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bUPLK.
r Uie purpose 01
ecuriug freedom to
juid have thought it
would have bu
.A could be iuduced to pas
recommendation has \been
aW kas been enacted. Ihe ! msi- ■
.©cent special message states that
is anticipated froth this meas- !
gh f a r jess than would have resulted |
4 adoption at an eatliei date,
sides arming the negro slaves he tells us J
jUbetauce, that to secure our freedom, it is ■
sceesary to authorize himsell aud his subordi j
natea to arrest and coniine in prison, auy, and
every person, whom he or '.bey may please to j
order to jail, without charges and without j
hearing, and keep them confined during his j
pleasure.
He further virtually asks, that the present [
restriction on the power of impressment be
removed, admits that this is •‘objectionable/’
but on the plea of necessity requests that, his
lubordinatos be allowed to take without com
ensation, whatever the army requires, lie
'da,'that “the me sure most needed however"
to give him practically the control of the
armed man in each and every .State,
fore entering upon the execution of his
as President, he took the tollovviag oath:
solemnly swear that I will laithfully
the otlice of President of the Oonfeder
s, and will to the bust of my ability
protect and defend the Constitution
\t minded men assume that he
he Constitution permits and what
and suppose that he will neither
If uor permit others to do so it
'•t. “The price of libcity is
” The sovereign power in
the people. It is not only
' duty of every citizen to
le conduct of their public
eaud legislative power.has
utry been aggressive,
dopte'l a written Consti
the President
in it they provided for a
9 duty it is to interpret
e Executive and Legis
le rules laid down by the
ition. What would the
h have thought or said
,rt been struck out of ex
,e Government of tbo old
practically stricken out of
ff government by the I’rtsi--
»s. We have no Supreme
dederate States. Let each
in this country ask, why—
lied until they know the real
neantiiue, every one should
/Btion of his own right to per
(l the possession of property,
.tion is the supreme law of the
.ate States. It declares that : “The
aof the people to be secure iu their per
ms, houses, papers aud effects, against un
reasonable searches and seizures, shall not be
I violated.” “No person ‘shall be deprived of
life, liberty or property, without due process
of law ; nor shall private property bo taken
for public use without just compensation.”
. -And no warrants shall issue but upou proba
* bio cause, supported by oath or affirmation,
and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seiz
ed."
These guarantees, in the Supreme law,
against arbitrary and unreasonable searches,
arrests, and seizures, are final, full aud com
plete. They cau only bo lessened or modified
by the sovereign power which made them a
part of the Constitution.
The great privilege of the writ of habeas cor
pus secures fair trial alter legal arrest or seiz
uro. lie suspension in no wise, authorizes uncon
stitutional arresta. The Constitution declares
that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus
“shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may
require it.” Under the name of suspending
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, tie
President and the House of Representatives in
Congress, have, attempted to pass an act, by
which he might -arbitrarily exercise powers
over the persons and properly of the people,
iu direct violation of the specific and manda
tory letter of the Constitution. This was re
sisted by the Confederate Senate. Thanks to
their uction ; we yet have the right of express
ing an opinion in regard to the executive .pets
of the principal public officer in our Govern
ment, without being consigned to prison on
his arbitrary order, or that of his irresponsible
subordinates.
There being no Supremo Court to decide
upon the constitutionality of the laws passed'
by Congress, the only redress would bo in the
reserved powers of the sovereign States. The
President, in his message, effectually disposed
of the practical powers of the States by at
tempting to prevent them from keeping an
armed torce iu time of war, but Congress do
cliued to givo him the power asked for.
The Constitution declares “that no State
shall keep troops or ships of war in time of
peace;” and lurther declares that ‘‘the euu
meratiou in the Constitution of certain rights
shall not be construed to deny or disparage
others retained by the people.’’ The “powers
uot delegated to the Confederate Stoics by
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to tlie
States, are reserved to the States respectively,
or to the people.” It is clear that the rigtit
of the States to “keep troops or ships of win”
in time of war is reserved by the people, and
cannot bo prohibited by tho Executive and
Cougress. .
The President, iu his message, utterly. ig
nores this right, and appears to be well satis
fied wi(h his own statement, viz: “ he se
curity of the States against any encroachments
by the Confederate Government, y amply
provided for in the Constitution, by reserving
to the States respectively the appointment of
the officers, aud the authomy of training the
militia according to the discipline prescribed
by Congress." He already Jhas in Com e. crate
service the white male population of every
State between the ages oi seventeen aud titty
years, and appoints tho officers hum:.' i. We
believe that the white males between the ages
of seventeen and fifty in each State, constitute
a large portion, if not the whole ol the militia,
and that the President has no right w> :■ . point
the officers.
The advocates of arbitrary power like not
to discuss principles and tacts. Tho plain
truth alarms them. Their plea is necessity,
and they seek to silence ail opposition, and
prevent inquiry by cvyiug ont j •>' v >o 11c . i<a* o
have any dissensions;" “For the sake ol our
cause,* support your Government—meauieg Mr
Davis—right or wrong;” “Yield to him in'We
.rythiug, or tho Yankees will subjugate m;”
“The truth must uot bespoken, because it vdi
encourage the enemy.”
The Administration press and the -p*.cUl
partisans oj the Executive denounce a trai
tors to the cause ot our independence a who
express dissent, who tail to support, deciiue to
yield their opinions, or speak ilt the truth in
reference to the policy aud acts m Mr# LGvis.
The people houestlv believe that our Con
stitution confers ample powers upon the t u
federate Government, ll they are mistaken, I
and it can be shows mat changes are necessary '
they can and no doubt will cheerfully and !
promptly make the requisite modifications. I
but let any power, no matter what, attack the ;
reserved rights of the people ami jjf me S; .fits,
by arming their negro slavts, depriviu ; citi
zens of their property without compensation, ’
arresting and placing them in prison wit nout
due’process ot law, and prevent the sovereign
(States from exercising their reserved tight 1o ;
keep troops *in time of war and that power .
will bs resisted.
The Constitution provides the means and
the way lor making available in war the last *
man, and the last dollar’s worth 01 porperty ■
in the Confederate States. It guarantees, at j
the same time, equality, justice, and certain
reserved rights to the peo.de and to the States. |
It declares that-no law shall be passed by
Congress “impairing the right of property iu
negro slaves.” But Cougriss ha.- authorized
the arming aud organizing of the negroes.—
4m the negro slaves ; muster them as sol- j.
diere } organize them into armies ; tight t icm
in battles ; kill them by marches, sxposure
and fatigue ; give to the negro the highest
right of an individual citizen iu any civil-
If'',' 1 dmm. W hi. own right’!
