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AUGUSTA, GA.
VVKDNEwOAY MOR.MSO. MARCH Vi-
TO. THE PUBLIC.
The connection of the undersigned wito the
Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel ccafes from this
date.
We would take this occasion to return our
hearty and sincere thanks for the generous
and liberal patronage given ns during our con
nection with the paper g and we trust our suc
cessors will be dealt with as liberally by the
public. N. S. Morse.
SALUTATOBY.
With this issue we assume the publication
and control of the Chronicle and Sentinel. We
purpose to make it a first class commercial and
newspaper. Arrangements are being
made to enlarge our Bheet and to improve its
typographical appearan’e. A little time is
required to accomplish this. In the mean
while, wo crave the indulgence of our friends
and palrons.
The general tone of the paper will be emi
nently conservative and conciliatory. Recog
nizing the great changes in ouf social relations
and industrial condition as the fixed and im
mutable results of the lato war, we shall en"
deavor to conform to them in views and policy.
We shall therefore urge upon our readers,a
cheerful compliance with the new obligations
Imposed upon us, and givoa strong and cordial
support to the present National Administration
with its noble head and chief, Andrew John
son.
The former patrons of the Chronicle and
Sentinel—those who were its friends when it
was “an acknowledged power in the State”
we hope will the ‘ old Chronicle” revived.
Wo shall endeavor to make it worthy of its
ancient prestigp, and worthily resume its old
positioq. as favorite and friend. Wo disclaim
all responsibility for the sins of (he past, aid
ask to be judged, by our conduct In the future.
To our brethren of tho press we offer our
friendly greetings. This is a now field of en
terprise to us. We entor the lists with no
foolings of envy or jealousy. It will be our
constant aim to establish and maintain kindly
relations with all. It will be our constant
endeavor to maintain and advance the dignity
and character of Southern journalism.
Henry Moors,
A. R. WniQUT,
Augusta, Ga., March 24, 1806,
THE DUTIES OF GEORGIANS TD GEORGIA,
States, no more than individuals, can have
things their own way. Like individuals, they
must tho necessities of their condi
tion and work out for themselves, undor.ProvK
deuce, the best results which circumstances
will allow. As ho is the wisest man who
promptly adapts himself to and shapes his ac
tions in accordance with his surroundings, so
that community or State which is guided by
the same rule of conduct, will bo most # likely
to repair tho errors ot the past, and secure
prosperity for tho future. Such we humbly
submit is tho manifest duty, as well as intorest
of the Southern States ;we venture to urge It
upon tho people of Georgia.
It iB needless to portray the present condition
ot Georgia ; to describe the surrounding cir
cumstances ; to depict her desolation ; to point
out the evidences of ruin that surround us on
all sides, in the prostration of our enterprises,
the destraction of cur labor system, and the
violence indicted upon our social otganization.
We are but too famtfiar with this picture. But
does It suggest no gfeat lesson 1 What la that
lesson 1 It is not a lesson of despondency and
apathy. That were to rob us of our manhood,
and destroy our energies. But it teaches the
necessity of industry, activity and economy.
Nor is there wanting encouragement to prompt
us to a hopeful effort at recuporation. Our
S£il is fertile aud varied, our climate salubri
ous, and our natural resources* ample for the
creatiou of boundless wealth. Then let every
true son of Georgia be proud of his State, and
resolve to lift her from her prostration and
start her again in the career of prosperity. L9t
each and all, wiD* singleness of purpose, con
tribute their talent and toil to the rebuilding
of her waste places and reviving her ohurohes,
her schools, academies and colleges.
Let us glanoe for a moment at some of the
social evils with which we are afflicted. Who
has not remarked the Vide-spread demorali
zation that obtains all over our country ! We
see it in the perpetration of crime; we see
it in the difficulty of executing the laws ;
we soe it in the profanity and intemperance
that shock propriety in almost every commu-<
uity. Does this suggest no duty to the true
patriot who is anxious for the honor and glory
of the Siate ? We appeal to every man, what
ever may be his calling or station in life,.to
lift up his eyes and behold what a broad field
'is ripe for the harvest. Is life or property
safe! 1 Consider the burglaries and robberies,
assassinations and bacchanalian riots that
daily aud uightly occur, iu town, city sflid coun
try ? Are these to be tolerated f Why slum
bers the sword of justice ? Why do the lawless
walk with impunity and as it were lord it over
the honest and peacable 1 Here is work to
bo done—work for every Georgian who loves
his State—work for brain and brawn. It
challenges the zeal of the christiau, the earnest
labor of the philanthropist, and the highest
wisdom of the statesman. Enforce the laws ;
puuish crime discountenance vice ; encourage
virtue ; inculcate obedience to the established'
authorities. This is the lesson which sounds
in our ears from day to day, enforced by the
urgent demands of interest.
