Newspaper Page Text
TflE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
iiii ED M
P. c. GUIEU «v R. M. (.■' M >DM VN.
93r TE TRI- WEEU.Y PAPER, $5 , r
annum in\ orUtbly in advance, and if not punctual
ly paid m advance $0 —WEEKIA , (contaming
twenty-eight column*,) £2,50 per annum, and if not
punctually paid in advance §3.
fgj- A DVfcRTISE.iI EM'S inserted at the follow
ing rales, viz: Tri*Week!y advertisements, llrvt in
sertion. per square, 73 cent*; each insertion after
wards, 43$ cent*. Weekly advertisements, 73 cents
for each square. Monthly advertisements. §lper
square. SO 'All advertisements not marked u ill be
inserted until forbid, and charged at rordinghj.
Postage inu*t be |>aid on all Comm mutations
ami Letters of business.
flCrTlie follow ing terms will hereafter be rigidly
enforced ;
E The uam'*s of subscribers ow ing for more than j
two years, shall he struck out of our list, if the ar
rears are not paid within three months after this
date, (January 20, 1844.)
2. Subscriptions not paid in advance, nor within
three months after subscribing , si ill be i urged $6
for the tri-weekly, and $3 for the weekly.
3. Advertisers whose accounts stand unpaid for
one year, shall be hereafter excluded from the col
umns of this paper, until such accounts are settled.
KrWc have received an additional supply of Job
Types, w Inch, with the assortment \ve had on hand,
w ill enable as to execute all kinds of Jobs as here
tofore, with this exception, that for such work the ;
cash will be required before delivery.
■—■——W—at■3Mß* I »1 I m>amwaa^
DEMOCRACY OF GEORGIA.
Ticket* for Members of Congress and Electors
of President and Vice President completed.
* V CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS.
(Election on the first Monday in October.)
Ist District —CHARLES SPALDING,
2d “ SEABORN JONES,
3d “ A. 11. CHAPPELL,
4th “ H. A. HARALSON,
3th “ JOHN 11. LI MPKIN,
6th “ HOW ELL COBB,
7th “ ABSALOM JANES,
Bth “ E. J- BLACK.
FOU ELECTORS.
(Election on the first Monday in November, by gen
eral ticket.)
for president,
JAMES K. POLK, of Tennessee.
VICE PRESIDENT,
GEORGE M. DALLAS, of Pennsylvania.
CHARLES J. McDonald, of ( obi),
ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee,
ROBERT M. CHARLTON, of Chatham,
BARZILLAI GRAVES, of Randolph,
GEORGE W r . TOWNS, of Talbot,
W. F. SAMFORD, of Meriwether,
C IIARI.ES MUR PI IV, of ( ass,
\V. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham,
11. V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin,
ELI 11. BAXTER, of Hancock.
AUGUSTA, GEO,
s iTURDiY MORNING, Al (.1 ST 31. 1844.
[O’Much interesting mutter, selected tor
this day’s paper, deferred, to make room for
the effusions of our correspondents. Wc
shall publish in our next paper several of the
letters of distinguished citizens invited to the
Macon meeting, but who could not attend.
(CT On our first page will be found the able
and interesting letter of George Bancroft, the
distinguished American historian, accepting
the nomination made of him by the democratic
convention of Massachusetts, as a candidate
for the office of Governor at the approaching
election. We request our friends to read it
with attention.
On our first page will be found also a circu
lar from the democratic association of Wash
ington City. Also, an article from the New
Orleans Bulletin, on the designs of England
respecting Texas.
BTWe have before us the September num
ber the Southern Agriculturist. It is rich
in interesting and useful matter, especially
those articles which relate to Cotton, Corn
stalk sugar, sugar beet, and marl. We again
recommend the work to our farmers and plan
ters.
(LT A democratic meeting was held at .Mon
roe, Walton County, on the 17th instant. It
was resolved to attend by an overwhelming
delegation, the mass meeting to be held at
Gainesville on the 13th of September. Gen.
Echols introduced to the meeting Air. Luther
J. Glenn, of the county of Henry, who, in a
clear, forcible, and effective speech, explained
the reasons which had impelled him to separ
ate from his former political friends, and
avowed his determination thenceforth to do
battle in the great democratic army.
The lion. Howell Cobb then addressed the
meeting for upwards of two hours, on the po
litics of the day.
HontiiAXA.