„and u. taki r -g the of follow m n.—
m u-gro fc-lavas 7 Vt> no -Vhy ? B< oaue»-
"uotl ing ii this act snail be /vostraea iso an*
• .a
by consent of m. owner; and of :9s oiates in
wh ch they may reside. But whether the re
lation between master and slave be altered or
not, by mu king soldier.- of she negroes, they
force the negroe.: into Ibe army without the 1
consent of the owners, and without the con
sent of the States or the people ; because the
act authorizes the President “u> call upon
each State for her quota of. three hundred
thousand troops in a ididon to those subject
to military servhe under existing law, irre
spective of color.” By “existing laws” the
white male population between .ieventeen and
silty years arc already in tho Confederate ser
vice. Tho new three hundred thousand sol
diers must be negroes ; biU the owners a&l
the States need not construe this into a change
in the relation of master and slave 1 They
are permitted to call them s-uves atili, as this
is a constitutional reserved rig a t !
Mr. Davis, his adherents, and-the administra
tion pres«, may rest assured tout tois war is
that of the people, Tue cause is tnat or the
people. They brought on this stiuggle iu de
fence of their own right*, i; id they Intend to
carry it on and wm their independence; and
with independence they are aluo determined to
have constitutional government,. Unequal and
illegal taxes ; arbitrary arrests and confine
ment of citizens in prison without due process
of law ; sen,;;a of private property tor public
use without just compensation ; systematic
and persistent refusal to pay debts admitted to
be due; neglecting to organize & Supreme
Court ; placing ail the white men of every
State capable of bearing aims, in C niederatc
service, the President appointing the ofiiceiw
thereof; forming a Confederate aimy of three
hundred thousand negroes, and permitting tire
owners and the States in which tbo negroes
formerly resided still to call them slaves—
these, and other kindred attempts and acts, are
creating dissensions and discontents, thereby
endangering the succors of our cause. Let th*
principal public servant, the President and
Cong, ess, change these tilings, or the people,
to save the country from ruin and destruction,
may he compelled to ,-peak their “ noveic.gtt
will,” whi his suprem .aw.
[From the Raleigh Standard j
FilOl'OfelTiOHN r«» P ii.il SS.
It is frequently asserted by Gov. Vance and
others, that every effort has been made by
President Davis to pave the way to uegotia
tions tor peace. It is stated, first, that the
Montgomery government gent Commiasione s
to Mr. Buchanan, and that he refused to treat
with them ; secondly, that a letter was written
with Mils view by President Davis to President
Lincoln, about rhe time of the first battle of
Manassas, and that the letter, entrusted to the
hands of. Gen. Bcott, . was never rep.ied to ;
and thirdly, linii Ah'. Davis made an effort <o
.1803, through \ ice President Stephens, to trea
lor peace Ijh li st and second statements.wc
dismiss as uaworu.yof serious consideration
Even if they nmoutiuni (o anything at the time,
tho mam tbmgh tic, wu. war, and the pom; t
feeling, now t.o dvep-seakd and wide 'spread in
both sections, was very memo.
But what of the tlard surtement ? ft is as
serted Hurt President I hit"* nuns-- utt effort, a
1803, thro gh Air. to > >eut fut peace..
Wo deny it. W-. i.-tVr -.'-.-low »a iuil the, letter
of Mr. Davis to Mr. futpheos on the occasiou
referred to : '
IvTCHMO-.0, July, 1863.
Hon A 11 Stephens, liuJivwnd, Vo.:
Sir: - ilavm. .woepv and y.,-ur pan iotic offer
lo proceed »r ;»i : i > Commissioner, und a
flag of truce, to »v i;...gio.e. vvu will receive
herewith your utu-i -. ■ inffomy to the Com
mander :n Cbi> , a y ..cl Navy Os ti e
United States.
-.his -.it'd ilia, Conrm&tHiO
in Ch<et ©« h- couLin;r,< ana and nav i
forces
ib ' ! will • ■ - im tle terms of the
letter tbai it ~- a,, woi.icaas to avoid any pu
litical difficult: fc iecepuon Intended
exclusively ■ « l tcoso c -ijauiuiiioauun.-i
between beinger ~.iiicn puuiie urw recog
uizes is ntx:essa»y aoti put ift mtweeu hostne
forces, gai,: n s be/:! taktir to give no pro
icxi for ren.su;.,, to !i-:c-„ive it on the ground
’that it would iuvovie a tucst recognition of the
independence of ttie C ufederacy.
i'our imssion i. shnpiy one ofhu ianity,
and has no political aspect. .
If objaction •• ; .and. to receiving'.your let
ter on the ground that it is uot * addressed to
Abraham Lait- .u. us President, instead oi
Commauder-m-vhief, Arc., then you wui pi\
sent the duplicate miter, which is addressed
to him, as President, and signed by as
President. To it da letter, ction may be
made on tire ground tuns i am not recognized
to be President ot tue Confederacy, iu tins
event, you vvdi decline.ap.y further attempt -.o'
confer on tho subject ol your mission, as
conierence is adiu. sable only on the looting
ot pertect equality.
My recent interviews with you have put
#ou so may in possession of my views that it
is scarcely necessary to give you any and . tailed
instructions, evt.n were I, at this moment, wml
enough to at;, mp; it.
My whoie purpose is, iu one word, to pmee
this war on the lootihg of.such as tue wag.d
by civil zed people in modern times, and io
divest it of the savage character which has
been impressed on i: by our enemies, iu spue
of. all our effort; and protests. tVar is iuii
enough of unavoidabie horrors, under ail irs
aspects, to justify, and even to ueur md, of any
Christian rulers who may be unhappily eu
gaged in carrying it on, to seek to rostiict its
calamities, anu to divest it of ali unnecessary
severities. You will endeavor to establish tlie
cartel-ioc.tifle exchange ot prisoners on such a
basis as to avoiu the constant diifieuities and
to prevent, for the future, what we and. cm the
unfaii conduct of our enemies iu rue dedvry
ot the pri.-oners who fall into their bauds; ru
retarding it by sending them on circuitous
ioiites, and by deiaiciug th. nr sometimes lor
uiomh:-, in camps aud price as, aud iu persist*
. "c ruts
i'miy.iitSf.nuon is also called to me unheard
oi cornel ret. of lYuoral officers in driving irom
their Tima A «*n-.>!«• comm = ■.nlties of w. men and
V. . * oi i eu, whom they hind in
die: vii-i'-H-wi-t-hloops, for no cthei
lVitsth) <-»-haa unlortunatos me
laltiiml h>- L: *: e' 1 ' M ' due to their States
and rJuise- an oath of tideritv to their
eueiuies.