Our condition is eminently the paront of
these reflections. We are denied practical
connection with the General Government: We
are regarded as traitors by the dominant power
of the North. We are under martial law with
of habeas-cerpus suspended. Hence we
bark upon^urselves—.upon our
own resources, and enjoy but little sympathy
from the rest of mankind. Ifcwe sink into
apathy we are undone’ former j ,j£ we falter
and quail before the storm, we shall be over
whelmed ; if we pause in our energies, then
the last Lope of recuperation will fade and die.
Let us then as Georgians rally and show th e
world that we can wield the gilts of God lor
our elevation and prosperity, despite the
frowns of resistless radicalism and the tyranny
of exactions levied upon us by a Congress in
which we are refused representation. If it
be the pleasure of. Congees* by its policy to
cast us off, we venture the prediction, that, if
true to we can do better without the
North than the North can without the South.,
Cars leaded in Louisville, Kentucky, are
now sent through to Atlanta without breaking
bulk. Thete are also through bills ot Height.
A bill establishing a home for disabled eol*
diers has passed both Houses of Congrees. and
is now before the President.
COLORED CONVENTION IN GEORGIA
The circular of R. T. Kent, Secretary of the
ConDcil, of the Bth inst., calling a meeting of
that body, takenin connection with the signifi
cant comment of the “ Loyal Georgian,’’ shows
clearly that the minors which reach us from
Washington, to the effec i that the radicals are
seeking to transfer the State Government of
the South from tbs white to the colored race,
is not witbont some foundation. Capt. Bryant,
it is true, disavows such a scheme, and asserts
that the object of calling the Council isfteiely
to take steps to secure “an agent in Washing
ton who should take charge of the interests of
the freedmen of the State ” # Capl. Brywt is
doubtless sincere, and is acting in
upon the lice which he suppose i will accom
plish the best results for the freedmen ; but
that he will find himself deceived, we venture
to predict. The circular of Kent, which evi
dently receives the sanction of Capt. Bryant, is
fraught with mischief, #d mischief only, how
ever well designed.
Why involve the colored people, at this crit
ical juncture of their history, in the turmoil and
excitement of politics ? Why bow among them
the seeds of discontent ? Why enlist them in
a career that is sure, in the end, to inaugurate
a war between tho races? Why stimulate
them to the vain effort to hasten and precipi
Ute events which man cannot control ? Bet
ter, far for the*present, to cultivate
the spirit of contentnlent and of
fidelity to their contracts for labor. Far better
point their thoughts and efforts to their Social
and domestic elevation, by engaging in enter
prises which look to tße education of their
children an<J the promotion of Christian mo
rality. Without this, even their freedom will
prove a curse. This is paramount. What is
representation worth to them in their present
condition of ignorance ? What would the bal
lot be worth ? Incapable of using it wißely and
discreetly, they would, perhaps, wield it to suit
the purposes of demagogues and to their own
injury as well as to the injury of society.
Besides, what need have they for an agent
in Washington ? Ua vs they not Sumner and
Chase and Wilson and Stevens, and a countless
throng of misguided friends, who seem to think
and talk and dream of nothing but tho welfare
ofcthe colored people? They havo these agents
—zealous, untiring and blataut. They ciamor
against negro taxation without representation,
but do actually disfranchise eleven States of
the Union by denying them all participation
in the Government. Are not such friends and
agents as these sufficient ?
These remurks are prompted by no unkind
feelings to the colored people. It is because
we wish them well that we thus speak. We
wish to see them happy, coateuted, industrious,
honest and faithful to their obligations. We
wish to see them advancing in all the elements
of Christian civilization. Let them become
enlisted in the arena of poises, aud thei
progress will be greatly retarded if not entirely
stopped. Let them became dissatisfied with
their condition, and induced to cherish the vain
and delusive hope of political and social equal
ity with the white race—let them do this, and
they will at once take leave of industry and
enterprise, and waste their energies in pursuit
ol a phantom.
If it is true, as Capt. Bryant says, that it is
not designed to secure representation in Congress,
we respectfully suggest that the accomplish
ment of his avowed purpose will be of no
earthly value to the colored race. Ia it ex
pected to send on a colored man as the agent ?
Hardly. We shrewdly suspect that, in the eqd,
this contribution of money will be convenient
ly pocketed by some white-skinned friend of
the dear negro, who, from the most philan
thropic and disinterested motives in the world,
will reluctantly oonsent to make the personal
sacrifice to reside ia Washington? as their cho
sen agent and friend.
But what good can either a white or black
agent accomplish ? Is not the President al
ready the just and enlightened friend of the
negro people ? Can such au agent, as it is pro -
posed to send, stimulate his zjal ?—can he ani
mate to greater exertions the Wilsons and
Sumners and Steven^?
We suggest again, that, however laudable
the design of Capt. Bryant, and however earn
estly he might desire to set meets and bounds
to the movement which possibly has its origin
in Washington, he will not be able to limit or
guide it. The excitemeat which it may en
gender will be as unmanageable as raging fire,
and like raging fire will consume, aud consume
only, leaving no bud, or bloom, or fruit in its
track.