A most extraordinary step has been taken
by the convention which lately assembled at
Jackson, Louisiana, to revise and alter the
constitution. A resolution has passed to ad
journ and meet at New Orleans in January
next. The grounds for such a procedure have
not as yet appeared in the papers.
[From the Richmond Enauirer.]
MARK THE DIFFERENCE.
A few of the impulsive spirits of South
Carolina, driven on by the wrongs of the south,
the violation of Mr. Clay's own pledge, and
of the principles of the Compromise Act, and
by the rejection of the Texas Treaty, talk of
a Southern Convention, and hint at Nullifi
cation, or some other form of resistance. The
Democrats of Virginia protest against this
course. The Club House Coons attempt to
make political capital out of these partial
movements in South Carolina—implicate the
whole “Polk Party” in the alleged plot—with
out one tittle of evidence to support it—and
for the purpose of scattering a panic through
the land, threaten to chase the members of
the Southern Convention from this city, and
taking the laws into their own hands, assume
a ground which would deny the right of the
people, who complain of the act of the Gov
ernment, the right of peaceably assembling
in Richmond and remonstrating against their
grievances. Their supple Clay Clubs in the
country repeat their language, and re-echo
their denunciations against the movement in
South Carolina—the Democrats cordially pro
testing against any measure which is calcu
lated to strike at the Union.
So much tor the Democrats—and now for
the Coons. They know, that the most dan
gerous enemies of the Union are the Abo
litionists, and their allies Adams, Seward,
Slade, Giddings, &c., &c. They know, for j
they have seen the letters of Adams and Reid,
the speeches of Seward, and D. Webster,and
others, that the Clay parly of the North are
openly courting a coalition with the Aboli
tionists, and insisting upon it. that they should
abandon their own candidate, Birney, and
support 11. Clay, because Clay will carry out
their opposition to Texas and Slavery. The
Democrats, of course, protest against this
shameless coalition —as they did against an
anti-Union, Southern Convention. But what
say the Coons ? In the meetings of all their
Clubs, we hear not one whisper raised against
the coalition between the Clay Parly and
the Abolitionists. This silence is ominous. It
shows that they are willing to affiliate with
the Abolitionists to elect Mr. Clay—that they
are willing to give up Texas to purchase their
votes —that they are willing to propitiate the
1 support of the most dangerous disunionists in \
the country, because the "very soul of their
enterprise” consists in a direct attack upon
one of the essential and delicate compromises
of the Constitution, without which the Union
itself cannot continue. Such then, is the dif
i ference between the two parties! W e pro
test against any movement which may, in the j
slightest degree, affect the Union. But they j
i see their Northern allies seeking a direct al
i nance with the must dangerous disunionists,
; and so willing are they to profit by their trea
' son, that they do not breathe one whisper of
i complaint against the alliance of Webster,
Seward, &.c., <Vc., with the Abolitionists.
[communicated.]
“THAT VILE LIBEL.”
COONKILLER’S respects to Mr. Jones of
the Chronicle, and is pleased to find he is alive,
t No one supposed he would even kick after the
exposure ofhis fanfaronade or the "infamous”
i manufacture of the extract, by mistake placed
I to Bronson’s letter. He has now made the
' wonderful discovery that a word was lelt out;
and to help himself a Utile , manufactures a
word himself. The verbatim extract which
, I have seen in a dozen payers is as stated by |
the Constitutionalist of Thursday. “There j
: is no necessity of protection for protection."
1 left out the of protection because I thought
■ it tautology; and I will leave it to every
reader of the Chronicle, whether the omission
i changes the meaning, a single iota. 1 1 will
j also leave to them, whether it be possible j
, to “garble” a single extract made by mo?
i Now Mr, Jones are you not in a pretty
i pickle?
i ’ 1
[ COM M U NIC ATED. j
■ MORE USE FOR THE RAW MATERIAL, j
The immense cotton factory to be driven I
by steam, and which Philadelphia capitalists
are putting up at Gloucester Point, in New
Jersey, is progressing rapidly to completion.
Will some free trader tell us what the cotton
planter would gain, by having the cotton that
i will be used at the above factory spun and j
: wove abroad, rather than on this side of the )
' Atlantic? —Chronicle of the 28th inst.