The jpofjllug .«• death o. unarmed -prisoners
has betjn a ground ot just cuinplaint in more
than oae.-jmst uav, a. > me rei nt execution of
ol ..as.army in Kentucky,tor the sole
cause tfciu-..tfet-v »<:• eugag.di:; reorulubg
service winch is maimed as slid on
of the IJuite.#. km, but is also ciaunc-d bv u
as one of Goideder ae Slates, must be re
pressed -by retaliation i not uucondiucua ’
abandoned b us*, it would jobti'y ae .
execution-in every other State ot me Con... .
enifryj irud the pu.cvtv is parbaroiuu u.w;
‘ ly cruel, amycaa on ly lead to the siatmutei
prisoners am boin^siues—a result too bomb-.*
t.o coiuoppevte w..,mr.. miking an efiort ti>
avoid it. ■
On Yd kindred subjects vou wit* !
}joocsiyen-. -vour aa. hoi ity lull anu ample u* ;
L make-such -arr . rcam-ats as will temper tlie
i pu>eni‘W;u..->i ehc.. ...i.r oi the coldest, a..a tun
eo.nfiUtj;oe. is puic .1 u yoiii judgment, pa
ism « that.whri
•
care that tire yi.u gki m v •- •
be always j reserved.
' «!>.. . kjM-ji 1C i'Cvl
* .* J J^Vi * ’
There is no al.r e- p-ac- in U.w letter. |
On the contrary '■ v i -> !•- uisuactly informs j
•Mr. Stephens f'u-i :us t--« uc-b 'bus nopoiiti •
.cal sapect.” Iliv , t ;.O -.i v. i)-\ls is aU-j
war. and re ; . IE ; . » a-- an.e ro place j
“ib ■ v.u.r” t.u .1 ; one j
word ub -at p< • ib' : 'as a cars fairy, j
andihin :u:v i. vm -.re .. v. ccucd k. our inter- ,
pretatiou oi it
■ r ' il ‘ 0i • v U.b :• ■■■• Wy !
illiCa'ub.: v. M i4 ] iiSi.-ilvC OH
the siuij. c, ~ . , ’ : .;> ..... • ti om
Federal g 0.,. ... ■ lti di . v . ih-i w lt h :
unc'Jj. ■or jivvy t Ah. . at.we .-.re :
lOid ii Wys t ~v t 'c * l*c uid
hare got a he j., o rent !
avowed t Y . a an*
other in view. t Uo.u nai u*..ons in tiJC.: I
niercourse are as much bound to be candid as I
in-Jividuds. It a governor nt has au obje, t
in v .iu l H tire object be a good one, as oa
tins (..-.ase a, it can lose no t liing by avowina
it. Aas r pride we will not say wicked hu
man pride that kept Mr Davis from openly
ivow ,;g what ids object was ? W%s it s o fie
expected that the Federal government could ;
jc tucked iatc neg itiations V Again, Dr. J T. j
Leach, _ us this Stale, at ihe last session of Con j
grt.-ss, introduced resolutions looking to peace, !
which, if they had been adopted, would cer I
tainiy, in our opinion, have opened the wav to j
negotiations. But they were r-jeered by Mr.
Davis' friends, they would listen to no plan
which looked to the intervention of the sover
eign States, even in aid o: the common gov
ernment, to bring about negotiations. Mr,
Davis must make war, and Mr. Davis must
make peace in his own good time; aud in h 8
letter to Gov. Vance, or date January.B, 1804,
he emphatically says, “ this struggle must con
tinue un-i! the enemy is beaten out of his vain
confidence_iu our subjugation. Them, and not
tilt then, will it be possible to treat for peace,
fill then, aii tender of terms to t ;e enemy will
be received as proof that we ure ready far sub
mission and will encourage him in the atro
cious warfare which he is waging.” If this be
so, how can if be assumed that Mr. Davjs was
anxious to treat for peace through Mr. Ste
phens in July, 1563?
Gov. Vance agrees with Mr. Davis in this
view. Ho ho states in aii his speeches to the
people Indeed, the Governor, as the record
shows, dees net expect peace even through
Mr Davis ; for in ins letter to him of date oi
December JO, 1863, to which Mr Davis replied
on the BUi of January >s above stated, ho in
forms Mr Davis that the “effort to obtain
peace i& the principal matter’’—not peace it
self! He informs the Puisideut that our peo
ple are not supporting the government with
• •fUcieiit cordiality—that they are disc on
ented,” ami tqat something must bo done lo
:U ingikea their patriotism ami render them
inure loyal and hopeful. Mr. Davis lepiies,
icciiidng even to make the “effort” for peace,
a. and fils Gov Vance that tho war must go on
that any “effort" even to negotiate will be
“received that we are ready for sub
mission. Go- Vance says amen to all this,
goes to ihe army und exhorts the soldiers to
fight until a certain very hot place gets very
cdhd, and oomos home and tells sire people we
must "fight it out,” and tha< any ■effort’ to ne
gotiate save in the way pointed out by Mr. Du
i vis would be revolutionary and treasonable.
We differ radically on this subject with
j ('resident Davis and Gov. Vance We hold
! i bed, enough blood and enough treasure have
j been exhausted not only ro justify but to re
i quire an effort to negotiate. "Where therein
Ia will tmn i8 a way.” Pre.-ideut Davis and
j Gov. Vance are bom men of some menial re
! sources, and ii they really desired to consult,
jpeople as to the best mean; of stoppiug
i vos awful war, they could readily hit upon a
! mber oi piano which would neither b» revo '
no > ry or trea-oituble. even in the judgment
of !h> U' partiz-iii friends. Tiie lime must and
wiUcov ui when the war will cease. Is ltprob
.bi: that the tS. uth will*be stronger, and m a
!■ • r condition lb negotiate oh; year hence,
• -ix months hence than now? We think
not, Mr. Davis cos damns any and all “ten
• ■.* •! term:;” to tue enemy. No one has pro
posed that. Ihe “tender of terms” will take
eo ’he Commissioners to treat are ap
]-i -i*! and not before. What the peop e
■ Mitiiau aritns.tiee and eommisr-ioiteis to
I ti :-.it lor’peace. Ihe “ieims” wi.l then bo
i coJhfde.ed, aud not before.