Since writing the above, our attention has
been called to the letter of Capt. Bryant, of the
23d inst., to a city cotemporary, in which he
says that a Convention has been called “for
the transaction 'of important business,” and
that business, he tells us, “is to improve the
condition of a portion of her people” (negroes)
"and bj%o doing advance the interests of the
State.” Now we submit, that no probable or
possible action of such a Convention, in the
present condition of affairs, can accomplish
the object which Capt. Bryant says has prompt
ed tho call.
Are not the colored people of the State re
ceiving wages fully commensurate with the
services rendered? Are they not receiving
from the whites a due recognition of their
present rights and privileges Are not the
dealings of the superior race with these colored
people characterized by candor, kindness and
generosity f Are not the old, the halt, the
blind and infirm sheltered, protected, clothed
and fed by those who were lately their mas
ters ? Are not thousands of our own Christian
women already, ergaged in teaching these
ignorant people—both the young and adult—
iu their own houses, and inculcating daily the
formation aud practice of those great moral
qualities which alone, under Providence, can
make them respectable anti happy t We hesi
tate not to say that our people are, this day,
engaged in teaching ten times the number of
colored that are taught by all the agents
and teachers of t-e so-called “Christian and
Educational Societies” of tbe North. During
a resent trip in the country, we were gratified
to learn that in nearly every planter's family,
his wif«< or daughter, or some member of his
household, were engaged with commendable
zeal in teaching - the-e colored people the rudi
ments of learning, and stimulating them to
such efforts as will most speedily and effectu
ally secure their spiritual and temporal as well
as intellectual welfare.
Iu another portion of his remarkable letter,
Capt. Bryant says : "Our object is to elect a
Delegate to Congres;, or, more properly, an
Agent of the Association, who shall advocate
the cause of equal rights with the President,’’
Ac. To this we have already replied, thaf if
the object is merely to enlist the President in
the cause of the freedmen, their work is one o
supererogation. The President has repeatedly
shown, by his words and deeds, that he is no l
disposed to withhold from the colored people
any right? immunity, or privilege which will
increase their happiness, promote their tempo
ral*go od or elevate their moral or intellectual
status. His whole life shows him to have been
a consistent and reliable friend of their*race.—
Having himself been raised among them—
having known them well as Elaves, he can best
estimate their capacity to perform the duties
and enjoy the rights which have been conferred
upon them by emancipation.
Knowing, 03 he does, these facts as well as
we, does it not require the exercise of a con
siderable degree of charity not to feel that
Capt. Bryant is either deceived himself or is
endeavoring to deceive the people of the State,
both white and colored.
THE GREAT ISSUE.
The President is using all his power to re
store the Union, by extending to the Southern
States their constitutional righis of representa
tion in Con The Radicals are striving
to perpetuate disorganization and to reduce
the late Beceded States to the condition of
territories, not to be admitted into the Union
until they submit to amendments to the Con
stitution, subversive of the whole character of
our Government and degrading to the States.
This is the great issue. If the President c m
be sustained, there is for the future ;
if not, then Wick darkness settles forever upon
this great country. Momentous as is the issue,
and, deeply as we are concerned in the result,
wa can do but little, if anything more than we
have done, to aid the President. It is an issue
to be settled at?and by the North. We are
not allowed a voice in the contest. We have
done all. that has .been required of - ns by
the President—disbanded our armies—
submitted to tho constitution and laws
of the United States—abandoned * seces
sion—repudiated our war debt—abolish
ed slavery, and taken the oath of allegiance
and amnesty. What more can we do ? Nothing,
but give our countenance and approbation to
the President ; abstain from everything by
word or deed, that will furnish capital to the
radicals; cultivate patience, forbearance and
maguanisaity; and avoid whatever may Le cal
culated or may have a tendency to pfoducc sec
ional irritation. This is tho dictate of statesman
ship. The Press can do much to asstet in this
mode of pacification, by dissemenating truth
ful representations of the temper of our peo
ple and advocating that policy which under
lies thejprecept : “be wise as serpents, but
harmless as doves.’’ Nothing is to be gained
by recrimination. We best maintain oqr digni
tyguid preserve our self-respect, by permitting
the radical Press and politicians of the North
to enjoy all the luxury of abuse and vitupera
tion. When they revile let us not revile again.
Thus we shall be calm spectators of the gi
gantic struggle between the President and the
enemies of tho Union and the constitution:
and if can do but little to aid, we shall en
joy the consolation of not having embarfcesed
him.
ThK CONSTITUTIONAL Amendments. —lt will
be romembered that in the beginning of the
present session of Congress a flood of proposi
tions for the amendment of the Constitution
of tbe United States were poured into that
body, and that some three or four of them
were urged upon the members for immediate
action for the reason th"at there were twenty
two State Legislatures then in session which
could at once ratify them. It was at the same
time expected that a raiidoatiun by nineteen
States was all that was necessary, as it was
held that eleven States had no voice in the
matter, in consequence of gthe part they had
taken in the war. There seemed to be no
doubt iu tbe minds of the Congressmen as to
the action of most el the twenty-two State
Legislature then in session ; and there is no
doubt now that Jiad the proposed amendments
been ratified by Congress in time, and had
President Johnson proved himself the willing
tool of the radicals, the declaiation would
have been formally made by Congress that but*
nineteen States were necessary for a full rati
fication.