Yes; very easily, Mr. Jones: if you and
: your confederates will stand aside, and give ;
i us the privileges for which our fathers fought, '
and bled and conquered. If you will return j
i to us the privilege we had before we made ;
war “for cutting off our trade with all parts I
of the world,” wc can tell you very easily :
the least “our planters would gain,” by hav
iiw the cotton that will bo used at the “above
' factory spun and wove abroad, rather than
i on this side of the Atlantic.” But why do
you ask this question? you have perhaps an
; swered it yourself a thousand times. If not,
it lias been answered—often answered, by
i your political friends. The great and the
n-ood—the living and the dead—when south
ern men of both parties harmonized on this
; subject, upon which it was supposed no hon
est man could doubt. Why do you ask “free ;
' traders” then for information, when you could j
get it from your own party, in whom you ;
1 have more confidence? Among the living,
I look at the able free trade report of Berrien,
j and the reports, speeches, toasts, letters, re- j
i solutions, &c. &c.of your whole party when- i
i ever and wherever they have appeared ever
since the protective system has been adopted
in the union. Among the dead, speeches of
tire virtuous and indignant Clayton—(him
self a manufacturer) —sometimes too vehe
ment. but of good understanding and a patri
otic heart. Look to all these sources I say,
if von need information; but you do not / and
therefore, in giving it to you, (near enough
| for any desirable purpose) I do not expect to
I make you either a wiser or better man. If
! the cotton planter could have his cotton “spun
• and wove abroad,” he would find that in Man- I
: Chester he could have a piece of cotton goods, j
; say hand-loom supers, 33 indies wide, 25yds.
Lmr, weighing -1 lbs. for 4 shillings, say SI.OO
of our currency. 4 lbs. of cotton and wast
i ace in manufacture would be worth, say 30
cts.; therefore, the spinning and weaving
would cost him “abroad” but 70 cts. the piece
of 25 yds.—add 10 per cent, for importation,
and the entire cost to the planter here would |
|be sl.l0 —a piece of goods of the same kind ■
here “spun and wove at the above factory” !
) will cost him $2,50 cts.-“gain” to the planter
about 135 per cent.: take a fair revenue duty j
off, and there is still a gain of about 115 per
cent. This will give you and the “cotton
planter” a sufficiently accurate idea of what
j he would “gain” if he could have his cotton j
“spun and wove” wherever he could have it 1
done on the best terms.
If exchanged for cotton checks, and some
other kinds of cotton prints, the “gain” would
be still greater, and if the whole catalogue of j
| cotton manufactures be embraced, the gain
; would average to about 100 per cent.
This calculation too is based upon a princi- |
: pie beyond all quibble. The duty is not ado- j
ed, but the difference of price in the two mar- |
kets is taken as the sacrifice forced on the :
planter by his restriction to one market.
I presume you will hardly have courage to
repeat your favorite theory on the cheating
effect of home competition by these forced es
tablishments, It has been too effectual:}'
blown up by the “facts, " as all reasoning men
knew it would be. Competition to reduce
prices must be somewhat equal, or some defi
ciency of means to carry outlie cheaperproduc- I
tion. Now we all know that in England
alone, there is surplus capital at one-third the
interest, and surplus labor at one-third the
price to manufacture five times all the cotton '
that is consumed by our hot-bed establish- .
menls. including the “above factory."
The competition then regulates the price, .
and remove this competition from us, and
your pocket patriots extort from us their own
prices. We were told by the iron mongers
that if we would give them a protection of ICO
per cent, they would reduce the price of iron.
Have they done it? No; their prices rise and
tail with those of Wales, they adding in most
cases the full amount of the enormous duty.
It is the same thing withal!, or nearly all the
protected articles that are freely imported. —
Tiny have risen 20 or 30 /•'T cent, in th-i Ins!
year,and some of them much mure. Now please
to account for this. They get their cotton,
bread stuffs and almost every element of their
productions one-third cheaper, and why are i
they extorting morefor their productions! \on
I could answer ti.is question with truth and rea
: son, but I know von will not do it.
Although I know you will not answer this
question truly; I will take the liberty of ask
ing you another: Why did not your whig
Senate ratify the treaty with tiic German j
league? The ratification of that treaty was
of great importance to the west, and would I
have given new life to our whole Cherokee ■
country; hut it was quietly lai ** n the table, '
and whyt As I know you will not answer, j
I’ll answer for you: It wus because the manu
facturers would not agree to it, and [he perfect
union of the party must not be disturbed.
A “FREE TRADER.”
[communicated.]
MORE BROKEN DOSES.