It we of tue South expect just such a treaty
aim just such "leims’" us we desire, we shall
fii-d oursv-hyes mistaken, There must be mu
iua*. ooticoßsions and compromise, or the war
w 1 s•■ever no stepped, it fire people of the
: North expect juslomoh. a treaty and just such
. ", :ms’ ’■ us aiy desire, they wni fiud them -
j sotves mistaken Bosh sections must be wifi ug
| to “git o take.’’ No treaty was ever made
j <•& any otte r basis If he North could Con
or, r us the North might dictate the terms, aud
i l ie Bomb might do the game if she could con
•im i the k rin. But conquest By either T- im
;/■ ~üble. ; v r a ate alt Americans. Tice North
i iu - v overru-t ml hold us-down, aud tile Bout-h
i may hanasnand woriy out (Uo North , but in
! c .irer err™ ihe Binflfi would bo ruined, and
j toi-.. upi worn would come in and control and
! ui-.p.- or both. Wiry not make an earnest,
i 1 t;..tujuaus, persistent,, vigorous effort to treat
j • v, v ihiHis-mus upon ihousands o! our best
i Hi : ,; ar ;> al mi ry iu their graves, aud thousands
J l ■ vi ure crippled or maimed for life. Our
! finuitees at.- in a deplorable condition, all cur
! industrial ivio.mls are languishing, our Schools
) ai;- closed, many oi Our people are suffering tor
ii'ooa and cloiioug, tho iusntutiou ol’ slavery is
growing .weaker every day. arid it now requires
our oid men and boys, added tG our veteran
i troops, to keep the battle from our doors. This
j -h sober, sol. ma truth. •Shall we conceal the
truth fVt.-ia the people, or “prophesy unto*them
falriely- V’ Never. Let tue pen oi the states
man take the place oi tho sword.’ Let, us carry
t-ho olive bran h in one hand and the sword in
he other, and iet.us see to it by every means
m our power that som, thifig is dime to* top
the wa#.
If any among ua want snore war and no
pence, let t. in go and light; but ’et those who
■eel that the sword should not ‘devour forev
er,’’ and that the interests oi the country as
well as of iuimauily itself, require that the
war should Ln> closed as soon as possible on
lion.-n'abie terms, nay all they can, in all places
and m i-ii times, lo bring about negotiations
tor peace. “Biebsed lire the peacemakers,
fc: they sh. ii be called ihe Children ot God.’’
Wherefore ? Because He is a God-of peace.—
His “children" love peace, “it possible, be
at p-ace-with aH men ”. Is peace wnh
North impossible ? Purely, suruy not. Many
nations have hated' each other with as much
buteme- sas tue North nates the South, or the
South the North; but riiere came a time when
passion subsided, wtnn reason asserted hei
control, wuoi the counsels of good men and
u:u injunctions of the A.mighty were regarded,
and when peace spread ,ts mantle over them,
and over fields but lately reeking with their
commingled blood. i’>ght if you must —be at
peaoe, if you cau. This is our motto. It is
the sentiment of our people; and let no man
oe trusted v.iio will not trust the people on this
vital subject.
Don't TaYk to Him -‘ Tell me not of the
f. ocdcui of speech aud opinion; ol State Rights,
and ; l kindred nonsense, in times like these ”
This is the laogufige of a writer, signing
him:Y! “Carlow,” in 'the Macon Telegraph
and Confederate ot the l*th instr. During the
old revolution, the Congress, tho btaies and
the people kept the gwat principles oi oonsti
lutionai freedom- treedom oi speech and.
opiuioß, and the stronghold cl State ilighta
and sovereignly, and *ail ki .died non ease,”
constnntly in view . None cf these cardinal.
these vital prin ipies were set aside, disregard
*d in apied upon, or their sacred precincts
nv.uted. Such measures were notat any time
■ zed heocss&vy They were very properly
: :: -.rc! i by our iatuers as unnecessary aud
• ii_. was this safe Yule —the noble example
. Hi-e men in days that tried csen's souls
■o-. i -u Irom in this revoltuion ? It was
.1 n -cessary. It has done us no good. It was
unwise- It has done us the grcatt-si harm. It
•j retarded our success and wia ruin us un
iAt.- abandoned. Why is it persisted in ? Why
oes it find its advocates when the masses ot
tze people, including ti e wisest and best mrn
■a , ,e country, set- andacknow.edge the error
“ad me damage done by it ? VV lay does this
writer, in tins blustering »nd threatening mau
-o:. u* to frighton. every body into acqui-euce
.. the continuation <d the. measures thafehave
■ rougiit our present troubles iijh>u us T
: • writer tells us not to. taikwoihtm about
, ; incii'iio the maimenan^- of jWarqh
m in-.lie success desirable, aad witiu#t ydfick
wo emmet succeed; and the (iisiopard of which
a.cm. can bring taiiure upon V Itseepii»,to
r.s that l:.nd paiUsau rage and a sens less ad
....r:« eto tk;;ir masters very seutiusly zfioud
i.ic > .-iOi- ana blunt the intellect of many ner
sCas. —Macon Coi^ed&rqcy.
KYI.' a Hoi Bath Ixoeko.—-A pbot* 'woman
Ti *’■ *< i! - • being ordered by a physician
IO ■ < tier C did a Uo\ Oafft put a large kettle of
•.aim on the ii e. acd putting bar child into it
oe-r.n iu pile on iimi iiocialiy. A neignbor i
■.oming in,- sbeniy afterwards, asio. and in sur- J
pr;se*» i--.i jie w-j-i about, and on being told:
it'.' ue dec or had ordered a -hot bath, »he j
“c-stiicd uie iktie one from i-b unmicent peril, j
gave the mother some ’’needed infotma-|
[F* m the Macon Confed
A FEW WiOCUH HlCI.i,
ItEADIAU .M t. HlLU’is cE.itu
M SS tVA«
Mr. Editou : 1 nave just finished re,
this somewhat noted production of our “i
ing’ Senator. 1 should think he did not
poet this exhibition of liis scholarship, pi.
iriotism and gallantry to appear in print ; but
how could the “dear Miss Evans” withhold
from the public such a compliment to heiseff
lrom such a source ?