The proclamation by Seward and the con
servatism of the President, however, proved „
a serious obstacle to this (little programme ;
and now, in the fourth month or tho seesion,
we do not find a single one of the amendments
proposed in Congress yet passed. It is more
over quite improbable that any will be passed,
and the reason is obvious. It is too late fbr
the action of the twenty-two Legislatures, and
such Legislatures will never again be elected.
They consisted of men elected at tbe same
tinje and by the same voters, under the influ
ence of the same feelings which elected the
present radical Congrees, and wh'ch do not
represent the feelings and opinions of tho peo'
pie of the North at this time.
We are quite certain that the country ia saved
from any more constitutional amendments
the-radical Northern Legislature, by tho ex
isting Congress, to carry out any schemes of
aggression upon the rights of the South.
Coming to their Senses —Notwithstanding
the acts of the leading radicals in Congress,
and the commands tiny have given to their
followers to carry on tho war to the bitter end,
some of the papers which have heretofore been
ultra against the South appear lately to be
coming to their senses, and to talk a little
more rationally in regard to the present state
of affairs. The Toledo (Ohio) Blade is one of
these journals. In one of its articles upon the
existing relations between tbe North and
south, in which it takes thus a decided stand
against the sectionalism of its own party, it
says:
“ Thete are other considerations which have
contributed towards this feeling. After the
smoke of the contest was dissipated and the
heat of passion had cooled, it was discovered
that vengeance could not be visited upon the
Southern masses without inflicting as much
damage upon ourselves as upon them. The
North is interested in a speedy settlement of
the trouble. We cannot afford to keep up a
standing army large enough to keep them quiet
under mi.itary rule. We want tfie products of
their fislds to feed our manufactories, and our
manufacturers want that section as a market,
and we all want these States made productive
as eood as possible, that t-faey may assist us in
paying off the national debt, taking upon them ;
selves a part of the burden that now weighs so
heavily upon us.”
pur people should be patient and wait. If
a sense of justice does not compel the North
to do that which is right towards the South,
self-inteiest, sooner or later, will. In time'the
portion of the radical party
will drive their leaders to tbe wall for the
ake of their own pockets, if for no other con
sideration. Already this pressure in fa'voi of
the South is being felt. An# it will increase
as time progresses. The radical ship is being
fast driven to the ee shore by the very acts of
those who have command of her.
Mr. Stein, formerly of Lafayette, Indian
has been appointed P-stmaster at Salt Lake
City, Utah.
Five thousand dollars were collected at a
dedication of a splendid Baptist chufch in
Chicago lately.
ORIGIN AND OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH
There are clashing views as to the_ time
when the Sabbath origiaated. One class of
theologians makes the institution contem- ]
peraneous with the creation of man. They
find in the repose which the author of the
Pentateuch asserts that the Creator enjoyed
on this day as well as in the blessing, which was
pronounced upon it, sufficient grounds for the
'conclusion that the observance of the Sabbath
was ordained in Paradise, Other parties date
the beginning of the day from the promulga
tion of the law —nearly twenty-five hundred
yeateafter the creation of man. It is contend
ed that it could not have tfeeu ordained an
terior to this period; because in all the history
of the patriarchs and early periods of the
world, there is not the slightest mention of any
observance of the Sabbath—a silence alto
gether inexplicable in their view, on the hypo
thesis *which finds its origin at the close of
the first week of the creation.
It is not essential to our present purpose
that we take sides in this controversy. It is
more to our design to remark that men of all
religions practiced in our country concur in
the belief that rational beings should conse
crate a portion of tima to saeffd objects.
Natural ieligion, apart from„the teachings o f
revelation, is constantly uttering her voice in
favor of such a weekly vacation as the obser -
vance of the Sabbath implies. Cessation from
toil during one day ia seven is an abso
lute necessity for man and beast. The intel
lectual mau who this demand, and
who habitually tasks his powers to their ut
most extent‘during seven days of the week
ordinarily pays the penalty of his rashness
in premature prostration and decay. His
mind rebels against tho imposition practiced
upon.it, and refuses to perform its accustomed
functions. The working man who denies fflm
self physical repose at stated intervals will
soon be compelled to seek in the; rest of the
giave the relaxations which he had refused.
He who values a beast of burden will find the
dumb animal fitted, in the course of a year, to
render him more service by according the
rights, which in this respect the Divine law
giver prescribed even for, “cattle,” than by
insisting upon a toil which knows no inter
mission. Irrespective, therefore, of all moral
obligation there is an eminent fitness in sus
pending for one day of the week, those pur
suits,
which the energies of life aro taxed and ex
hausted.