Mr. Editor, —Faithful to my duty of re
minding our opponents of what they would
wish forgot, I send you some more evidences
of their inconsistency.
At Waynesboro, Burke county, Goo.. July
4th, 1831, the day was celebrated under the
auspices of Dr. Harlow as President, and
Martin M. Dye, as Vice President. Thefol
i low'ingtoasts were then given, and I have
some notion to give the names, in future, of
the owners, to keep your correspondent R.
L. Gamble from claiming them, who was not
| satisfied with one, but appropriated three to his
1 use. in a former list I gave you.
By Dr. Harlow, President: The true Ame
rican System: Let every man pursue the road
to wealth honestly in his own way without
the interference of Government.
[lf that excellent man were alive lie would
not be a whig.]
By 11. D. Burke: Troup, Gilmer, and
| State Rights: May they live to see the Ame
| rican system buried in its mother earth, Clay.
[What have Troup and Gilmer lived to see?
Themselves true to their principles and gen
-1 nine democrats —their old admirers and party
I men with their faces where their hacks used to
be - ]
By Maj. Elijah Byne: Henry Clay, the op
pressor of the South: May the people of the
United States never call him from his present :
retirement.
By Col. Wm. E. Walker: Andrew Jackson,
complainant, against Henry Cla a defendant.
The just ice of the complainant's cause of ac
tion is clearly made out and apparent from his
will, as set forth in the veto message, and
must inure to him at the next trial of the old
case of the Presidency; the verdict of public
approbation before the grand par el of Ameri
can freemen; while the want of equity and
constitutional grounds for the defence of the
American system must be fatal to Ihe dffond
ants demurrers, and be the means, if he should
continue forest his pretensions on this plea,
of having decreed to him a political death,
and the public execration as the costs of his
ambitious and self-aggrandizing * ■■ hemes.
I have the means of presenting you similar
toasts from almost every county i. the Elate, ,
showing what were the prevailin' opinions of
the “State Rights” party, which now, as the
whig party of Georgia, hugs to its soul the
protective policy, so odious and repelled in
those days of political soundness,
I will, however, “shew up” another set of
actors of higher pretensions, and on a differ
ent field—not over a 4th of July dinner, heat
ed with wine, but assembled in grave and de
liberate consultation and drinking cold water.
I will give you an abstract of the celebrated
Oglethorpe proceedings, which 1' uake from
the Chronicleof August 11th, 18.‘-2, It will
exhibit some of your whig acquaintances in
awkward predicaments.
John Moore presided, [ls that old man a
i whig?] with Benjamin F. Hardeman, and
Wm. McKinley, Secretaries. Col. Jos, H.
Lumpkin, John M. Berrien, Geo. 11. Young,
A. S. Clayton, Eurwell Pope, Seaborn Jones,
1,-aac Collier, Thos. F. Foster and John Bii
| lups were appointed a committee to report
resolutions. ckc.
Col. Jos. H. Lumpkin, the Lav; Professor
in our University, a whig orator a; the Balti
more Clay convention and lately ai home, and
! who found in Frclinghuysen. with all his ab
olition tincture, the “gilt of God," reported a
preamble and resolutions; which duty lie is
represented as saying be left a sic; bed to per
i form, and “staking his life, his honor and ev
ery thing dear to him, to sustain to the ut
i most the principles and pledges they contain-
I ed.” Here they are:
| “Whereas, it is the opinion of this meeting,
j that the proceedings of the late session of j
! Congress afford abundant and cone ’us ive evi- j
denes, that no satisfactory adjustment of the
! tariff can longer be expected from a majority, j
; deaf to the voice of justice and reason, and i
obstinately determined to exercise power, re
| gardless of right. Under the specious name
and pretence of regulating duties cn imports, ;
and reducing the same, they are filching from 1
southern labor its hard-earned pittance, to j
gratify the cupidity and inflate the pride of the i
northern manufacturer and capitalist, contra
rv to the constitution and contrary to the ;
j meaning and intention of the Irani rs thereof.
And whereas, the people of Georg a have on
ly to depend on their sovereignty ai d reserved
rights for a redress of their wrongs:
c ßesolved . therefore, That in the opinion oi :
this meeting, the late law of Congress to reg
ulate imposts and all the proceedings and acts ,
of that body having for their direct object the
encouragement ol domestic manufactures, are
not only unequal in their operation, but delib
erate, palpable and dangerous breaches ot the
constitution, to which, as tree citizens ot
Georgia, ice ought not, can no!, and will not
longer submit.