The Senator is “comfortable” in the belief
that by his “talking” he has been oi some
service to the people of the dear old State,
which he is proud to know gave her birth
and happy to feel gave him birth. Well may
| any State boast of the production of such
prodigies as these two most extraordinary
personages. It can detract nothing from the
merit of tne production of the one, or the
statesmanship of the other, that the vulgar
herd, consisting of nine-tenths of the people,
have scarcely heard that the dear Miss Evans
had written a novel, —much less read it —or
tha she was born in Georgia ; or that none
of them can point ont a singie measure for
the success of our cause or the relief of our
people, which has originated with the Senator.
But how can the ignorance of the people
on these points affect the great truth that
these two illustrious intellects were born in
Georgia ? In comparison with this proud
boast on the part of the dear old State, how
insignificant is the fact, that such men as
Jackson, Troup, Clarke, Crawford, Cobb,
Lumpkin, Stephens, Toombs, Johnson, Jen
kins and all that class of second rate intel
lects, were born in Georgia ! The communi
cation 1 o the world of the important fact of
the birth place of both these individuals was
quite sufficient to justify her in the publication
of the letter of the Senator,
‘ But let; us examine the compliment paid by
one of these truly great minds to theosher.—
A ter mentioning the harvest of good deeds,
kind wordß, and earnest fortitude, so rich, go
abundant aud so ripe, the Senator exclaims:
“I congratulate you, my dear Miss Evans,
that, with the truest strokes of the longest
blade, you are mo ving in tho richest of the
field Afi ! ftiy gifted happy friend : you are
bearing away sheaves that will make a feast
at which th; angels would glutton ! May
God spare you to your country, and free your
coun ry to you. ”
What grandeur in this language! We
scarcely know which to admire most : the
depth of patriotism and burning love of coun
try which prompted these grand conceptions,
the poetic thought, magnificence of idea, sub
limity oi sentiment, the elegance and finish
of the production, the softness and tender
ness of affection, or the Senatorial dignity,
so conspicuously displayed. Think of the
gifted and happy Miss Evans with that “long
est blade” of hers, striking the “truest
strokes,” (heavy !) and pil ng up rich shelves
lor the least; and then imagine the angels
spreading their gulden wings and gathering
around the “pile,” anxious to “glutton” !
Ain’t that grand? The country owes Miss
Evans a* debt of gratitude for giving publicity
to this chaste, beautiful and dignified produc
tion, which detracts nothing from the impor
tance which the world will never fafl to ac
cord her came and labors.
ihe letter also shows the great difficulties
with w ich great minds have to contend in
this teirible struggle. The patriotic Senator
fi|tls the more than patriotic novelist that the
“recr.ants”— <lie mean cowardly part of our
people- are as “two to the faithful one,” and
that the recreants will increase, while the
faithful will diminish. What a sad reflection
to the devoted patriot! They have to con
duct this great revolution to a successful issue
against ttic wishes and without the aid of over
two-thirds of our people who are mean cow
ards. Iu view of this Btate of public feeling,
well may the Senator exclaim : “Do avoid
conventions now as you would reconstruction,
for they mean the same thing, as now pro
posed-the first being the means, the second
the end.” Avoid conventions now—at a time
when the people afe so cowardly, mean and
corrupt.
How unpardonable in Gov. Brown to say,
he wiis not; afraid to trust the people iu
convention! Senator Hill and the dear Miss
Evans know the danger of trusting the peo
ple with the management of their own affairs.
The enatoi communicates it to her, and she
with praseworthy prudence conimunicates it
to the public. Those whtl are charged with
the management of the public interest of the.
people, should fully realize the virulence Os
the-‘upas poison” in the Governor’s message
—-‘.he trusting of the people,—the ignorant,
cowardly masses —with the consideration and
direction of their own affairs. This danger
ous hersey has cost the Senator a great deal
ot “talking,” and has no doubt cost Miss
Evans manv sleepless hours. Such cubages on
the part of Gov. Br .wn are unpardonable,
and do most justly bring upon his head the
merited sqorn and contempt of that gifted
class whoso duty it is to save the country with
out tho aid of over two-thirds of the people,
aud who wore born to the sublime but labor
ious task of thinking and acting for the peo
ple, who haae neither the courage nor the
patriotism to act for themselves,
Senator Hill and Miss Evans will no doubt
save the country by a timely exposure of the
Governor’s “upas poison,” and their names,
will descend to posterity embalmed in per
petual gratitude, while those of three or four
men iu this State -Gov. Brown, Vice Presi
dent Stephens and Gen. Toombs—who haye
administered this poison, must live in historic
infamy. ' Georoue
Testimony op the Enemy.— Many of the
enemies of Gov. Brown, and Mr. Ben Hill
among them have said, that the Governor’s
Message had encouraged the enemy and dis
cern aged our own troops but they have never
been able to sustain this charge by a single
fact Mr. Hill makes the assertion in his speech
at Lagrange, but Mr. Hill is in the habit of
making assertions without any foundation for
them to rest upon. We do not suppose that
Greely, or Seward or Lincoln are very reliable
witnesses when they testiiy against any of our
statesmen, but if they are good against Gov.
Brown as Mr. Hill seems to think, they are
also good aguiusi President Davis. In a late
number of the New Yoik Tribune, i.4 is stated
that it “President iifivis had been bribed to
wiit-e aMr -s ige on purpose to discourage the
rebels and to encourage the friends ot the
bo-ion every where, he-could uot have writ
ten anything better for that, purpose 'than hi?
kite special Message to Congress.” So the
1 tier:us ot the President had better keep Greely
out oi court test he may prove too notch.—
\\« have nt: sr seen anything from Greely
which proved that Gov Brown bad given
them ajiv comtor, but all such assertions came
trorn sum. ot our own people. «
'Whtu a man is very anxious to testify
against anotuer, and what is called a swift
witness, it is right to examine into his charac
ter and motives. Mr Hill we believe is not
cons‘dere4 a very reliable politician He fre
quently firies, if.js said, to be on both sides of
itiipcn Unit questions, until he can disoaver
which s>de is most popu ar. x’lie people have
not yet forgotten his peculiar tactics on tlie
conscription law nor the scathing rebuke he
received in the Seriate from Mr. Yancey on that
sui'jecj;.; It appears, he dodged the question,
then Vahid ag nust it, and afterwards came
ffi-ie aqq.-ma4e a sree. h in tavor of conscrip
tion .Why was Mr. Hill absent, from the Sen
ate at most important orisis in our affairs,
when was to be taken on the suspension
of tiie habeas corpus act, on the bili to employ
negroes iui soldiers, and on the exemption bill?