We must not in this connection overlook the
fact that man’s nature disposes him to worship.
There is, we believe, nfl nation, -savage or civ
ilized, without some idoas of reifgious homage.
If they do not reverence the true God, they*
are rendering service to some creature of their
own imagination. Those who believe in a
God at all (and who, but thh fool, will say,
even in his heart. “There is no God” ?) con
cede at the same time that Ge ought to be
worshipped. And if so, there should be some
specific time assigned to this object. Man, it
.may be said, may worship his Maker everyday
of the week; and he is in fact offering this
worship when he is obedient to His authority.
But certainly tho service is of sufficient dignity
and importance to justify the designation of
time when it shall receive that con
sideration to which it"*is entitled. How reas
nnabitt ihat creatures should praise, their
Creator ; that recipients should bring grateful
tributes to a Benefactor ; that weakness should
implore the protection of Omnipotence, and
that ignorance should seek the “wisdom which
is from above.’’ And how altogether proper
that there should be a day marked for special
attention to such vital interests !
The work to which we nrfe summoned by the
powerful suggestions of natural religion, is
enjoined in that moral law which proceeded
from Him whose command must forever deter
mine every question of duty. His inspired
requisition on this subject has lost none of its
force by the lapse of ages. It is embodied in a
code whose sanctions are modified neither by
time, clipiate, country nor condition. Until
superseded by that rest of which the Sabbath is
ajtype, the obligation to remember the day
and to keep it holy mußt be recognized by all
who accept Divine revelation.
We plead for no Puritanical observance
of Sunday. Far from it. We believe that
the “Sabbath was made for man”—for his im
provement—for his profit—for his enjoyment.
If a man “falls into the ditch’’ we believe it
would ho right to help him cut, even on the
Sabbaih. If an ox or an ass need attention on
this day, it should be bestowed. But we be
lieve the due observance of the day does re
quire such a suspension of ordinary engage
ments as may not conflict with the demands of
humanity and benevolence, and such a regard
to tho purposes contemplated iu the Institution
as may contribute to the elevation and virtue
of the community.
The Impending Struggle.— All the signs in
dicate that the country is soon to witness
scenes of extraordinary political bitterness and
violence. Tne Radicals have no purpose of
yielding, without a life-aud-death struggle,
their disunion, revolutionary policy, and' the
party supremacy which they hope thereby
permanently to establish. They have resolved
to war upon the Administration with all their
power, and with the combined resources of
stratagem and open attack. They have suc
ceeded iu keeping their followers in hand,
better than was expected. Most of those who
have been accustomed to party fellowship
with them, Beem still disposed to obey their
direction. The Republican phalanx, as repre
sented ia Congress, is but little broken, and
the madmen are the captains.
It i# already understood that they purpose*
throught the Senate, to reject all important
nominations which the President may make ;
and to dispute his Tight to make removals any
more than appointments, without tho consent
of the Senate. This is to deprive the President
of the power of patronage, and to encourage
their adherents in office' to join in the war upon
him. All means calculated to inflame the
popular mind, are to be diligently employed.
Speeches are prinfed and sown broadcast.
Jhe “Reconstruction Committee” sends out at
brief intervale, batches of its so called evi
dence, made up of the tales of gangrened part
isans, disappointed place-hunters* and bad
men grown desperate because their day is pass
ing with the return of regular authority and
virtuous rule. Stories, such as these can pour
into desiring ears, are trigged with all the
adjuvants of sensation, and dispensed to the
country as the managers direct.
Truly these are troublesome times—and
though we hope for the best, yet “there is no
elling what a day will bring forth, <Br what
he end will be.”
A Cuban slave-trader from Africa has been
captured.. She had three hundred and seventy
five African negroes on board. They were
taken into Havana.
There are two hundred and twenty news
papers in Ohio, ot which twentjaare dallies.
A New Plan —A jointlreso'.ution is proposed
to be introduced into Congftsa, providing that
any Southern State shall be entitled to repre
sentation in that body, and be permitted to
resume practical relations with the United
States, whenever the said State, by its Legist
lature, or by a Convention, shall adopt certain
irrepealabke conditions, with the proviso that
ail constitutional provisions, laws, and etatutes
heretofore in force or held valid in the said
State, whereby or wherein any inequality of
civil or political rights is recognized or main
tained by Reason of, or founded upon, distinc
tions or differences of color, race, or descent,
upon condition, status of slavery,
or involuntary servitude, be declared abso
lutely null and void, and that no paypaent
shall ever be demanded by the said State, or
any portion thereof, of the United States, nor
be made by the said State, or any part thereof,
or by the United States, for or on account of
the emancipation of any slave or elaves, or for
or on account of any debt contracted cr incur
red in aid of the war, and that the following
described persons, having taken a leading part
n the late war, shall be excluded from the
right of suffrage or of holding office, namely :
Whoever, as a citizen or officer, member of the
Legislature or Convention of any Stato, has
voted for, signed, or advocated the passage of
iany ordinance of secession# whoever has sought
or peld any office of the Confederate govern
ment other than ministerial, or below the
grade of captain; whoever has voluntarily
loaned or donated any money or property to
the said govorument, or invested in its bonds ;
whoever, while an officer of tho United States,
has aided, counseled or encouraged any secea
sion from or war-egainst the. United States, or
left the service of the United States to take
part with the Confederacy.
