Newspaper Page Text
(he Finance Committee to provide by taxes for
tbe support of the government of tbe State for
the year 1866—was taken up by sections. The
whole morning was occupied on tbe bill with
out arriving at a vote.
SENATE.
Monday. February 19.
A bill was introduced to donate tbe lands
belonging to the State lying in tbe Okafecokee
swamp, as a permanent endowment to the
Orphan’s Home.
Bill to lake the Census of the State the
present year. Laid on tbe table for the pres -
ent.
Bill to make valid private contracts made
during the late war, and to allow to the same
an equitable construction. A substitute was
offered to this bill which was ordered to be
printed, and the bill and substitute was post
poned for the present.
Tbe annexed bills were lost : to regulate
and fix tbe charges of railroads In this State
to tbe charges allowed the Georgia Railroad;
o change the line between Fayette and Clan
ton; to compensate Ordinaries and Clerks for
tdministering the Amnesty Oath; to amend
a ction 3794 of the Code,
se'l'be annexed bills were passed: to amend
the Charter of the town of Georgetown, in
Quitman county ; to amend the Charter and
corporate laws of the city of Milledgeville as
to tbe mode of electing Aldermen; to author
ize the Inferior Court of Hcriven county to
levy an extra tax; to extend tbe time for tbe
issue of (reedmen’s rignt; to increase the per
diem per day of teachers of poor children; for
the relief of Martha Lester, of Fulton county;
to vest the State’s Reserve in the corporate
limits of Macon in the City of Macon; to re
peal Section 4413 of the Code—repeals the
law forbidding the carrving of conceded wea
pons; to incorporate the Romo Gas Light Com
pany; to incorporate the North Ammican Fire
Insurance Company of Atlanta, capital stock
$100,000; to incorporate tbe Wabatchee Min
ing Company; to regulate the sale of spirituous
liquors and to provide against the keeping of
disorderly houses; to change the line between
Upson and Crawford; to authorize tbe appoint
ment of Vendue masters in the several incor
porated towns of this State; to declare valid
all the acts of the civil officers of this State
whether such officers have been pardoned or
not; to amend section 3320 of the Code; to in
corporate the tov/n of Steadman, in the county
of Benton.
HOUSE.
Thursday, February 19.
The tax bill passed on Saturday was re
considered .
The annexed bills introduced ; relating to
vendue masters ; to incorporate the Carroll
Manufacturing Company ;to repeal sections
4433 and 4434 of the Code ; to allow the Infe
rior Courts of Green county to luvy and
collect an extra tax to build a bridge over
Oconee river ; a biil to incorporate the Little
River Mining Company ; to repeal the law,
prohibiting the marriage of first cousins ; to
inco porate the steam Cotton Mill in Colum
bia ; for tbe relief of.JVlilah Howard, of Pierce
county ; to allow Ordinaries to grant tempor
ary letters with a bond only for personal
property. •
The annexed resolutions were introduced :
that no new matter be introduced after 20th
instant ; that the committee on tbe Peniten
tiary report what repairs are necessary to put
the insitution in order ior the reception of
criminals ; for the relief of banks.
A motion was made to suspend tho rules to
take up the resolution for the relief of Banks.
The resolution, after some discussion, was lost.
MONDAY AFTERNOON SBBBION.
The annexed bills were passed : to authorize
the luterior Court of Camden county to regu
luto uud prescribe the rates of ferriage in said
county; to incorporate Konnesaw Mining Com
pany; for the relief cf Arthur Hutchinson of
Campbell county; constituting the town of
Cuthbert, Randolph county, a city; to author
ize the use, by John G. Park and others, of
tbe water power on the State’s Reserve at In
dian Springs; to change the time of holding
certain Superior Courts in the
cuit—it includes the courts in the counties of
F'loyd, Polk, PauldiDg and Campbell; to
change the lino- between Murray and Gordon
counties; to extend tbe corporate limits of the
city of Rome; to make valid certain acts of In
ferior Court of Polk county; to appoint a su
perintendent of roads and bridges in Wilkes
couuty; to extend tbe time for the completion
of the Coosa & Chattooga Railroad.
SENATE,
Tuesday, February 20.
Tho bill passed to regulate the sale by retail,
of spirituous liquors, and to provide against
the keeping of disorderly houses, was recon
sidered.
Tbe annexed bills were introduced: to in
corporate the North Georgia Mining & Manu
facturing Company; to incorporate the Geor
gia Lile & Accident Insurance Company of At
lanta.
Tbe annexed resolutions were introduced:
authorizing the Governor to audit and pay
certain claims of Seago, Palmer & Cos, against
the State; blbo a resolution in regard to certain
claims against tbe State for printing.
A resolution was agreed to authorizing the
Governor to draw his warrant on tho Treasury
in favor of the principal keeper for tbe amount
duo, as exhibited by the report of the principal
keeper thereof.
The annexed bills were passed; to incorpo
rate the Oostanaula steamboat Company; to
incorporate the town of Wrightsville in John
son county; to change the name of the Confede
rate Fire and Marine Insurance Company of
Atlanta to the F'ire and Marine Insurance
Company of Atlanta; to amend the charter ot
the Auraria Lloso Miuing Company; to incorpo
rate the Emp : ro State Manufacturing Company
of Newton county; to chango the time of hold
ing Superior Courts in Muscogee county; to
authorize the Interior Court of Bartow couuty
to issue bonds; to amend section 1954 of the
Code; to amend section 4613 of the Code: to
alter road laws of the State; for the relief of
F.. F. Homden and others; to deline certain acts
of trespass, and make the same penal.
Bill to require the several railroads of this
State to turnish separate cars for colored per
sons. Lost.
HOUSE.
Thursday, February 20.
So much of the action of tbe House as re
lates to tne incorporating of tbe North Geor
gia and Alabama Mining Company was recon
sidered.
So much of the action of tho House was
reconsidered as relates to the appointment ot
a superintendent of roads and bridges for
Wilkes county.
The tax “bill, being the special order, was
taken up aud after amendments was passed.
Additional PosT-Omcss Rs-crEusD in Geor
oia.—Special Agout A. L. Harris furnishes the
Savannah Republican with the annexed list
of Post-offices re-opened in Georgia.