Vi as he atraid to tafc* the responsibility of a
vote, or was it meje congsiyiLyp Jiis feeliDgs
jCjpake stump speeYhes in Georgia Against his
foi taer coiqpeUtpr au^.sueoessfst rival It Mr.
Hi.il tyajjJta, fiur'giony. he pertainiy . takes a
strange way tp.bifng. ii about, when he comes
to. Georgia to abuse arid villify her Governor
and all of those .who support him Mr. Hill
was chosen by the Legislature to represent the
State .of Georgia in the Confederate Senate;
but Instead ot doing his duty in the Senate,- he
deserts tbe St mite and comes to Georgia to rep
resent a small laction on the stump But in
anding this, he not only vented ..his spleen
ajfaiust Gov Brown, but he avoided recording
ms vote oa several important- questions —Mil
iedyeviUe Union.
A copras pond ent of the ilontgomry Mail makes a
suggestion, that all the liquor iu the city shomd
he collected at some place where it can be de
stroyed, in case the enemy should approach the
city.
iliU Ol Lulv
aubscriber w».
to continue it,,
easttwo weeki
We Cannotcnange ivldress of a subscriber uaiessitv
iives ua hisiormer weli as bis presentaddress.
Weekly Hates.— The price of the Wksk.lt Cheokicls
4 Sestissl issis doiiarsioi three months, twelve dollars for
six months.
Hags! Rags! ! Rags! !!—Thepnperirsakers'vant razs—
rags or cotton iiien,tlax, old rope, etc. 1h every village there
ought to be a rag merchant, who should buv every pound of
rags he can get trout ail the surrounding country. We would
like te hear front any who will undertake to buy rags to make
paper for the Chrcxicle dr entinel. On receipt
we will stateprice,etc..etc.
‘DOVF UlVsfi UP THR tsH P.’ J
The words whicu are our text to-day, were
once uttered iu circumstances of as t xtrerne
peril, as those which now threaten the Confed
erate States. Come aud let us reason together,
and see how yet we may save the ship and the
cargo, and the honor of the crew. We are not
so particular a&out the fate of some of her
officers. We have so often had the task of
exploding the air bubbles of the administra
tion party, that the task has lost all the charm
of nov-elty.
In the opening of the war, the President told
the Mayor of Atlanta, that the high seas would
swarm with Yankee p' ivateer3, who under tho
shelter of the Conlederate dag, would assail
the commerce of their own land. That did
not happen.
We were told that the plan ot Vice President
Stephens to buy all the cotton in the country
at eight cents a pound and send it to Europe
before the blockade was established—was use
less. That England and France would not
recoguiae a “ paper blockade,” and tuat the
armies and navies of Europe would fight our
battles, ail for love of King Cotton. That did
not happen.
We were told that Mr. Stephens’ idea that
taxation for the purpose ot keeping the cur
rency searte , and therefore valuable, was use
less—for the war would soon be over, the fac
tories of the North would be stilled aud the
operatives starve, the grass would grow iu the
streets of New York, and the President re-oc
eupy the pew he had retained in the Episcopal
church iu Washington city. That did not
happen.
We were told that Eagland and Fiance
would recognize and secure our indt pcudenco,
.upon our giving up our slaves within thirty
years by gradual emancipation. did not
happen.
We were told thatoEngland had recognized
the legality of the first election of Lincoln, but
would not the second The tact that “he was
President until his successor was elected aud
qualified,” and therefore held in right ol the
fi*st, if not of the second election. The fact
that no more Southern votes were given for
Lincoln in the first election than in the second,
and not so many. This was set aside and Eng
land & Cos. were to recognize us because the
South did not vote in tho election ! That did
not happen.
Then Richmond was to be saved with an
army of two hundred thousand negroes. Lee,
a good general but a moderate politician, was
tor it. Ignoring the fact that the Yankees
give freedom to tho negro soldier, freedom to
his wife and children, freedom to his posterity,
and rations to the w men aud children ; and
we would have to offer the same bribe to make
them fight. Ignoring the fact 'that a hundred
thousand slaves in arms ior freedom, might
very naturally march across the battle field
and take their freedom without fightiug. Ig
noring the fact that there are not enough guns
in all the arsenals, to arm tho two hundred
thousand negroes with—still Richmond was to
be saved by them. That did not happen.
Oh ye blind, following blind leaders so
long ! is it not the part of wisdom to try new
physicians ? For if no better than the old,
they may have better luck.
The great error of tho war has been con
densed into the insane cry, “ Don’t fight the
Government.” The Administration is not the
Government, for we have a Constitution which
even Presidents swear to obey. The real c-y
should have been, Don’t fight the People !
It is the people who lilt the army ; the peo
ple who pay taxes ; the people who live in
towns that are burned ; the people who voted
for secession ; the people who suffer ; the
people who feed and clothe the army ; the
people who are brave or despondent ; the
people who own the Government ; th > people
who die! Therefore, do not oppress the peo
ple, and do not fight the people ; but if any
power, King or Congress, oppress the people,
then fight that power, for it is fighting the life
of the revolution.
The next has been in over- doing our suc
cesses. When we win battles, we think we can
whip the world. When we loose, our clespon
dency is disgraceful.
After the defeat of Pope in Virginia, after
the defeat of Grant’s attempts at Chickasaw
Bayou and Yazoo Pass, and while the great
Peace Convention was gathering in Ohio—
then if Mr. Stephens bad been allowed to go tr
Washington city in his own way, we would
have had peace and independence. But Gen.
Lee. was ordered into Pennsylvania. The Peace
4
Congress adjourned. The frightened citizens
of the North thronged to the army of McClel
lan. The Washington government refused to
make peace with an army at its gates, and to
take terms at the point of the bayonet.. Mr
.Stephens returned without an interview, and
Gettysburg and Vicksburg completed the pic
ture.
If then there be b- pe left us, where is it ?
How may we yet succeed iu getting an bonora
blepeace? Let us grow wise m the light of
the past, and undo what wo have done wrong
If “there has not been an adult voluuteer”
since the passage .of the conscription ict, then
it is time we had some.
The Georgia Peace Resolutions of Hon.