Resolved, 2d. That should the General Go
vernment attempt by force to coerce into sub
mission any S'ute which may interpose its
sovereignty to arrest the evil, and thereby
preserve the Constitution, we would feel con
strained, by a sense of self-preservation, to
consider her defence essential to oursaf-y.
The other resolutions relate to the calling
of the Convention which met in Millcdgeville.
“clothed with full powers to maintain, pre
serve, and defend the rights and privileges of <
the free citizens of the Ftate.”
They also, Mr. Editor, drank toasts in cold
water and were of course as cool as cucum
bers. “The "Old Roman” presided at the
feast, assisted by Col. John Banks, Maj. Isaac ;
Collier. Gen. B. Pope. Robert Freeman, Au
gustus Alden, J. T. Moore, R. S. Hanson,
John Gilmer, John Townsend, and Edward
Coxe, as vice-presidents.
Ist Toast. Our S nalors and Representa
tives in Congress. —Their efforts against the i
miscalled "American System,” though utter
ly unavailing, have obtained for thorn the
highest reward of virtuous ambition—the gra
titude of their constituents.
This called up Tom Foster, in behalf of
himself and his colleagues, and lie ended his
harangue with the following toast:
2d. The Patriotic Citizens of Oglethorpe. —
The first to propose a systematic opposition
to the tariff; may the call which they have
made meet with a cordial reception from our
fellow-citizens throughout the Ftato, and en
list the firm, united and determined co-opera
tion of the whole people of the south.
By the citizens of Lexington, who origina
ted the meeting:
3d. The Hon. John Forsyth and Judge
"Wayne. —We are informed they voted with
a proteslando, a fact unknown to us on the
21st ult. If they are for resistance to the tariff,
ice are for them; if not, we are as we were.
They had excluded these gentlemen from
the list of the invited, because they had voted
for the tariffof 1832, reducing the tariff duties
$10,000,000.
4th. By the Committee of Arrangements ;
; The Hon, A. S. Clayton. —Ho spoke not for
i the ears ol an interested majority in Congress
! —for that were indeed fruitless; but for his
i anxious and suffering constituents at home.
They have heard his voice, and he was not
mistaken in the response of their deep and
hearty Amen.
Judge Clayton rose, amidst great cheering.
He concurred in the opinion expressed bv the
first speaker, that the last glimmering of hope
from our avaricious oppressors was extin
guished. For an hour he alternately delight
ed and inflamed his audience by the most
biting sarcasms and bitter denunciations,
levelled against the American System and its
reckless and unprincipled advocates and ben
eficiaries, and concluded by offering the fol
lowing sentiment:
6lh. Ssf-Iledress. —The only remaining
remedy for the oppressions of the south. Ho
that lias a heart to fee!—a head to frame, and
arm to defend, “now's the day and now’s the I
hour” to strike for liberty!
By the Committee of Arrangements :
Gth. Hun. John dll. Benda:-. —As a Henator in
Congress,he ennobled the protest ofthe State by
the eloquence which accompanied its presen
tation. As the author of the Free Trade Ad
dress, and a member of the Committee to wait
on Congress, lie has rendered a cheerful,
though unavailing service at the call of his
fellow-citizens of Georgia. A zeal thus sig
nalized in their service knows no abatement,
while these oppressions remain.
Judge Berrien rose amidst great applause,
and gave a succinct history of the several
tarifflaws —showing that what was originally
supplicated a.s a boon, was now demanded as
a right, and was proclaimed as the settled and
permanent policy of the Government. He
hurled defiance at our oppressors and demand
ed of the State, whether she would tamely
surrender her sovereign and inalienable rights
and prove recreant to the solemn pledge con
tained in her protest oflß2B. He offered the
following sentiment:
7th. The Citizens of Oglethorpe. —Their
patriotic cal! shall be responded to by every
freeman in Georgia, and by every southern
freeman.
Ah! Judge, how have you responded?