Tine Log, Cass co, IV m Alien.
Cave Spring, Floyd co, S C Trout
Richtnoud Factory, Richmond co, D B Hack.
Hartwell, Hart co, F C Stephenson,
Tocmbsboro, Wilkinson co, C M Lindsay.
Crawlordville, Taliaferro co. Geo F Bristow.
Dahlonega, Lumpkin co. John T Faxon.
Big Shautee. Cobb co, Geo T Carrie.
Knoxville, Crawford co, Miss E W Torence.
Canton. Cherokee co, Wm Dowdy.
Cosset a, Chattahoocee co, Mrs SR Cobb.
| Monroe, Walton 00, James W Biker.
Woodstock, Cherokee co. Laura J Hardin.
Danielsville, Madison co, E S Cobb.
Lawrenceville, Gwinnet co, Jesse Murphy.
* Daubing. Wilkes co, Mrs F Danforth.
Doctor Town, Wayne co, D J Diilop.
Nashville. Berrien eo. Mrs S K Skenpard.
lrwinville, Irwin co, David J Ferris.
Camilla. Mitchell co, Lewis Stanley.
Abbeville. Wib-ox co, H L Davis.
House Creek, Irwin co, Simon Stanly
Griffin’s Mills, Lowndes co, Miss Harriet
Bird.
McDonough, Heniy co, Samuel E Dailey.
There are seven cotton factories in operation
in Texas.
A natural cave, one thousand feet to length
has been discovered under the Minnehaha
brewery in St. Louis.
Burham, the mock auctioneer of New
has been sentenced to the State prison for-two
years and six months for swindling a lady of
S2OOO
A youth ofsevett en was ‘‘damaged' by a in*
ry in Ohio, the other day, k to the tune of $3,000, j
for not keeping his promise with a maiden of i
forty-three. - *
ijjnmdi &
AUGUSTA, GA.
WEDSESDAVMOttSirn FEBRUARY 28.
Charge of Rates.
The Cheapest Weekly Is
sued in the- Country,
THE WEEKLY
Chronicle & Sentinel -
Is Issued every Wednesday. It will contain
all the latest markets, both foreign and domes
tic, as well as all the current news of the day
Subscriptions will be received at the annexed
rates:
One copy one year, $ fj
Three copies one year, 5
Five copies one year, 8
Ten copies one year, 15
Any larger number addressed to names of
subscribers $1 50 each. An EXTRA COPY
will be sent to any person who will get up a
club of ten names and forward the same.
These ra es makethe AUGUSTA
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL the
cheapest publication in the country.
DAY BREAK.
The recent veto of thff’iniscbievous bill which
passed both Houses of Congress, under the en
gineering of Sumner, Stevens, and their N. O.
B. coadjutors, and the subsequent support of
the veto by the Senate of the United States,
furnish tbe most unmistakable glimpse of a
brighter day for the country, which we have
had since the close of tho revolution. Issue is
now fairly joined between the rabid Republic
cans who up to this time have had full sway,
and Andrew Johnson together with such con
servative men as really love the Union and are
honestly seeking its restoration. If the radi
cals gracefully recede from ultraism, now that
they have been thwarted in a favorite measure,
aud accept tho reconstruction scheme on which
the President insists, they may retain his favor
and continue in power under his strong sup
port. But they are too much flushed with the
successes of the past, to succumb to the views
of a man who is “by birth, education, and
practice allied to slavery, and who joined the
Republican party for the sakool the spoils,” as
these complimentary gentry are pleased to af
firm of tho President. The strong probabil
ity is, that-'they will make a fight and retire
from tho contest only under stern compulsion.
We are glad at the present time that there is
a mau in the Presidential chair with a “back
bone.” In this quality, Andrew Johnson re
minds us more of his distinguished predecessor,
the first Andrew from Tennessee, than any man
who has filled the position, since tho hero of
New Orloans vacated the office. We have
wofuliy misapprehended his policy and his
pluck, if he quails before the most formidable
phalanx which the disunion party in Congress
can marshall against him. Ail honor, too, to
the eighteen who have had vhe manliness to
plant themselves against a measure fraught
with disaster to the freedmen, disquiet to our
white population, and continued agitation to
the whole country. May the coalition gather
strength until our unhappy land i3 relieved of
the fanatical disturbers who now revel in their
discard.
The obvious wisdom of the Southern people
is to strengthen the hands of our Northern
friends. Though unrepresented in Congress,
we can nevertheless do much to influence the
decisions to bo made on questions affecting
our vital interests. If we wish to thwart the
patriotic purposes of the President and his
conservative supporters; if we wish to promote
the continuance of military rule amongst us,
the suspension of the habeas corpus, and the
thousand vexations and perils springing from
the presence of negro troops; if we wish to see
our property trembling uuder sentence of con*,
fiscation;' if we wish to attract calamity to
every material interest—then let us gratify our
passions by tbo denunciations of the governs
ment; let us prate about what we intend to do
wban wo get into power; let us treat the freed
mien harshly; let us talk about the repudia*
tion of the national debt; let us in short
act and rpeak in such a way as we
shall bo taunting to the Northern masses,
and the suicidal work will be most effectually
accomplished. We shall thereby depress our
friends and erhilerate our enemies. We shall
neutralize any arguments which the former
may urge in onr behalf. We shall supply new
reasons to those who are seeking still further
to humble, and to oppress, and to harraes us.
If, on the other hand, we wish to alleviate, as
far as possible, the evils of subjugation ; if we
desire to be re-invested with the privilege of
self-government ; if we are anxious for the
return of order to a country now divided be
tween anarchy and a military despotism, let us
be loval; let us show what is true, viz; that
when brave men take an oath it is done in good
faith ; and however humiliating may be the
duty, they are determined to keep it ; let us
act as it the United States were our govern
ment ; that its constitution and laws shall re
ceive our honest support. Only in this way
can we overthrow the merciless cormorants,
who, under the guise of negrophilism would
visit onr land with a destruction compared
with which the depredations of the African lo
custs would be utterly insignificant. Only irr
this way can we fortify the hands of the Presi
dent in his noble efforts to stay the on rushing
tide of an unsparing fanaticism.