Linton Stephens, are the only lights that we
can. follow with safety. The substance ia, to
offer peace to the United States alter each vic
tory, on the basis of the principles-of 1770.
Any peace which the people of*the States
willingly accept, is an honorable me ? s}.ud we
most rally our scattered squadrons fox. j\ fight
for peace If we either shamefully lay / down
our arms, or tight with no wisdom to gWde
‘us, no
Os reasonable hope,, the v'esult will he annihi
,lation“as a nation ; and perhaps the radical
demagogues of the North may even overthrow
"the wish of Lincoln to restore us as States, and
finally make territory of the domain, and con
fiscate the property of citizens. This we say
may be the fruit of a longer war on the same
mad theory that has strewn fbur years with
the garlands of a nation’s hopesVonly to wither
on the heaps of the bon.ea.of the two hundred"
.thousand dead.
We are not mined, but it will take the moat
skilful management to bring back the two
re army that President Davis says
erted their colors. It will take the
kindness and care of the meu. and pay
.king and entiie stoppage of all abuse, j
them to win more victories. It will take ;
victories—something like the defeat of j
m Virginia— to get us as good a peace as
ru.d have got them Therefore, we appeal to
war spirit of the country to arouse once
re, not to prolong the war I—God forbid !
*.-t to gain once more a position for peace.
What we fear is, that the army will break up
into guerilla bands, ani then our past expe
rience is a warning of our future. Tho prop
erty of the rich will be the spoil of L.e many
who have lost all they had, or never had any
thing ; and the irresponsible and unorganized
bands of men in uniform, will plunder from
all who have homes, or goods, or provisions,
from necessity—and will fight the enemy but
little, for that will be dangerous.
Remember that we may even yet save slave
ry. We may even yet teach England and
France that sending arms and the pauper mil
lions to the North to fight ua, is a debt we are
able to repay.
When we say we want aa honorable jieace,
we mean that the vote of the people wil 1
never dishouor themselves, aud that what
they vote to accept, be it what it may, will
be an honorable peace.
THE PROUREgg OF THE WAR.
While we confess that our thoughts are
turned on peace, and that jve believe that tho
people are ready to embrace any settlement
that will aave the South from dishonor and the
utter ruin of its material interests, yet the war
may be indefinitely prolonged until many
thousands more of our best and bravest are
slain iu the prime of their years aud in the
glory of their young manhood. The fall of
Richmond, however, will materially inilueuce
ihe fortunes of the fight, and will necessitate
a radical change in the plan of our military
operations.
There are two stages iu every war of inva
sion like the one which our enemies are now
waging agaiust us. The first is when the ex
terior line of detenctes is still intact and unbio
ken. The second when that outer barrier is
overleaped, and when the interior defences
which constitute the vital points of the body
•politic are vigorously assailed. The former
stage with us is now passed. If compelled to
evacuate Mobile, we shall then have been die
"lodged trom every position on the Atlantic
and Uulf coast of any strategic or commercial
value. Nor have these positions been tamely
yielded, but in the main they have been de
fended with a bravery hardly inferior to that
obstinate valor which has made Harlaim and
Rochelle memorable in tho annals of war.
They have nevertheless fallen in slow succes
sion ; and now, we repeat it, a sterner struggle
begins between the embattled sections. It
may be .brief, but it will be desperate ; it will
inevitably be both sharp and decisive, if mea
sures are not inaugurated to settle difficulties
by negotiation—a matter that can yet be done.
’lf the people permit the war to continue,
hereafter our armies will be divided, it -being
a pnysicai impossibility to subsist and transport
large armies with our circumscribed area, and
our railway system almost hopelessly destroy
ed. Our policy will be to harrass by sudden
attacks, rather than to seek hiß destruction in
pitched battles. All attempts to ' recapture
lortified towns will probably be abandoned)
aud consequently our chief cities will remain
in their posses don until the termination of the
war. Something akin to the guerilla fighting
of Spai” and Mexico will be adopted amongst
us, and despite its manifold evils and incon
veniences, it is now almost our only hope of
deliverance.
But again, if no settlement is made, we must
henceforth become thoroughly Belf sustaining.
Many important supplies have heretofore been
drawn from foreign countries. This of neces
sity will cease. No more blockade 6teamers
from the’Clyde. Nassau itself, the chief entre
pot of our contraband trade, will relapse into
its former insignificance as a victualling and
coaling station for British vessels, and a port
ifT safetv for ships of all nations when endan
gered by stress of weather. We must dispense
with foreign luxuries. Silks and calicoes are
to be numbered with the frilled caps and fur*
beiowed skirts of our venerable grandmothers
Coffee and tea, those genial beverages which
cheer but do not intoxicate, are to be looked
upon as impossible attainments. And without
further specification, we must be prepared—if
we conclude not to make peace—for severer
privations and sufferings than have yet been
dreamed of ffi our free and easy philosophy.
It is well to look these matters squartily in
the lace, for they pro not illusions ot the mind,
but sober, painful realities. Our heart trem
bles with apprehension of these coming evils,
and we would gladly seize any honorable op
portunity to save our country from this blight
ing curse.
We have not despaired of an adjustment
alike honorable to both sections, which shall
put a period to these woes, and bring order
and beauty out of this weltering chaos of
blood, which threatens to engulf the civiliza
tion of a continent, and we may add, the dear
est interests of universal humanity.
Has the Governor's Message cabbed oca
* hoots to Desert? — One of the most serious
charges made against the Governor’s Message;
aud the one most frequently reiterated, was
that it would cause our soldiers to desert.
Has it clone ho ? Will any of the Governor’s
worst enemies dare assert this ? On the con
trary ia those very papers which made that
charge, we have accounts from day to Hay and
from week- to week of the thousands and tens
of thousands of soldiers who had deserted or
straggled from their commands before the
message was written, returning to their duty,
thus giving the lie direct in their own columns
to their former assertions. Do they imagine
the people .will not notice this strange contra
diction ’k-yerdy those who assert falsehoods,
should hfiyb strong add accurate memories
We do not hear of any desertions now, nor
have there been any complaints about deser
tion since the message was written.
A Soldier’s Opinion— Annexed is an ex
tract from a letter written by a soldier in the
Seventh Missouri Artillery. He is an exchan
ged prisoner on his way to his comnQpd. The
letter is dated Washington, April 7. He says:
“My opinion in regard to matters is this.
