Allah and his bloody
I prophet, or the one true and living God. The
{ objects of Napoleon in Spain were scarcely less
; offensive to a people boasting their indepe ndcnce
from the extinction of the Roman rule over man
kind. lie came amongst them to displace their
1 ancient dynasty, to dethrone the des endantofa
long race of tln ir kings, and to dispossess their
nobility, with immemorial descent, of the homes,
and the lands, and the palaces, ami the castles,
where, for a hundred generations, their ancestors
j had held undisputed authority. And here again
i the masses could be roused by appeals to their
piety, for it was well known that the soldiers
cradled in the French revolution carried no rcli
i gion in their ranks, and regarded mosque and ab
by with equal indifference. Ihe object of Napo
leon was the substitution of a new race of inon
archs in the person ot his brother, than which
nothing could be more offensive to Spanish pride
and Spanish prejudice. There had moreover ex
ited for ages an inherent warlike rivalry between
France and Spain. Their bloody conflicts had
often resounded amid the passes of the Pyrennes
and the Alps, or struggling for empire on the
plains of Italy, where tlie field of Pavia bears
eternal testimony to the glory of Spain, or back
in France where Rocroy witnessed the utter an
nihilation of the famed and dreaded Spanish in
fantry. Here were motive s ns strong as can
actuate the human heart to endless resistance.
They were fighting for all that men and nations
hold dear on this side the grave. The memories
of long ages, filled with the heroic deeds of their
ancestors, roused them to the preservation of their
own and their country’s independence. Their
cities carried hy assault, their villages smoking in
ruins, the midnight air filled with the cries oftheir
unhappy daughters, driven forth naked and pen
idling from the altars where they had vowed
themselves to God and sanctify; their consecrated
cloisters resounding with the revelries of a brutal
so'.dierv, all combined, would have roused to mad
ness and to flame the lowest human heart that
ever beat responsive to the words home and coun
try. What parallel is there in all this with the
proposition for offensive measures on our part
against Mexico? in what single point does the
resemblance exist!
LTo be concluded In our next.}
Maniiractni'iiiK Improve incut*.
We are gratified in being able lo state that
the great granite Canal erected by the Wa
ter Lot Company, for the developement of
the prodigious water power of the Chattahoo
chee river, at this city, is now completed.—
This work undertaken in the midst of a gen
eral skepticism as to its feasibility and utili
ty, and persevered in for 18 months, with an
immense outlay of labor and an expenditure
of $40,000, now presents to the city of Co
lumbus the ready elements to double her pop
ulation and home trade, and to capitalists, fa
cilities fur manufacturing nowhere exceeded,
in the world. The company now owns 19
y lots, upon each of which 16 or 17 feet of live
- water stands ready to be turned for factory
h purpuse*.
n BeMdes this, by an extension of the canal
s and race, when it may be wanted, 18 more
>- lots may be made available, thus furnishing
d space and water for 37 large factories,
r Mr. Win. Brooks of our city, backed by
> the enterprising Mr. J. G. W inter have been
r the first to avail themselves of the comple-
L ! tion ot liiis work. They have purchased lot
e No, 15 at so,ooo and intend immediately lo
J erect a large stone building 100 feet by 50
s feet, and 5 stories high, for factory purposes
t, —the material lo be taken from the granite
i) on the spot, blasted in the construction of the
’- canal.
These evidences of enterprise, in Fritting
n out tiie unequalled gifts of'nature in the ever
if rolling river which tumbles over its rocky
r, bed, past our city; in connection with the
0 other advantages of our location, combining
e health, cheapness of living, and consequent
i! cheapness ot labor, cheapness of the raw rna
r terial for a great variety of manufactures,
and most important, the facilities of getting
- to market, the products of industry and skill,
over the Rail Road which is to connect us
g with the Atlantic seaboard; all point with the
e finger of destiny to (be future ot Columbus,
as full of promise of growth in population
s and wealth.— Columbus Timi s, 2d inst.
17
[ Reported for th e Bali imore Sun. 1
• TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS.
, SECOND SESSION.
>1
Washington, March 1, 1847.
f SENATE.
Mr. Archer presented the credentials of
s Mr. Hunter, Senator elect from Virginia.
Mr. Badger, from the military com--
rniltee, reported hack the resolution of
) thanks to Gen. Taylor with an additional
’ amendment, which was agredtoand sent
r lo the [louse for its concurrence therein.
} The bill to organize the ten regiments
r and to appoint general officers, &e., was
1 reported bach with amendments lo the
amendments of the House. Among them
1 • i r ' .
was one striAing out that section aulhon
. zing the President to appoint a General in
. chief without regard topri ority ot grade.