MsEcr is one of the highest attributes of the
Deity. It is the most distinguished characteristic
of His goodness. The human mind, unbiassed
bypartiztn prejudice, instinctively admire it.
Cateliae, the foul conspirator’s grave, was
strewn with fbweis— not for sympathy with his
crime, but for the cruelty exhibited towards
him by the Roman authorities. Humanity
never fails to make its impression on t! e minds
of men. Authority, when pushed to great ex
cess, like the bow over-bent, flies asunder.—
Even the greatest criminal, when too severely
dealt with, arouses public sympathy when the
heinousness of his crimes are lost in the sever
ity of punishment. Moderation and justice,
tempered with mercy, never fail to make
lasting reputation for those who occupy high
places. They are the only means by which
j governments concentrate public opinion and
: wield a united nation in behalf of the oommon
I good of the whole people.
Wendell PHiLLirs on a Rampage. —Wendell
Phillips is on a radical rampage through the
North, lecturing on of the Hour.”
The annexsd extracts show the tenor of the
whole address':
“Tbe campaign of Virginia was r fought
against the representative rebel Lee. The
present campaign is fought against Andrew
Johnson, who leads the hosts of the Confeder
acy. The question hag shifted from the
camp into tbe forum ;it has shifted from tbe
cannon into ideas ; and the great mdmentcus
discrimination needed to-day is, where the
party lines run.
® • ® We have crushed South Carolina,
and now the President means to crush Massa
chusetts. Well, we accept the war. It he
succeeds he shall write his name higher than
that of Burr or Arnold, for the treason which
they'attempted and failed in, he carried out,
we will write it side by side with them—the
traitor that tried and failed—if we win.’’
It is with shameful abuse and vile misrepre
sentations of this kind, that the radical lead
ers are endeavoring to keep awake sectional
Tueds and bitterness in the hearts of their de
luded followers against the South. Os course no
one who knows Phillips .expects to find him ac
cording in the least with law, order, or practical
humanity. He and his unwashed coadjutors
were in the heighth of their glory when the
late civil war raged the and when
brother slew brother in the fatal affray. Peace
appears to be a thing loathsome to their diseas
ed minds. Nothing but discord and slaughter
will satisfy the fanatical, freedom-Ehriekiug
crew.
To say that Phillips and these of his- stamp
are friends to the race over which they have
shed so many crocodile tears and uttered so
many hollow, hypocritical prayers—would be
uttering that which is incorrect iD every parti
cular. Little care this corrupt gang of
agitators for the negro, or for the coun
try either. Unprincipled to the highest degree,
selfish in tbe extreme, devoid of all patriotism,
with hearts filled with lust of power and hatred
towards all who dare oppose them—they still
seek to tear afresh the healing wounds of the
nation, and plunge again into another fearful
civil war this already blood-drenched land.
The only hope of our country is in the con
servative element. Radicalism both South and
North should be sternly rebuked. Every true
patriot should frown down all sectionalism.
Those who desire to see the political storm
now raging ’quieted, Bhould do all in their
power to suppoit the President and his policy.
He is endeavoring ’to preserve tho Constitu
tion—the great breakwater of the angry
torents of radicalism which are madly dashing
against it. Ho has proved himself worthy of
the undivided support of the conservatives of
the nation, and should have it.
Merit not Destiny. —lt is frequently said
that destiny regulates events. This idea owes
its origin to the fact that the cause of events is
not generally understood, The .defeat of Gen.
Scott, the great military chieftain, for the Pres
idency was not the result of accident or pre
ordained destiny, but of the train of thought
inculcated into the peoplo of the great Repub
lic. Partiality for men is not one ol*tke char
acteristics of the American nation. We are
devotees of principle. Here, as iu no other
country, the only solid foundation in public
favor is to be obtained by a strict adherence to
the right of the people, and an unfaltering devo
tion to free government. We have frequent
illustrations of the principle that the strength
of men doos not depend on tho brilliant per
formance in war, or eloquence on the rostrum;
none more forcible than that of the present
chief magielrate, who stands to dav, far above
all other men in tho affection and confidence
of the American people. No higher compli
ment could be paid to us as a nation, than the
fact that the power and influence of • military
glory has been lost In the intelligence of the
people. They, in their wisdom, are preparing
to immolate radicalism, which j has been the
chief source of evil to the Republic. Its bitte 1
fruits are too familiar to the peoplo to escape
their revenge. The radical element involved
the country in the late disastrous war. All of
its baneful effects are to be laid to their
charges. In the future the people will eschew
radicalism as the greatest evil. The people
have been purified by the late revolution, and
a great conservative party will riso up in the
country founded on the political ideas of the
present chief magistrate whichc ontrol the coun
try in future. Radicalism will be swept away
by the tide of public opinion, not again to be
revived until the horrors and woes of the late
war pars from the memory of the people.
Sbntimsnts o? President Johnson. —The
bearing of Andrew Johnson, as a Constitutional
President in ail his interviews with the numer
ous Committees, almost daily presenting them
selves at the White House, cannot, we think,
fail to convince the reading public of the high
qualities of thb man. Some points in his ad
dresses must prompt every one to believe that
his only wish is, while in public office, to main
tain the Constitution of his country, and to
serve, in the best manner Congress-will permit
him, the whole people of the United States'
of the President’s late remarks recall the
high-toned words of Washington, who in
a letter to Lafayette in 1781—the war being
over and the independence and unity, of the
country being secured—said:
“ Ism solacing myself with those tranquil
enjoyments of which the soldier who is ever in
pursuit of fame, the statesman whose watchful
days and sleepless nights are spent in devising
schemes to promote the welfare of his own,
perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this
globe was insufficient for us all. * « ®
Envious of none, I am determined to be
pleased with all.” .
His love.for the unity of the Government, and
for equal and exact justice among the people,
shows how deeply and profitably President
Johnson has studied the example of the Presi
dent of the Convention which framed the Con
stitution of the United States. If Congress
would borrow a little light from the seme high
example, and act in the same spirit, the effect
would be a blessed one for the peacß and pros
perity of the country.