Mr. Editor, you will find your correspond
ent, R. L. Gamble, figuring in the Athens
preliminary meeting, but Lis light was hid
under a bushel, if he was at Lexington.—
Were his toasts at Louisville and Waynes
boro’ lately thrown before the public to pre
pare the way for an expose of the Colonel as
to his present opinions? Is ho about to quit
the whigs, or has he ever thought with them
on the tariff policy? By-the-by, the Colonel’s
last speech was a great effort in Congress for
the whig cause. But after, through some
thirty pages of a pamphlet, proving the expe
diency and perfect constitutionality of a pro
tective tariff, I must confess he played the
policy a scurvy trick— he voted against it. —
This was the tariff of 1812, which Mr. Clay
says lie “is utterly opposed to repeal.” Where
stands the Colonel? lie looks one way and
goes another. One ofthe toasts lie appropri
ated to himself from a former number of
“Monitor," was devoted to the destruction of
the tariff. Did he shrink from the supposed
ghost of his old opponent, and start to find it
in life again? Is he one of the resurrection
°
1 ists? Has he helped to disinter it from its
grave in the south, and present its putrid car- j
cass to the people of Georgia for their present
admiration? Do he and his associates sup
pose we have forgotten its old features, and are |
blind to the hideousness of its present aspect?
Oh! what dolts they take us to Lei!
Perhaps, Mr. Editor, it might be more use
ful to take more expressions of opinion, by j
persons who figure now in the contests of the I
day, but who stand on different ground and
fight with different weapons from what they
used to do.
Mr. N’iseet, who is understood to be a whig
of the first water, and rumor says, Las been
belaboring Chappell for his consistency ol
principle, in a speech delivered April 1841,
says in reference to Mr. A ford, “He is op
posed to a tariff for protection; so am I. He t
is for maintaining the compromise, so am I. 1
How has Mr. Nisbet and his whig colaborers ,
illustrated these assertions? Again, in refer
ence to a Virginia member, “He lias held us 1
up to the whole South, as tarif-men, and has
more than once charged that a tariff for pro
tection was the already indicated policy here
of the new administration.” “I am for duties
on wines; but does that make me the advo
cate of protection ? Ami, therefore, a tarif
man.r ’ Mr. Nisbet was very indignant at
such a charge in 1841, how is he now?
| Again said Mr. Nisbet, “A tariff for protec
j tfbn, has not, sir, been indicated here as the
I policy of the Harrison party. No man has
| said, or even hinted, that General Harrison
j will favor such a policy, indeed, sir, no one,
unless it be the gentleman from Virginia has
t ventured to prescribe a policy of any kind to
I the President elect. No one has authority for
i so bold a move. There is no clique or regen
cy here to rule in advance both Harrison and
the party. It is true gentlemen have spoken
as becomes the American representative char
acter, freely and fearlessly, and no one more I
iso than-the able member from Virginia. But I
| no one lias ventured to prescribe to the party I
: but himself. This idea about Northern com- j
binations to revive the protective system is all
stuff. It haunts the imagination of gentle
men like a spectre. It is. sir, not the fact ;
that the Northern manufacturers want anew i
, discriminating protective tariff. They are
for adhering to the principles of the com
promise. They say so, and 1 believe them.
It is llicir interest to observe the compromise,
and that interest they will pursue. If, how
ever, in this I am mistaken —if, hereafter, j
when the time for action arrives, the Whigs I
ofthe North or the Democrats of the North j
! should attempt to burden us with high imposts j
for protection—il a protective tarifxshould, by j
any party, be again attempted, and 1 should
then belong to the public councils, 1 shall op
pose it with as much honest zeal, if with less
ability than those who are now so very sensi
tive about Southern rights.”
% * * * * * *
“I disclaimed in any way giving rny coun
tenance to duties for protection; and avowed
my determination to sustain the anti-tariff
principles of my own and other Southern
States. I expressed the opinion, an opinion
which I now re-aliirm, that those principles
are to be kept inviolate only by a religious
adherence to the compromise. And, sir. one
ofthe reasons, perhaps the strongest reason
of all inducing me to lake the position I
did, was to preserve the compromise, and to
save us from those dangers which I foresee
must attend a revision of the tariffafter it ex
pires.”
*******
In reply to Mr. Black, he said, “In the ab
sence of other ground of attack, he assumed
that my speech sounded very much to his ear
like a tariff speech. Without being able to
I lay his finger upon one thought, one senti
ment, not to say one position, which gave the
least countenance to such an assumption, the
honorable member, taking council of his ear,
and not of his mind, and doubtless responding
to an eager desire to cast me oilman the con
fidence of my constituents, denounced me, by
all lair implication, as a tariff man.” * * *
"Those who sent me here will require strong
er proof that 1 advocate a tariff for protection
■ than the gentleman’s ingenuity can extract
| from my speech. They will see and read
’ for themselves. Did my colleague intend to. I
teach the people that we were faithless also
upon the tariff, and that he was the sole expo
nent of Southern principles? It would stem
so. 1 faithless to the Ft ate upon whose
soil I was born, and beneath whose sod my
! self and my children, if such be the will of
Providence, arc destined to sleep! No, sir;
I may, through fallibility of judgment, mis
take her honor or her interest, but 1 can ne
ver betray them.”