5 Mr. Dix said ho would call up the bill
s to morrow, it’he did not to-day.
' The army appropriation hill was ro
r ported back, with some trifling amend
ments, which were agreed 10. Tito bill
was then passed.
The post route bill was also reported
. back, with sundry amendments, which
i were agreed to. The bill was then pass !
t ed. Among the amendments was one
- providing for a mail lo Oregon, and an- <
other for a mail to and from the army.
The House hill for the establishment I
J of a new Territory, lo he called Minesola, |
, was reporte d back without amendment.
L The joint resolution providing for the j
, refunding of sums advanced by the Stales i
>1 for equipment of volunteers, was passed, |
5 ; with tin amendment providing for the re- I
? I payment of individuals acting under !
)I I »
orders of the States.
f Fhe House joint resolution, placing at 1
the disposal of the Jackson Monument
■ Association certain brass cannon taken
by General Jackson, was reported, back
by Mr. Cameron, without amendments,
; and he arked fur Its immediate considera
i tion.
Owing, however, to the absence ot Mr.
' Benton, who desired to speak upon it, the
resolution was passed over fur the pres- j
ent.
The vote on the amendment to the light j
house bill was reconsidered, and the bill 1
passed without amendment.
The three million bill was then taken
up.
Mr. J. Mr. Clayton spoke at some
, 1 length, contending the appropriation is
unconstitutional.
Mr. Pearce made a few remarks, after
• which the subject was postponed until
0 o’clock.
The Senate then took a recess.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
On motion of Mr. Garret Davis, a cal]
of the House was ordered, and the rail
having been twice called, 179 members
answered to their names.
The bill making appropriations for the
payment of Navy Pensions, with the
amendments of the Senate, wore referred
to the Committee of Ways and Means.
The House insisted upon its disagree- j
men', to certain amendments of the Sen- |
ate to the naval appropriation bill, and !
insisted also upon its own amendments to !
which the Senate had disagreed, and ask- !
ed a committee ot comference, (commit
tees appointed hy both Mouses.)
The amendments of the Senate to the
bill to increase the marine corps of the
navy, were concurred in. So the bill is |
passed.
The bill for the relief of the heirs of
John Paul Jones, with the amendments
ofthe Senate, was laid on the table, but
the vote was subsequently reconsidered,
and the bill, &c., referred to the commit
tee on claims.
Tire bill from the Senate for the relief
of Ireland and Scotland was read twice,
and a motion lo lay it on the table nega
tived, 75 to 82.
Mr. Carroll moved to go info commit
lee of the whole, for its immediate consi
deration, but tffe motion was nagatived,
09 to 110. The bill was then referred
to the committee of ways and means.
The amendment of the Senate to the
post office appropriation bill, with a far
ther amendment form the post office com
mittee of the House, was agreed to. On
the question of agreeing to the amend
ment of the Senate, striking out the sec
tion giving the postmasters the selection
without regard to circulation, of the
newspapers in which the list of letters
shall be published, the vote stood—ayes
84, nays 77. So the selection is to be
made as heretofore.
Sundry bills, from the Senate, were
read twice and referred.
The amendment of the Senate to the j
amendments of the House to the joint re- ;
solutions of thanks to Generals Taylor, j
&c.,now giving lo Generals Tax lor, But- j
1 ler, Wonh,&c., swords instead of meda/s,
J was agreed to. So the resolution is nass
i ed.
j Ac half pass 2 o’clock, in the midst
ot a long discussion on a motion to take
; up the bill from the Senate for the relief
of Elijah While, the House look a recess
until 5. P. M.
[Correspondence of the Baltimore American. J
Ify ,tla;'uiti£ Telegraph.
Washington, March 1,9, P. M.
The Senate met again at G o’clock.
i lie House bin to punish Piracy in certain
; cases, was passed. The three million bill
! was taken up.
Mr- Pearce spoke briefly, pointing out the
error in Mr. JBoule’s history ol Texas, as set
Grin in his speech. Mr. P. was opposed to
the prosecution ofthe war for the conquest,
and should vote against the bill.
! Mr. Dix followed, and expressed himself in
favor of the acquisition of California, and
went at some length into the Slavery ques
tion, defending the north from Mr. Calhoun’s
charge ofthe aggressive policy.
Mr. Dixon ii. Lewis came into the Senate
at 7.' o’clock.
" HOUSE, seven o’clock, P. M.