Eeliif for the Basks.— We confess our sur
prise that any man in the Georgia Legislature,
claiming to be just, can withold his support
from some plan proposing reiief for the
stockholders of the State Banks. Tbs Gaver
.nor has strongly recommended a measure,
and the friends of just'ce most heartily con
cur. The Banks are unable to pay their y Is,
simply because the State borrowed their money
and then under a political necessity repudiated
the debt. Now, when the State has deprived
the Banks of the means of meeting their obli
gations, it .doubts, it would seem, the propriety
of affording any relief. The Stockholders by
the action of the State have lost all thsir in
vestments. If there is to be further loss it
ought to fall on the State. She took the assets
which belonged to the bill holders and used
them. Now it is no more than fair that the
innnocent Stockholders should be relieved,
and the innocent bill holders be paid—and ths~
State of Georgia who caused the existing con
dition of affairs, is in honor bound to exhonorate
the one and liquidate the claims of the other.
Address oi Hon, Alex. S. Stephens
BEFORE THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY CF THE STATE OF
GEORGIA, FEBRUARY, 22d, 1866.
Genthmen of the Senate
and Souse of Eepre-eniai'.ves
I appear before yon in answer to your call
This call, coming in the imposing form it does,
and under the circumstances it does, requires
a response from me. You have assigned to.
me a very high, a very honorable, and respon
sible position. This position yon know I did
not seek. Moat willingly would I have avoid
ed it; and nothing but an extraordinary sense
cf duty coaid have induced me to yield my
own disinclinations and aversions. to your
wishes and judgment in the matter. For this
unusual manifestation of esteem and confi
dence, I return you my profoundest acknowl
edgments of {gratitude. Os one thing only
can I give you any assurance, and that is, if I
shall be permitted to discharge the trusts
thereby imposed, they will be discharged with
a singleness of purpose to the public good.
The great object with me now, is to see a
restoration, if possible, of peace, prosperity,
and-Gonstitutional liberty in this cnco happy,
but now disturbed, agitated, and distracted
country. To this end, all my energies and
efforts to the extent of their powers, will be
devoted.
You aak mwziews on the existing state of
affairs; our duues at the present; and the pros
pects of the future? This is a task from which,
under ordinary circumstances, I might very
well shrink. He who ventures to speak, and
to give council and advice in times of peril, or
disaster, assumes no enviable position. Far ba
that rashness from me which sometimes prompts
the forward to rush in where angels might fear
to tread. In responding, therefore, briefly to
your inquiries, I feel, I trust, the full weight
and magnitude of the subject. It involves the
welfare ot millions now]!iving, and that of many
more millions who are to come after ue. lam
also fully impressed with the consciousness of
the inconceivably small effect of what I shall
a iy, upon the momentous results involved in
the subject itself.
It is with these feelings, I offer my mite of
council at your request. And in the outset ot
the undertaking, limited as it is- intended to
be, to a few general ideas only, well may I
imitate an illustrious example in invoking aid
from on High; “that I may say nothing on this
occasion which may cotnpromit, the honor, the
dignity, or best interests of my country.” I
mean specially the rights, honor, dignity, and
best interests of the people of Georgia. With
their sufferings, their losses, their misfortunes,
their bereavements, and their pr- sent utter
prostration, my heart is in deepest sympathy.
We have reached that point in our affairs,
at which the great question before us is —“To
be or not to be ? —and if to be ? How ? Hope,
ever springing in the human breast, prompts,
even under the greatest calamities and adver
sities, never to despair. Adversity is a severe
school, a terrible crucible ; both for indivi
duals and communities. We are now in this
school, this crucible, and should bear in mind
that it is never negative in its action. It is
always positive. It is ever decided in its ef
fects one way or the other. It either makers
better or worse. It either brings oat unknown
vices, or rouses dormaut virtues. In morals
its tendency is to make saints or reprobates—-in
politics to make heroes or desperadoes. The
first indication of its working for good, to
which hope looks anxiously, is tho manifesta
tion of a full consciousness of its nature and
extent, and the most promising grounds of
hope for possible good from our present
troubles, or of things with us getting better
instead of worse, is the evident general reali
zation, on the pait of our people, of their pre
sent stituation. Os the evils now upon them,
and of the greater ones still impending. These
it is not my put pose to exaggerate if I could,
that would be useless ; nor to lessen or ex
tenuate ; that would be worse than useless.
All fnlly understand and realize them. They
feel them. It is well they do.
Can these evils upon ns—the absence of
law’; the want of protection and security of
person and property, without which .civiliza
tion cannq£ —be removed ? or can
those greater*ones which threaten our very
political Jexistence, be averted ? These are
the questions.
It is true we have not the control of all the
remedies, even if these questions could bo
satisfactorily answered. Our fortunes aud
destiny are entirely in our own hands. Yet
there are some things that we may and can,
and ought, in my judgment do; from which no
harm can come ; and from which soma good
may followg in bettering our present condi
tion. States and communities, as well as
individuals, when they have done the best
tney can in view of surrounding circumstances,
with all the lights they have before them—let
results be what they may—can at least enjoy
the consolation—no small recompense that—
of having performed their duty, and of having
a conscience void of offence before j-od and
man. This, i! no more valuable result, will I
trust, attend the doing ot what I propose.
The first great duty, then, I would enjoin at
this time, is the exercise of the simple, though
difficult and trying, but nevertheless indispen
sable quality of patience. Patience requires
of those afflicted to bear and to suffer with
fortitude whatever ills may befall them. This
is 4 o ften, faud especially is it the case with
us now, essential for the ultimate removal by
any instrumentalities whatever. We are in
the condition of a man with a dislocated limb,
or a broken leg, and a v ery bad compound
fracture at that. How it became broken should
not be with him a question of so much impor
tance, as how it can be restored to health,
vigor and strength. This requires of him as
the highest duty to himself, to wait .quietly
and patiently in splints and bandages, until
nature resumes her active powers—uutil the
vital functions perform their office. The knit
ting of tbe bones and the granulation of the
flesh require time. Perfect quiet and repose
even under the severest pain, is necessary. It
will not do to make too great haste to do well.
An attempt to walk too soon will only make
the matter worse. We must or ought now,
therefore, in similar manner to discipline our
selves to the same or like degree of patience.