Such a bill can be summed up In a few
words : - “No white man, who resided in the
South during the war, shall ever again become
a voter in tho United States.” That is just
what a bill like the above means: We do not
believe that such a "monstrosity” will over
receive the President’s signature, if passed. If
it does, we«re mistaken in the man.
Tub Georgia Immigration Company. —The
perplexing question of labor has been frequent
ly and at length discussed by us, in these
columns. In canvassing,the subject we en
deavored faithfully to present ,tho different
sides, as Been from different stand points, it
needs no argument to ostablish the fact, which
is as evident to tho minds of all, as the sun is
clear to oar eyes, that the freedmen, as a body,
are, as yet, indisposed to work, and lhat*those
agreeing so to do, are woefully unreliable and
troublesome. Under these circumstances
then, and in view of the necessities of the
time, it is absolutely essential that efforts
Bhculd be made to supply tho desideratum.
That effort ia now about to be made, and a
cdtnpany has been regularly organized in our
city, whose chief object is the supervision of
the question, and the accomplishment of the
end.
The organization to bo known as the Geor
gia Immigration Company, and to have for its
President Mr. J. Jefferson Thomas, a gentle
man of great agricultural and planting expe
rience. Associated with Mr. Thomas as direc
tors, are others, representing different counties
in the State, whose experience in the manage
ment of farming interests are equal to his -
Tlje Superintendent of thi3 Company will
in a few days, leave for New York, in
quest of laborers who, coming oft board emmi
grant ships, have not time to become tainted
with the poisoned predudices of the North.
They will consist of house servants, cooks,
gardeners, farmers, and mechanics.
Stockholders, as a matter of course will
have first choice, and the question of — wages
will be left entirely with the contracting par
ties. Stcckholderswillalso.be furnished at
cue half commission. A limited number of
shares can be had at the Companys office, 292
Broad street.
Taxes.— Gov- Pierpont, of Virginia, has just
returned to Richmond from Washington,
whither he had been for the purpose 6f urging
upon the Secretary of Treasury and Con
gress, the withdrawal of Commissioners now
engaged in collecting direct taxes in that State.
He went before tho Congressional Committee
on Finance and proposed that the State be
granted the privilege of paying the amount of
said Jpxes found due by tbe Secretary of tbe
Treasury, in one, two and three years, com
mencing January Ist, 1868. The Governor
nformed this committee that the people have
not the money wherewith to pay the tax in
question, and ho did rot know where they
could procure it. In his opinion it wonld take
more than half of the circulation of all tbe
National Banks in the State to pay the amount
due. At the close of tbe tfie people were
without money. At the last harvest they did
not reap more than a quarter of g crop. They
have not now more than half a crop in the
ground.
These facts containdn brief the i<ate of the
people of Georgia. A tax office has just been
opened in this city, and the payment of taxes
due, is required at once, otherwise the prop
erty of those failing to comply with the order
will be forfeit ed to the Government. This is
very hard upon onr people, and we earnestly
hope that Governor Jenkins and alljTmen hav
ing ary influence at the National Capital, will
exert the same to induce the authorities to
deal kindly with us. •
The Fcotch Guardsman Again. —The gossip
about Queen Victoria and the Scotch guards
man, Brown, is received. He was formerly a
so! t of out door body servant to Prince Albert,
and, indeed, bears a strong resemblance to the
Prince. -She so doats upon him that she keeps
him constantly near her per jon, at all her
palaces, and in all her journeys to and from
them. She consults her pet cn all subjects,
and takes hie advice so absolutely that the rest
ot the A)yal household have become very
jealous of him. The last story.is that she is
going to Knight him. Marry him she cannot,
for the law of the realm forbids-her to marry
one of her own subjects.
The New Orleans City Officers. —All the
New Orleans city officers were installed on thft
19th, except John T. Monroe, Mayor elect, and
J. 0. Nixon, Alderman elect, whose functions
have been temporarily suspended, as they
come within the exception to pardon made by
the President’s proclamation. N. J. Rosser
has been installed Mayor pro tern byoGeneral
Canby.
The. PapvisioNAL Governors.— President
Johnson’s message giving information to
Congress concerning the provisional governors,
&c , has been promptly put into type at the
Government printing office, and makes a
volume of two hundred and sixty pages, much
of which is in small tye. It embodies a mass
of valuable ioformatioif concerning the’South
ern States.
~ THE CIVIL RIGHTS’ BILL.