Mr. Wintlirop, from the Committee of
Ways and Means, reported a bill lo exempt
Philosophical apparatus from duty. A mo
tion was made and carried lo lay it on the
table, 95 to 90.
If not so disposed of, Mr. McKay declared
he would have moved to strike out all after
the enacting clause, and offer a lea and coffee
bill.
At 20 minutes past seven the House ad
journed.
AUGUSTA, GEO.,
FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH 5, 1847.
The Liberty of the Prci«.
This is the theme of much grandiloquent
writing which the recent expulsion of Mr.
Ritchie from the floor of the United States
Senate has elicited. We think the title
under which so much eloquent declamation
has been indulged a misnomer. The public
press lias teemed, usque ad nauseam , with
editorials, and communications, and indig
nation speeches and resolutions on this
fruitful theme. At the hazard of additm- to !
that satiety with which probably many of our '
readers are already oppressed, we venture,
a second time, to give onr views of this out
rageous act, as it is so generally considered,
of the United States Senate.
We confess we cannot see the grave inju
| ries attempted by or likely to grow out of
i this act. We see in it neither a violation of
j the Constitution—nor of the Liberty of the
j Press —nor of the individual rights of a pri- j
j vatc citizen. We humbly conceive that too
l much importance is given to a proceeding,
I which has very evidently involved much more '
; of personal vindictiveness than of public in- !
j jury. It seems very obvious that the affair j
I assumed the aspect of a personal quarrel
between Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Ritchie. The }
dignity and rights or the Senate were not j
really invaded in the estimation of that body.
W e infer this Irom the fact that the resolu- i
lion of expulsion was carried by a strict par
fy vote. That is to say, all tiie wh’gs. and
the balance of power party, voting in favor
! of, and all the democrats present, against ex-
J pulsion. We have too much respect for the
I democratic senators to suppose that any
j party considerations however strong, could
! have induced them for a moment to sub
mit to an insult, or what they would have
conceived such to their honorable body.
The public, whether rightfully nr wrongfully
we cannot say, given to Mr. Calhoun
and Mr. Ritchie the distinction of being the
high contending parlies in this political tour
nament, Mr. Ritchie was supported by the
democratic party proper—Mr. Calhoun by
his body guard from his own State and Flor
ida who served as his especial knights and
esquires, lilt’e Mr. Vulee in advance, while :
the wings stood by, and at the critical mo- j
ment by their voices decided the victorv in •
favor of the great South Carolinian. We |
might perhaps with more propriety liken the |
contest to a bull-baiting, and Mr. Yulee as !
the liMit Matadore thrown forward in front I
. . t
with red scarf and taunting grimace lo ir- i
ritate his hemmed in, yet noble, game-like
and defying adversary, The assailing party |
escaped a tossing by the timely rescue of the
whigs. But we think they are yet to find !
themselves, or rather Mr. Calhoun will find
himself tossed between the horns of an em
barrassing dilemma. He has won over the I
veteran editor, a disastrous victory. The
editor is winning troops of friends and
pocketing his thousands of sympathizing dol
lars that come to«well his subscription lis',
and to console him for having lo stand, with I
the commune vulgus , outside of the bar of the
august Senate. The honorable senator is sits- ;
peeled of having formed a coalition with the I
whigs to pull down a venerable citizen per
sonally obnoxious to him, and through him
to make a stab at the administration. These I
are some of the fruits of that ill-starred asso- !
cialion with the whigs, on this war question
which bodes so little good to his fair fame, i
It may again throw into dim and disastrous
eclipse his prospects of influence and moral
power, to which he is so much entitled by his
talents, and so little by his tact.
We cannot admire the policy or proprie
ty of the vote of expulsion. It was evi
dently a preconcert with the whigs of the
Senate, who yielded to the double motive'of
vindictiveness tor many galling editorials
which their factious conduct had provoked,
and of a keen desire to see dissensions sown
in the ranks of the democrats. But in the
act itself of expulsion, we see no such alarm
ing consequences to the Constitution or to
the Liberty of the Press. The act is no in
vasion of the private right of the citizen.