I know the anxiety and restlessness of the
popular mind to be fully on our feet again, to
walk abroad as we once did—to enjoy once
more the free out door air of Heaven, with the
perfect use of all cur limbs. I know how try
ing it is to be denied representation in Con
gress, while we are paying our proportion of
the taxes—how injurious it is to the general
interest and business of the country to be
without Post Offices and mail communications;
to say nothing ot divers other’ matters on the
long list of our present inconveniences and
privations. All these, however, we must pa
tiently bear and endure for a season. With
quiet and repose we may get well—may get
once more on onr feet again. One
certain, that bad humor, ill temper, exhibited
either in restlessness or grumbling, will not
hasienit.
Next to this, another great duty we owe to
ourselves is the exercise of a liberal spirit of
forbearance amongst ourselves.
The fi st step towards local or genera! bar
mony, is the banishment from our breasts of
every feeling and sentiment calculated to
stir the discords of the past. Nothing could
be more injurious or m’schieyous to the future
of this country, than the agitation at present,
of questions that divided the people anterior
to, or during the existence of ,4he late war.
Oa no occasion, and especially in the bestow
nunt of office, ought such differences of opin-
ion in the past, ever to be mentioned, either
for or against any one, otherwise equally en
titled to confidence. These ideas or senti
ments of other tim»6 and circumstances, are
not the germs from which hopeful organization
j can now arise. Let all differences of opinion,
j touching errors, or supposed errors, of the
i head or heart, on the part of any, in the past,
growing out of these matters, be at. once, in
the deep ocean of oblivion, forever buried -
Let there be no criminations or re criminations
on account ot acts of other days. To can
vassing of past conductor motives. Great
disasters are upon ns and the whole country,
and without enquiring how these originated,
or at whose door the fault should be laid, let
us now as common sharers of common mis
fortunes, on all occasions, counsel only as to
the best means, under the circumstances as
we find them, to secure the best ends towards
future amelioration. Good Government is
what we want. This should be the leading
desire and the controlling object with all ;
and I need not assure you, if this can be ob -
tamed, that oar desolated fields, our towns
and villages, and cities now in mins, will>ooa
—like the Phrosnix—rise again from ashes ;
aud all our waste places wiri again, at no dis
tant day, blossom as the rose.
This view should also be borne in mind, that
whatever diff.rencos of opinion existed b/fore
the late fury of the war, they sprung mainly
rom differences as »o the Wist means to be used
and the best line of policy to be pursued, to
secure the great controlling object ot all--
which was good Government. Whatever may
he said cf tbe loyalty of any, iu the late most,
lamentable conflict of arms, I think I mty ven
ture safely to say, that there was, on the part
of the great mass of the people of Georgia, r.nd
ot the entire South, no disloyalty to the princi
ples of the Constitution of the United States,
To that system of representative Government;
of delegated‘and limited powers; that establish
ment in anew phase, cn this contingent, of
ali the essentials of England’s Magna Charta
for the protection aud security of life, liberty
aud property; with the additional recognition
of the principle as a fundamental truth, that
all political power resides in the people, with
us it was simply a question as to where our
allegiance was due in the maintainence of these
principles—which authority was paramount in
the last resort—State or Federal.
As for myself. I can affirm that no sentiment
of disloyalty to these great principles of self
government, recognized and embodied in the
Constitution of the United States, ever beat
or throbbed in breast or heart of mine. To
their maintenance my whole soul was ever en*
listed, and to this end my whole life has here
tofore been devoted, and will continue to be
the rest of my days—God willing. In devo
tion to these principles, I yield to no man liv
ing. This much I can say for myself ; may 1
not say tbe same for you and for the great
mass of the peoplo of Georgia, and for the
great mass ot the people of the entire South ?
Whatever differences existed amongst us, arose
from differences as to-the best and surest means
of securing these great ends, which was the ob
ject of ail. It was with this view and this pur
pose Secession was tried. That has failed. In
stead of bettering our condition, instead of es
t.ibl!shiDg our liberties upon a surer founda
tion, we have, in the war that ensued, come
well nigh losing the whole of the rich inheri -
tanco with which we set out.
This is one of the Rad realizations of the
present. On this, too, we are but illustrating
the teachings of history, Wars, and civil
wars especially, always menac) liberty; they
seldom advance it; while they usually end in
its entire overthrow and destruction. Ours
stopped just short of such a catastrophe. Our
onl y alternative now is, either to give up all
hope of Constitutional liberty, or to retrace
our Bteps, and to look for its vindication and
maintaiaance in tbe forum of reason and
justice, instead of in the arena of arms; in the
Courts and halls of Legislation, instead of on
the fields of batiie.
lam frank and candid in telling you right
here, that our surest hopes, in my judgement,
to these ends, are in the restoration policy of
the President ot the United S ates. I have
little hope tor liberty—little hope for the suc
cess of the great American experiment of self
government—but in the SUCC3SB of tire present
efforts for the testoration of the States to their
former political relations in a common govern
ment, under, tho Constitution of tho United
States,
We are without an encouraging example on
this line in the history of tho mother country—
in the history of our ancestors from wbom
we derived, in a great measure, the principles
to which we are so much devoted. The truest
friends of liberty in England once, in 1642,
abandoned the forum of reason, and appealed,
as we did, to the sword, as the surest means,
in their judgement, of advancing their cause.
This was after they had made great progress,
under the lead of Coke, Hampden, Falkland
and others, in the advancement of liberal
principles. Many usurpations had been
checked; many of the preogatives of the
crown had been curtailed, the Petition of
Right had been sanctioned; ship-money had
been abandoned; court martial had been done
away with; Habeas Corpus had been re-estab
lished; High Courts of Commission and Star-
Chamber had been abolished; many- great
abuses of power bad been corrected, and oth
er reforms established. But not satisfied with
these, aud not satisfied with the peaceful work
ing of reason, to go on in its natural sphere,
the denial of tbe Sovereignty of the Crown
was pressed by the too silent reformers upon
Charles the First. All else he had yielded—
thie he would not. The sword was appealed
to settle the question; a civil war was th 3 re
sult; great valor and courage «were displayed
on both sides; men of eminen virtue aud pa
triotism fell iu the sanguinary and fratricidal
conflict; the King was deposed and executed; a
Commonwealth proclaimed.