How is it now with you, Mr. Nisbet? Who
is now a tariff-man—a protective tariff-man?
Who is now “faithless on the tariff?” Who
is now the true “exponent of southern faith
i and southern principles?”
I may think it proper to use some other
reds I have in pickle. Did not Mr. Alford
i say, in 1841, in allusion to the faithlessness
of his colleagues, if lie did not return to Wash
ington, Georgia would not have a representa
tive there? He then saw how Iris party was
wavering and trimming, and soon left their
ranks in utter disgust at their faithlessness
and inconsistency. MONITOR.
[co;\i :j unigated.]
OGLETHORPE MEETING OF 1822 TO
RESIST THE TARIFF.
Fain ay. August 3d, 1832.
' # •
The people of Oglethorge and many distin- !
i guished visiters, in all mure than 1000, met i
i to consider the burdens laid on the south by j
1 the Tariff, and to determine on the mode and
I measure of redress. They organized at the
Court House by appointing John Moore Pre
sident, and B. F. Hardeman and Wm. Mc-
Kinley, Secretary:
Jos. 11. Lumpkin, John M. Berrien, Geo.
H. Young, A. S. Clayton, Bunvell Pope, Sea
; born Jones, Isaac Collier, Thos. F. Foster,
and John Billups were appointed to collect
public sentiment and report resolutions at 3
| o’clock, P. M.
j The meeting adjourned then to the grove
at the Female Academy, where a sumptuous
dinner was spread. John Moore presided at
the table, supported by the following vice
presidents, to wit; Col. Banks, d,laj. Collier,
Gen. Pope, Robl. Freeman, A. Alden, Maj.
Moore, Capt. R. T. Hanson, John Gilmer,
Jno. Townsend and Edward Coxe.
After dinner the following toast was offer
ed by the Committee of Arrangement, viz :
“Our Senators and Represetatives in Con
j gross: Their efforts against the miscalled
, -American System,’ though utterly unavail
ing, have obtained for them tire highest re
ward of virtuous ambition —the gratitude ol
their constituents.”
Col. Thos. F. Foster, (one of our mem
bers in Congress) replied in a speech ol an
hour, declaring all hope of relief from Con
! gross was gone; vindicated such of his col
; leagues as voted for the Tariff act of 1832, ,
against the charge of sanctioning the princi- 1
pie of the Protective system, and ended by
giving this toast;
“The patriotic citizens of Oglethorpe j
county: The first to propose a systematic op- :
position to the taritf—may the call which
they have made, meet a hearty resjionse from
cur fellow citizens throughout the stale, and
enlist the firm, united and determined co-op
eration, of the whole people of the south.”
By direction of the citizens of Lexington,
who originated the meeting, this toast was
then given, viz:
“The Hon. John Forsyth, and Judge
Wayne: W e are informed they voted with
a prate si an do, a fact unknown to us on the 21st
ultimo.—ls they are for resistance to the
tariff, we are for them; if not, we are as we
were .”
(Forsyth and Wayne were left out of the
Lexington invitation, because they hud voted
for the Tariff of 1832.)
Toast by the Committee of Arrangements,
viz;
‘•Hon. Augustus S. Clayton:—He spoke
not for the ears of an interested majority in
Congress—for that were indeed fruitless—
but for his anxious, suffering constituents
at. home. They have heard his voice, and he
was not mistaken in the response of their
deep and hearty amen.”
Judge Clayton replied to this toast in his
happiest manner. He agreed with Col. Fos
ter, the first speaker, that the last glimmering
of hope from our avaricious oppressors, was
extinguished; told many striking incidents
which occurred in the passage of the tariff
bill through Congress, to sustain this opinion,
and for an hour delighted and inflamed the
i audience by the most biting sarcasms and
i bitter denunciations against the tariff system,
and its reckless unprincipled advocates and
i beneficiaries. Judge Clayton ended by giv-
I ing this toast, viz:
I •
‘"SeIJ redress: The only remaining remedy
| for the oppressions of the south. He that has
j a heart to foci, a head to frame and an arm to
i defend, “now’s the day and now’s the hour to
I strike fur liberty!”