It is no punishment of a crime by summary
process, and without trial by jury. It is no
despotic effort to muzzle the Press or to re
strain its comments on the action of that
I body. The Senate had extended a courtesy
to the Editor of the Union—a special privi
lege not extended to editors out of the City
of Washington. The Editor of the Union
, had chosen to publish a communication, and
afterwards to approve its sentiments, contain
ing language offensive to the Senate —using
epithets pointed at particular members of that
body which they thought uncourteous. They
chose to resent this, by withdrawing the
courtesy of a seat among them, from the
editors who published and indorsed the offen
sive language. This they had an unques
tionable right to do. They violated thereby
I no grave constitutional principle. They
were guilty of no daring usurpation of pow
er. They did no more than what has been
done on several former occasions for similar
provocal ions,and what they have a right to do
again. There are some minds which seem
diseased on the subject of constitutional
guaranties and restrictions, and fancy a fla
grant infraction of that instrument, in an
act w hich professes to do no more than to
regulate some of the courtesies of life, and
which certainly can not be said to invado
any vested right. (Jur apprehensions arts
not so sensitive.
Neither do we see any invasion of tho
liberty of the Press in the f*ct of the Sen
ate. If one were to look now into the col
umns of the Union, he would not think that
its liberty had been very materially impaired.
Its columns are crammed with the proceed
ings of the Senate as fully and circumstan
tially as ever. The editor, too, writes with
as free a pen as when he enjoyed a seat upon
that floor, his comments upon the action of
the Senate—the factious motives—the bad
passions—the petty intrigues prevailing in
| that honorable body. So far there is no res
| tratut on the liberty of the press—nor is
| there any exclusion of light from the people,
i .Mr. Ritchie probably allows persons logo
i into his office, where they read newspapers—
talk political gossip, and, perhaps, let fly an
1 occasional witticism at the expense of the
Administration. 15af, if one of these should
j persist in pouring forth offensive tirades
| against the President, his Cabinet, and his
j Organ, to the especial annoyance of the lat
! ter, arraigning their motives and impugning
! their patriotism, it is probable that the editor
j would suggest that those things might be
| just as well done outside the door.
Vv c have instituted this comparison, mere.
I ly to present the abstract right of expulsion
1 in what vve consider its true aspect. We
j neither sanction the act itself, in this particu
; lar instance, nor acquit the actors in it of dis
creditable motives, and improper feelings.
1 We doubt not they already rue it. Tho
I whole proceeding we think has rather sul
| lied the dignity of the Senate than elevated
it in public estimation. Pul we see no rea
} son why the Editor of the Union is to be ex
alted into a martyr and a hero, when he was
in no danger of being a victim. The
danger to the Constitution and the Liberty of
the Press have been grossly exaggerated
the whole subject lias been given a dispro
portionate magnitude—with no good toihe
public. Il will make money for .Mr. Ritchie
and will achieve for him a rich retaliation
upon his would be persecutors.
Il may make political capital by making
the vviiigs doubly odious to the democracy of
the country. Rut it is also sowing dissen
sions and bitter feelings between the demo
crats who are Calhoun men and those who
are not. For this reason ue are anxious to
see brought to a speedy close this war of
words about the Liberty of the Pre.-s, which
is a now de guerre for anything but what is
realty contended for by the parties litigant.
We are among the last who would he will
ing to see the liberty of the press invaded, or
abridged, or restrained. But while (he pres*
is more a king and sovereign and despot in
this free and republican country than any
other engine of power known to our institu
tions, it owes some deference to those from
whom il condescends to receive favours. If
an editor accepts a civility from a legislative
body il should not return the civility by scorn
ful and insulting language. If it feels
"cribbed, cabined and confined” by the obli
gation, and desires a larger liberty, let the
civility be declined. It will ask no favours,
and show none.
We have been complimented upon the se
renity of temper marking one or two of our
recent editorials upon important and exciting
topics. The physical condition of comfort
and ear-e at the time of writing often has
much to do with the temper of one’s pieces.
A warm fire—a flowing pen, that gives ink
freely, and an easy fitting pair of slippers
contribute much to a pleasant frame of mind,
at peace with all the world. We are indebt
ed for the slippers to that superior workman
Anton Vigelius, who sent us with his com
pliments a few days since, a beautiful pair,
of patent leather—neither too light or 100
loose—and made in the choicest and most
arlislica! style. This last compliment goes
to our sole, and causes us to wish success to
the craft in general and to friend Vigelius in
particular.
Naval.
It is stated that Commander Henry Henry
has been promoted to one of the (our vacan
cies as Post Captain, and has been confirmed
by the Senate.
Whisky.
ThcN. O. Picayune of the 27th ult.says—We
learn that there was quite a spirited business done
in whisky yesterday, about 7000 barrels having
changed hands at from 23 to23j cents pcrgallon-
Tho ship Southport, Griffith, from Charleston*
for New York, went ashore on the 27ih ult. during
a storm, on the West Bank. Lighters were taking
cut her cargo. She had received but little dam
**
age ami would probably be got off.