But the er.d was the reduction of the people
of England to a worse state of oppression than
they had been in for centuries. They retraced
their steps. After nearly twenty years of ex
haustion and blood, and the loss of the greater
portioaaof the liberties eDjoyvd by them be
fore, they, by almost unanimous consent, call
ed for restoration, The restoration came.
Chailes th 9 Second ascended the throne, as
unlimited a monarch as ever ruled the emp’re.
Not a pledge was asked or a guarantee given,
touching the concessions of the Royal preroga
tive, that had been exacted and obtained from
his father.
The true friends of liberty, of reform and of
progress in government, bad become convin
ced that these were the .offspring of peace and
of enlightened reason, and not of passion nor
of arms. The House of Commons and the
H'Jbse of Lords were henceforth tho theatres
of their operations, and not the fields of New
berry or Marston-Moor. The result was, that
in less than thirty years, all their ancient
lights and privileges, which had been lost in
the civil war, with new securities, were re
established in the ever memorable settlement
of_l6oß ; which for all practical purposes may
be looked upon as a bloodless revolution.
Since that time, England has made still fur
ther and more signal strides in reform and
progress. But not one of these has been af-
footed by resort to arms. Catholic Emancipa
tion was carried in Parliament, after years
of argument aguint the most persistent oppo
sition. Reason and justice ultimately pro
vailed. So with the removal of the disability
of the Jews—so with the overthrow of the
Rotten Borough system—so with the exten
sion of franchise—so with the modification of
the Corn Raws, and restrictions on Commerce,
opening the way of the principles of Free
Trade —and so with all the other great reforms
by Parliament, which have so distinguished
English history for the iast half century.
May we not indulge hope, even in the alter
native before U3 now, from this great exam
ple of restoration, if all but do cs the friends
of liberty there died ? This is my hope, my
only ho ; .e. *lt is founded on the virtue, intel
ligence and pari ctism of the American people.
I have qpt lost my failh iu the people, or
in their capacity for self government. But
for these great essential qualities of human
nature, to be brought into active and efficient
exercise, for the fulfillment of patriotic hopes,
it is essential that the passions of the day
should subside, that the causes of these pas
sion should not now be discussed ; that the
embers of the late strife shall not be stirred.
Man by nature is ever prone to scan closely
the errors and defects of his fellow man—ever
ready to rail at the mote in his brother’s eye
without considering the beam that is in his own.
This should not be. We all have our motes or
beams. We are all frail; perfection is the
attribute of none. Prejudice or prejudgment
should be indulged towards none. Prejudice!
What wrong, what injuries, what mischief,
what axi table eonsequeness, have results
at all times from nothing but this perversity of
the intellect! Os ail the obstacles to the ad
vancement of truth and human progress, in
every department—in science, in art, in govern
ment. and in religion, in all ag a and c.aimes,
not one of list is more formidable, more diffi
cult to overcome and subdue, than this horrible
distortion of the moral as well as intellectual
faculties. It is a host of evil within itself. I
could enjoin no greate duly upon my coun
trymen now, North|and South, than the exercise
of that degree of foibearance which would
enable them to conquer their prejudlcss.
One of the highest exhibitions of the moral
sublime the worid ever witnessed, was that of
Daniel Webster, when in an open barouche in
the streets of Boston, he proclaimed in sub
stance, to a vast assembly of his constituents
—unwilling hearers—that “they had conquer
ed an uncongenial clime ; they had conquered
a sterile soil ; they had conquered the winds
and elements of the ocean ; they had coilquer
ed most of the elements of nature ; but they
must yet learn to conquer their prejudices!'’
I know ot no more fitting incident or scene in
the life of that wonderful man, “clarus et v:r
fortissimus,” for perpetuating the memory ot
the true greatness of his character on canvass
or in marble, than a representation of him as
he lljea a.nd there stood and spoke ! It was
an exhibition in moral grandeur surpassing
that of Aristides when he said, “Oh Athen
ians what Themistocles recommends wouid bo
greatly to vour interest, but it would be ur.
just ”!
I say to you, and if my voice could extend
throughout this vast country, over hill and
dale, over mountain and valley, to hovel,
hamlet and mansion, village, town aud city, j
would say, first of all, locking to restoration
ct peace, prosperity and harmony in this laud,
is the great duty of exorcising that degree of
forbearance which will enable them to conquer
the prejudices. Pr< judices against communi
ties as well of individu ils.
_ And next to mat, tne tnduigenco of a Chris
tian Epirit of charity. “ Judged not that ye
be not judged,” especially in matters growing
out of tbe late war. Most of the wars that
have ecturged the world, even in tho Christian
era, have arisen on points of conscience, or
differences as to the surest way of salvation.
A strange to Heaven, is *it not ? How
much disgrace to the Church, and shame
to mankind, wtu'd have been avoided, if the
ejaculation of each breast had boon, at ari
times, as it Should have been.
“Let not this weak, unknowing hand,
Presume thy bolts to throw ;
And deal damnation round tho land,
On him I deem thy foe.”
How equally proper is it now, when tho
spirit of peace seems to be hovering over our
war stricken land, that in canvassing the con
dnet or motives of others duriDg the late con'
diet, this great truth should bo impressed up
on the minds of all:
“Who made the heart ? “lis He alone,
Decidedly, can try us ;
He knows each chord its various tone,
' Each spring, its various bias ;
Then at the balance, let’3 bo mute,
Wo never can adjust it ;
What’s done, we partly may compute,
But know not what’s resisted.”
Os ali the heaven descended virtues, that
elevate human nature, the highest, the sub -
limest, and the divinest is charity. By all
means, then, fail not to exercise aud cultivate
this soul-regenerating element of faden nature.
Let it be cultivated aud exercised not oniy
amongst ourselves and towards ourselves, on
all questions of motive or conduct touching
the late war, "but towards all mankind. Even
towards our enemies, if we have any, let tbe
aspiration of our hearts bo “Father, forgive
them ; they know not what they do.” 'The
exercise of patience, forbearance and charity,
therefore, are tbe three first duties I would at
this time enjoin—and of these three, “the
greatest is charity.’*
But to proceed. Another one of oar present
duties, is this ; we should accept tho issues of
the war, and abide by them iu good faith.