The toast which called out Judge Clayton,
was received by the people by loud and con
tinued cheering.
By the Committee of Arrangements—
“ Judge Berrien: As as senator in Congress,
he ennobled the Protest of his state, by the
eloquence which accompanied its presenta
tion. As the author of the Free Trade. Address,
and a member of the committee to wait upon
Congress, he has rendered a cheerful, but un
availing service at the call of his fellow citi
zens of Georgia. A zeal, thus signalized in
their service, knows no abatement while their
j oppressions remain.
i Judge Berrien arose amid enthusiastic
cheering of the people, and in his own pocu
j liar manner,acknowledged with much feeling
! the honor intended him; gave a short history
I of the several tariff laws-—showing that what
j was at first, begged for in 181t> as a boon, was
j demanded in 1828 as a right, and proclaimed
in 1332 as the settled policy of the country,
lie urged the importance of harmony among
those groaning under the common grievance;
and with the bold and manly spirit of a Henry,
he hurled defiance at our oppressors, and de
manded of Georgia, whether she mm Id tamely
surrender her sovereign rights, and prove re
creant to her solemn pledge in the Protest of
1828. He ended his eloquent speech by say
ing be would take, as his own, the toast, of
the first speaker (Col. Foster) with a little
j variation, viz:
The ( izens of Oglethorpe: Their puttio
tic call shall be responded to by every tree
man in Georgia, and by every southern free
man.”
The following preamble and resolutions,
wore then reported by the aforesaid commit
tee, through their Chairman, Col. Jos. 11.
\ Lumpkin, who stated that he had risen from
a sick bed to perform the duty, and that ill
health and a desire to make room for others,
induced him to yield the advocacy of them to
other speakers, but he trusted it was unne
cessary for him to say, that he icon Id stake his
life, his fortune, his honor, and even his wife
and his children, to sustain to the utmost the
j principles and pledges they contain. He sat
1 down amidst great cheering, and they were
then ably advocated by Seaborn Jones, who
argued that though four millions were taken
off the taxes, still the burdens of the south
were not lessened, because the price of ne
cessaries was high and increased under this
bill, and ended with this toast, viz;
“ The State of Georg la: She knows her
1 rights, and has proved that she has boldness
| to declare, and courage to defend them. Her
! sons will not desert her.”
Preamble and Resolutions offered by Col.
Lumpkin, Judge Berrien, <jr.
Whereas, It is the opinion of this meeting,
that the proceedings of the late session of Con
! gressaflbrd abundant and conclusive evidence,
| that no satisfactory adjustment of the tariff
j can be longer expected from a majority, deaf
i to the voice of justice and reason, and obsti
; natdSy determined to exercise power, regard
less of right. Under the specious name and
pretence of regulating duties on imports, and
reducing the same, they are filching from
southern labor its hard-earned pittance, to
gratify the cupidity and inflate the pride of
the northern manufacturer and capitalist, con
i trary to the constitution, and to the meaning
! and intention of the framers thereof.
Axd whereas, The people of Georgia
ha\e only to depend on their soveignty and
reserved rights for a redress of their wrongs.
1. Resolved, therefore, That in the opinion
of this meeting, the late law of Congress, to
regulate imposts, and all the proceedings and
acts of that body, having for their direct ob
ject, the encouragement of domestic manufac
tures, are not only unequal in their operation,
but deli berate, palpable, and dangerous breach
es of the Constitution; to which, as free citi
zens of Georgia, we ought not, cannot, will not
longer submit.
2. Resolved, That, should the General Go
vernment attempt by force to coerce into sub
mission any Stale which may interpose its
sovereignty to arrest the evil, and thereby pre
serve the Constitution, we should feel con
| strained by a sense of self-preservation to con
sider her defence essential to our safety.
3. Resolved, That the people of this coun
ty will, on the first Monday in October next,
elect four delegates (the number of their Re
presentatives and Senator in the Legislature)
to meet at Milledgeville, on the 2d Monday
of November next, clothed with full powers, in
behalf of their constituents, to maintain, pre
serve, and defend the rights and privileges of
the free citizens of this State.
4. Resolved, That lor the purpose of having
the sense of the people fully represented in
said Convention, and to procure unanimity
and concert of action, a Committee of Seven