The following is the Civil Rights’ Bill as
passed by both Houses of Congress. ' It was to
be sent to the President for his signature on
Saturday :
Section 1. All persons bom in the United
States, and not subject to any foreign power,
exeeptiag Inaiaas not ! axed. are hereby de
clared to be of the United States, and
such citizens ore very race and color, without
regard to any previous condition of slavery or
involuntary servitude, except as a punishment
for crime, whereof the party fhan have beep
duly convicted, shall have the same right- in
every State and Territory to make and enforce
contracts, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold
and convey real and personal property, and to
the full and equal benefit of all laws and pro
ceedings lor the security of person and proper
ty, as is enjoyed by white citizens; and shall
be subject to like punishment, pains and pen
alties, and to none other, any law, statute,
ordinance, regulations or custom to tho con
trary notwithstanding.
Sec. 2. And that any person who, under
color of any law, statute or ordinance, regula
tion or custom, shall subject or causa to be
subjetted, any inhabitant of any State or Ter
ritory to the deprivation of any light secured
or protected by this act, or to punishment,
pains or penalties on account of such person
having at any time been held, in a condition of
slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a
punishment for crime whereof the party shall
have been duly couvicted, or of his
color or race, than is prescribed for tho pun
ishment of white persons, shall be deemed
guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction
shall be punished by fine not exceeding SI,OOO,
or imprisoned not exoeeding one yoaf. or noth,
in' the discretion of the Court.
Sec. 3. That the District Courts of the
United States, within their respective districts,
shall have, of the Courts o f the
several States, cognizance of all crimes and
offences committed against the provisions of
this act, and also concurrently with the Circuit
Courts of the United States of all causes, civil
and criminal, affecting persons who are denied
or cannot enforce, in the Cornts or Judicial
tribunals of the Stato or locality where they
may be, any of the rights secured to them by
the first section of this aot; and if any suit or
prosecution, civil or criminal, has been or shall
be commenced in any State Court against any
'such person for any cause whatsoever, civil or
military, or other person for aDy arrest or im
prisonment, trespasses or wrongs done or
committed by virtue or under color of authori
ty derived from this apt, or the act establishing
a Bureau for the relief ol lreedraen and refu
gees, aud all acts amendatory thoreof, of'for
refusing to do any act upon the ground that it
would be inconsistent with this act, such de
fendant 4hail have the right to remove tuch
cause for trial to the proper District or Circuit
Court in the manner prescribfft by the “act
relating to habeas corpus, and regulating judi
cial proceedings in certain cases,” appioved
March 3d, 1863, and all acts amendatory there
to. The jurisdiction in civil aDd criminal
matters hereby conferred on the District and
of the United State% shall be
exercised and enforced in confcimity with the
laws of the United States, so far as euch laws
are suitable to carry the same into effect; but
in all cases where such laws are not adapted to
the object, or, are . deficient in the provisions
necessary to furnish suitable remedies, and
punish offenses agaiu6t the laws, the common
law, as modified and changed by the Constitu
tion and statutes of the States, wherein the
Court having jurisdiction _of the cause, civ 1 or
criminal, is held, so far as the same is potppn
oonsisient with the Constitution and laws of
the - United States, shall be extended to and.
govern said Courts in tho trial and disposition
of such cause; and if of a criminal natvffe, in
the infliction of punishment on the party found
guilty.
Sec. 4. That tho District Attorneys,
Marshals and Deputy Marshals ol the United
States • the Commissioners appointed by the
Circuit and Territorial Courts of tho United
States, with powers of arresting, imprisoning
or bailing offenders against the laws of the
United States or the officers and agents of the
Freedmen’s Bureau, .and every other offic r
who may be specially empowered by the
President of the United States, 6hall be, aud
they are, hereby specially authorized and re
quired, at the expense of the United States, to
institute proceedings against all and every
person who shall violate the provisions of this
act, and cause him or them to bo arrested
and imprisoned, or bailed, as the case may be
for trial before such Court of the United States
or Territorial Courts as by this act has cogni
zance of the offense. And, with a view to af
fording reasonable protection to ail persons in
their constitutional rights of equality before
the law, without distinction of race or color # or
previous condition ol slavery or involuntary
servitude, except as a punishment for crime,
whereof tha,party shall havo been duly con
victed ; atrd to the prompt discharge of the
duties of this act, it shall be tho duty of the
Circuit Courts of the United States, and the
Superior Courts of the Territories of the Uni
taijStates, from time to time, to increase the
|9u>er of Commissioners so as to afford a
and convenient means for the arrest
and examination of persons charged with a
violation of this act.
Sec. 5 - That said Commissioners shall have
concurrent jurisdiction with the Judges of the
Circuit and District Courts of ihe United
States, andthe Judge3 of the Supreme Courts
of the Territories severally and collectively,
in term time and vacation ; upon satisfactory
proof-being made to issue warrants and pre
cepts for arresting and bringing before them
all offenders against the provisions of this act,
and on examinatton to discharge or aamit to
bailor commit them'for.trial, B3 the facts_may
warrant.