This, i feel fully persuaded, it is your purpose
to do, as well as that of your constituents.
The people of Georgia have iu Convention re
voked and annulled her Ordinance ot 1861,
which was intended to sever her from the
compact of the Union,of 1787. The Constitution
of the United States has been re-ordained as
the organic lav? ot our land. Whatever differ
ence of opinion heretofore existed as to where
our allegiance was due, during tho late state
of things, none for any practical purpose can
exist now. Whether Georgia, by the action
of her Convention of 1861, was ever rightfully
out of the Union or not, there can be no ques -
tiou that she is now in', so far sis depends upon
her will and deed. The whole United States,
therefore, is now without question our country,
to be cherished and defended as such, by alt
our hearts and by all our arms.
The Constitution of tho United States, and
the treaties and laws made in pursuance there
of, are now acknowledged to be the paramount
law of tills whoie country. Whoever, there
fore, is true to these principles as now recog
nized, is loyal as far as that term has any le
gitimate use or tores under our institutions.
This is the oniy kind of loyalty and the only
test of loyalty the Constitution itself requires.
In any other view, everything pertaining to
restoration, so far as regards the great body of
the people in at least eleven States ot the
Union, is but making a promise to the ear to
be broken to the hope. All, therefore, who
accept the issue of war In good faith, and
come up to tho Ust required by the Constitu
tion. are now loyal, however they have hereto
fore beeu.
But with this change comes anew order of
things. One of tho results of the war is a
total change in our whole internal polity.—
Our former social fabricating been entirely sub
verted. Like those convulsions in nature
which break up old incrustations, the war has
wrought anew epoch in our political existence.
Old things have passed away, and all things
among us in this respect are new.
The relation heretofore* under our old sys,
tem, existing between the African and Euro
pean races, no longer exists. Slavery, as it
was called, or the status of the black races
their subordination to the white, upon which
all our institutions rested, is abolished forever,
not only in Georgia, but throughout the limits
of the United States. This change should be,
received and accepted as an itrevocable fact.
It is a bootless question now to discuss,
whether the new system is better for both
races than the old one was or not. That may
be proper matter for the philosophic and
philanthropic historian, at some future time to
inquire into, after the new system shall have
been fuliy and fairly tried.
All changes of systems or proposed reforms,
are but experiments and problems to be solv
ed. Our system of self-government was an
experiment at first. Perhaps as a problem it
is not jet solved. Our present duty on this
subject is not with the past or the future. It
is with the present The wisest and the best
ofien err, in their judgments as to the probable
workings of any new system. Let us there
fore give this one a fair and just trial, without
prejudice, and with that earnestness of pur
pose which always looks hopefully to success.
It is an ethological problem, on the solution of
which depends not oniy the best interest of
both races, but it may be the existence of one
or the other, if not both.
This duty of giving this new system a fair
and just trial, will require of yen, as Legisla
tors of the land, great changed in our former
laws iu regard to this large class of population.
Wise and humane provisions should be made
for them. It is not for mo to go into detail.
Suffice it to say on this oocasion, that ample
protection should bo secured to them, so that
they may stand equal before the law in the
possession and the enjoyment of all rights of
person, liberty and property. Many
tions claim this at your hands. Among these
may be stated their fiielity in times past.
They cultivated your fields; ministered.U* your
personal wants and comforts, nursed and rear
ed your children; and even in the hour of dan
ger and peril, they were, in the main, true to
you and yours. To them we owe a debt of
gratitude, as well as acts of kindness, This
should also be done because they are poor,
untutored, uninformed; many of them helpless,
liable to be imposed upon, and need it. Leg
islation should ever look to the protection of
the weak against the strong.
Whatever may be said of the equality of
races, or their natural capacity to become
equal, no one can doubt that at this time the
race among U3 is not equal to the Caucasian
This inequality does not lessen the moral ob
ligations on th 9 part of the superior to the
inferior, it rather increases them. From him
who has much, more is requited than from
him who has little. The present generation of
them, it is true, is far above their savage pro
genitors, who were at first introduced into
this country, in general icteliigence, virtue
and moral culture. This shows capacity for
improvement. But in all the higher charac
teristics of mental development, they are still
very far below the European type. What
further advancement they may make, or to
what st ndard they may atta'D, un ler a differ
ent system of laws every way suitable and
wisely applicable to their changed condition,
time alooe can disclose. I speak of them as
we cow know them to be, having no longer the
protection of a master or legal guardian ; they
now need all the protection which the Bhield
of the law can give.
But above all, the protection should be se
cured, because it is right and just that it should
be, upon general principles. All governments
in their organic structure, as well as in their ad
ministration, should have this leading object in
view: the good of the governed. Protection and 1
security to all under its jurisdiction, should he
the chief end of every government. It is a mel
ancholy truth that while this should be the chief
end of all governments, most of them are used
only as instruments of power for the aggrandize
meut of the few, at the expense of, and by the
oppression of, the many. Such are not our ideas
of government,never have bten and never shouiu
be. Governments, according to our ideas, shou’d
look to the good of the whole, and not a party
only. “The greatest good to the greatest num
ber,” is a favorite dogma with some But you
know this was never my doctrine. Tiie great
est good by all, without detriment or injury to
any, is the true rule. Those governments oniy
are founded upon correct principles of reason
and justice, which look to the greatest attainable
advancement, improvement and progress, phys
ically, intellectually and morally, of all classes
and conditions within their righilul jurisdiction.