“ Men who were the first for war, ought to be
“ the first on the field of battle to fight for
“ their homes and firesiiea."
The Virginia Legislature.—North Caro
lina papers state that aneffort is being made
to hold a session of the Virginia Legislature,
but that several days have elapsed since the
time appointed for the assembling and nothing
like a quorum can he obtained in either
branch.
■ our idea* as to
the pos - bilii v: i> : r.i us, and do not yet
think that ihe w rer f battle has decided
against our people to ;;n- « Cent of utter ruin.
True, l e pe’,ideal heavens are very dark, but
the <->e of hope can see openings iu the black
mantle of the sky, and through them, the
golden gales of honor that open to all willing
hands, and lead to tho paranise of peace.
Lincoln’s emancipation policy is the accident
and consequence of the war, but in no way its
oanse. He well knows if an honorable peace
is made, that he will have no lands and house*
to g.ve tho emancipated slaves. He know
from the experience of three years that the u«*.
gi o makes a poor soldier and a worse citizen
and we are satisfied that he would be g!adi>
excused the care aud maintenance of so expen
sive an elephant, as a few millions of free ne
groes.
We have much more to fear .from the crazy
negro soldier idea and the abolition press or
the South, than of the abolition hordes of the
North. Wet believe that it is yet possible :«
save slavery.' A portion of the North w< u u
ike to eee fte negroes free, but knowing fii u
they could not, and we would not, support
millions of free vagabonds, we tnink if a p< a •„
is soon made that they will let them alone.
True, we are not now in a good condition u«.
hope for the best of terms, but another vicio; \j
or even a tucceseful retreat, may better c-.. .-
Gondition-
Mr Buchanan, the old public functional y
who split his party and ruined his counit -..
wrote a message to Congress qtu Kansas ass m„
and in it put the words—“A majority ot u.
people of Kansas are undoubtedly in a state or
rebellion.” He sent for Hon. A. H. Stepheui
so read it before it was sent in, and Mr. bio
phens suggested that lie strike out the word .
quoted, as a majority could not be iu rebellion
as they had a right to govern. So we think,
and deny that the action of a majority can b.;
wrong, unless the action he in itself
Cons, que.itly, we lioid that the majority of tV
people of these States, or any State or State*
have a rinht to form and regulate their domestic
and foreign relations in their own way, svbjec
onlu to the written Constitution agreed upon I><j
themselves, and to the laws of God. *
This Government is theirs. The land ia
theirs. The waters are theirs. Tho Congiot-.a
and President are theirs ; the life, and blood,
and,treasure are theirs ; and they can have
peace on %j ten ns they choose to accept, ami
no dishonor.can attach to the free action of u
free people Therefore, as victorjumay again
crown our arms—and God grant that it he
soon—we should deliberate what terms on
interest will allow us to make and accept
With the use of' a little common sense, and a
littlp concession on both sides, the existing
war between tho North and the South can bo
settled honorably and satisfactorily to all.
Sheridan’s Escape. —The Richmond papers
state that the late escape of Sheridan’s raideis
is said to have been in consequence of Gen.
Longstreet not being able to procure pontoons
to bridge the Pamuukey river. Every order
was given and every effort made by Gen.
Longstreet to got the pontoons, but all failed.
That owing to the dilatoriness or negligence
of someone in Richmond the pontoons were
not sent up ia time, and the enemy escaped.
It is also stated tliqt the pontoons were in
the river near Oh Ilia's Bluff, aud not in Rich
mond. Whose negligence it was, it is not yet
ascertained, but that someone is being greatly
censured cannot be doubted. The Enquirer
says if ever there was au occasion for strict in
vestigation and summary punishment this it
that occasion. But the matter will probably
be hußhed up.
From the Coast,— From the Maeon Tele
graph we learn that some weeks ago Colonel
Clinch, of the Fourth Georgia Cavalry, and a
party of his men, dashed into Fort McAllister,
at Genesis Point, and captured the working
force of negroes- engaged in dismantling th,.
work. About forty were brought away, to .
gether with a number of horses. It will be re -
membered that this was ihe first point struck;
by Sherman on reaching the coast, and that iit
gave him a commanding base for subsequent
operations. The fleet opening fire on Colonel
Clinch and his paity, prevented the work from
being he Id had it been designed to do so.
Yankee Forces in the Vallev.— The report
that Hancock was moving up the Virginia
Valley, towards Stanton, with several thous
and men, is incorrect. There is but one Yan
kee regiment south of Martinsburg, and that
is posted at Kernston Our scouts report that
this regiment was last week making their pre
parations to remove to anew field of opera
tions.
- -W B~mm—
Southern Baptist Convention— Rev. P. H.
Mell, President of the Southern Baptist Con
vention, has published a card in which ha
states that owing to the movements of the
armies in the vicinity of Raleigh, the Qpnven
tioa will n°t meet in that city according to
adjournment. The body it is now announced
will meet in Macon on Friday before the second
Lord’s day in May.
The BiitL.ii Society of the Confederate
States.— lhe Third Anniversary of this Sooie
ty will be held in this city, on Wednesday
evening, the I9th April.
' The Annual Sermon will be delivered by
the Rev. W. T. Brantley, D. D. in the Green
Streot Baptist Church. Service will commence
at 7£ o’clock, P. JM.
From Last ’! ennksske. —The last advices
from East Tennessee represent Thomas’ army
to have been at Carter’s, twenty miles from
Bristol —but that he had fallen back to Green
ville. Gen. Echols, with a large force is
watching his movements.
From Mobile. —The Columbus Enquirer of
April 9, says, from a gentleman who left Mo
bile just a week ago yesterday we learn that
the Yankee force had made nc impression up
on our defences at Blikely and Spanish Fort,
and that the authorities were confident of our
ability to hold the city.
«
General Pickett. —We regret to learn that
this brave general was among the officers
killed in the bat tle just before Richmond was
evacuated.
Death of Gen. A. P. Hill.—lt is stated
that General A P. Hill was killed in the late
battle in Virginia..
A school has been opened at Marion, Perry
county, Ala., upder the supervision of the
Trustees of Howard College for the. benefit of
retired soldiers desirous of educating them
selves for future usefulness. The school is
sufficiently large to accommodate three hun
dred students, and as nothing*..is, ehqrgedfor,
tuition, we bespeak for this and ith
noble and beneficient Prdfes&nr a* popularity
rivalling that of the great Gfirard College o|
Philadelphia,