If our old system was not the best, or could not
have been made the best, for both races, in this
respect and upon this basis, it ought to have
been abolished. This was my view of that sys
tern while it lasted, and I repeat it now that it is
no more. In legislation, therefore, under the.
new system, you should look to the best inter-
ests of all classes'—their protection, security,
advancement and improvement, physically, in
tellectually and morally. All obstic'es, if there
be any, should be removed, which can possitdy
hinder or retard the improvement of the blacks
to the extent of their capacity. All p-oper aid
should be given to their own efforts. Channels
of education should be opened up to them.—
Schools, and the usual mean 1 of moral and in
tellectual training, should be encouraged amongst
them. This is the dictate of not only what is
right and proper, and just in itself, hut it is the
promptings of the highest considerations ot in
terest. It is difficult to conceive a greater evil
or curse than could beiall our country, stricken
and distressed as it now is, than for so large a
portion of its population, as this class will quite
probably constitute amongst us, hereafter, to be
reared in ignorance, depravity and v'cc. In
view of such a state of things, well might the
prudent, eves now, look to its abandonment.—
Let us not, however, indulge in such thoughts
of the future. Nor let us, without an effort, say
the system cannot be worked. Let uswiot,
standing still, hesitatingly ask, “Can there any
good thing come out of Nazareth V’ but let us
rather say, as Gamaliel did, “If this counsel or
this work be of men, it will eoine to naught, but
it it be of God ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply
ye be found even to fight against God.” The
most vexed questions of the age are social prob
lems. These we have her-toforc had but ’little
to do with ; we were relieved from them by our
peculiar institution. Emancipation of the blacks,
with its consequences, was ever considered by
me tvith much more interest as a social question,
one relating to the proper status of ihe different
elements ot society, and their relations towards
each other, looking to the best interest of all,
than in any other light. The pecuniary aspect
of it, the considerations of labor and capital, in a
politico-economic view, sunk into insignificance
in comparison to this. This problem, as one of
the results of the war, is now upon us, present
ing one of the most perplexing questions of the
sort that any people ever had to deal with. Let
us resolve to do the best we can with it, from all
the lights we have or can get from any quarter.
With this view, and in this connection, I take
the liberty of quoting for your consideration some
remarks even from the Reverend Henry Ward
Beecher. I met with them some months ago
while pondering on this subject, and was as
much struck as surprised with the drift of their
philosophy, coming from the source they did.—
I give them as I find them in the New York
Times, where they were reported. You may be
as much surprised at hearing such ideas trom
Mr. Beecher, as I was. But however much we
may differ from him on many questions, anil on
many questions connected with this subject, yet
all must admit him to rank amongst the master
spirits of the age. And no one perhaps has con
tributed more by the power of his pen and voice
in bringing about the present state of things,
than he has. Yet, nevertheless, I commend to
your serious consideration's pertinent to my
present object, what he was reported to have
said, as follows:
“In our laud and time facts and questions are
pressed upon us, which demand Christian settle
ment—settlement on this ground and doctrine:
We cannot escape the responsibility. Being
strong and powerful, we must nurse and help
and educate and foster the weak and poor and
ignorant. For my own part, I cannot see how
we shall escape the most terrible conflict of
classes, bye and bye, unless we are educated
into this doctrine of duty, on the part of the su
perior to the inferior. We are told by fanatical
individuals, that all men are equal. We know
better. They are not equal. A common broth
erhood teaches no such absurdity. A theory of
universal, physical likeness, is no more absurd
than this. Now as in all times, the strong go
to the top, the weak go to the bottom. It’s
natural, right, and can’t be helped. All branches
are not at the top of the tree, but the top docs not
despise the lower: nor do they all despise the
limb or the parent trunk ; and so with the body
politic, there must be classes. Some must be
at the top, and some must be at the bottom. It
is difficult to foresee and estimate the develop
ment of the power of classes in America. 'They
are simply inevitable. They are here now, anil
will be more. If they are friendly, living at
peace, loving and respecting and helping one
another, all will-bfrWell. But it they are selfish,
unchristian; if the old heathen feeling is to
reign, each extracting all he can from his neigh
bor, and caring nothing for him ; society will be
lined by classes as by seams—like batteries, each
firing broadside after broadside, the one upon
the other. If, on the other hand, the law of loVc
prevails, there will be no ill-will, no envy, no
disturbance. Does a child hate his father be
cause he is chief! because he is strong and wise 1
On the contrary, he grows with his father’s
growth, and strengthens with his strength. And
if in society there should be fifty grades of classes
all helping each othor, there will be no trouble,
but perfect satisfaction and content. ’This
Christian doctrine carried into practice, will easily
settle the most troublesome of all home present
questions;”
What he here said of the state of things where
he spoke in the State of New York, and the
fearful antagonism of classes there, is much
more applicable to us-. Here it is true, only no
great classes exist, or are likely to exist, but
these are deeply marked by distinctions bearing
the impress of nature. The one is now, beyond
all question, greatly superior to the other.—
These classes arc as distinct as races of men can
be. The one is of the highest type of humanity,
the other of the lowest. All that he says of the
duty of the superior, to protect, to aid, to en
courage, and to help the inferior, I fully and
cordially endorse and commend to you as quite
as applicable to us and our situation, as it was
to his auditors. Whether the doctrine, if carried
out and practiced, will settle ail these most
troublesome home questions with us as easily as
he seemed to think jt would the home questions
with those whom he was addressing, I will not
undertake to say. I have no hesitancy how-
ever, in saying that the general principles an
nounced by him are good. Let them be adopted
by us as far as practicable.' No harm can come
from it, much good may. Whether the great
barrier of races which the Creator has placed
between this, our inferior class and ourselves,
shall prevent a success of the experiment now
on trial, of a peaceful, happy and prosperous
community, composed of such elements and
sustaining present relations towards each other,
or even a further elevation on the part of the in
ferior, if they prove themselves fit for it, let the
future, under the dispensations of Providence,
decide. We have to deal with the present. Let
ns do our duty now, leaving results and ultimate
consequences—
To that “divinity which shapes our ends,
Rough hew them how we will.”
In all things on this subject as in all others, let
our guide be the admirable motto of our State.
Let our counsels be governed by Wisdom, cur
measures by Moderation, and our principles by
Justice.
So much for what I have to say on this occa*
sion, touching our present duties on this absorb
ing subject, and some of our duties in reference
to a restoration of peace, law and order; with
outwhich all must, sooner or later, end in utter
confusion, anarchy and despotism. I have, as
M said I should, only glanced at some general
idea-. ,
Now as to the future, and the prospect before
us ! On this branch of the subject 1 can add