Sec. 6. And such commissioners are hereby
authorized and required to exercise *and dis
charge alt the powers aud duties; conferred
on them by this act, and the same dutic3 with
legard to offenses created by this act, as they
are authorized by law to exercise with regard
to other offenses against tbe laws of the United
States.' That it shall bo the duty of ail
Marshals and Deputy Marshals to obey and
execute all warrants and precepts issued
under the provisions of this act when to them
'directed ; and should aay Marshal *or Deputy
Marshal refuse to receive such warrant or
other process when ;tendered, or to use all
proper means diligently to execute the same,
he shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in the
sum of one thousand dollars, to tbe use of the
person upon whom the accused is alleged to
have committed the offense. And the better
to enable the said Comnressioners to execute
their duties faithfully and effectuallyj in con
formitv with the Constitution of the United
States and the of this act, they
are hereby authorized and empowered;
within their counties respectively, to
appoint, in writing under their bwn hands, one
or more suitable persons, from time to time,
to execute fill such warrants and other process
as may be iseued by them' in lawful perfor
mance of their respective duties-; aud the
persons so appointed to execdjfe any warrant
or process as aforesaid shall have authority to
call to their aid the bystanders or posse wmi
talus of the country, or such persons of tbe
land or naval forces of the United States, or
of the militia, as m»y be necessary to the per
formance of the duty with which they are
charged, and to insure a faithful observance of
the clause of the Constitution which prohibits
slavery, in conformity with the provisions of
this act ; and said warrants shall run and be
executed by said officers* any where in the State
or Territory within which they are issued.
Sec. 7. That any person who shall know
ingly and willfully obstruct, hinder or prevent
any officer or other person charged with tbe
execution of any warrant or process issued
under the provisions of this acts or any person
or persons lawfully assisting him or them, from
arresting any person for whose apprehenson
such warrant or process may have been issued,
or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, such per
son from the custody of the officer, other per
son or persons, or those lawfully’ assisting as
aforesaid, when so arrested, pursuint to the
authority herein given and declared, or shall
aid; abet or assist any person so f rrested as
aforesaid, directly or indirectly, to escape from
the custody of the officer, or othei*person legal
)y authorized a3 aforesaid, or shall harbor or
conceal any person for whose arrest a warrant
or process shall have been issued as aforesaid,
so as to prevent his discovery and arrest, after
notice or knowledge of the fact that a warrant
has been issued for tbe apprehension of Euch
person, shall, for either of said offensgp, be
pufej ict to a fino not exceeding oue thousand
(■liars and imprisonment not exceeding six
months, by indictment and conviction before
the District Court oi the United States for the
district in which said offense may have been
committed, or before the proper Court of crim
inal jurisdiction, if committed within anyone
of the organoid Territories of the United
States. .
Sec. 8. That the District Attorneys, the
Marshalls, their Deputies and the Clerks of the
said District and Ten itoriai Courts, shall be
paid for their services the like fees as may be
allowed to them foweimilar services in other
cases. And in all cases Where the proceedings
are before a Coimuissionerf ha shall be entitled
to a fee af $lO in full for his servic s in each
case, inclusive oi all services incident to such
arre.-t and examination. The person or persons
authorized to execute the process to be issued
by such Commissioners for the arrest of offend
ers against the provisions of this act, shall bo
entitled to a fee of $5 for ea h person he or
they may arrest and take before any such
missioher as aforesaid, with such ott-er fees as
may be deemed reasonable by such Commission
er for such other additional services as may bo
necessarily performed by him or them, such as
attending at tho examination, keeping the
prisoner in custody, and providing him with
food and lodging during his detention and un
til tho final determination of such Commission
er, and in general for performing such other
duties as may be required in the premises, such
fees to b : made up in conformity with the foes
usually charged by the officers of the eouris of
justice within the propter district or county, as
near as mTy be practicable, and paid ouf of the
Treasury of the United States on tho certificate
of tli9 Judgo of the district within which tho
arrest is made, and to be recoverable from the
defendant as part of the judgement in case of
conviction.
Sec. 9.' That whenever the President of the
United States shall have reason to believe that
offenses havo been or are likely to be commited
against the provisions of this act, within any
judicial district, it shall bo lawful for him ia
his discretion to direct the Judgo. Marshal nad
District Attorney of such district to attend at
such time as he may designate, for the purpose
of tho more speedy arrest and trial of persons
charged with a violation of this act. And it
shall be the duty of ever/Judge, or other of
ficer, when any such requisition shajl be receiv
ed by him, to attend at tho place and for the
time therein designated.
Sec. 10. That it shall be lawful for the
President of the United States, or such persons
as he may empower for that to em
ploy such part of the Dava' forces of the United
States, or of tho-miPtia, as shall l>9 npcossary
Jto prevent the violation and enforce the duo
execution of this act.
Sec. 11. That upon all questions of law
arising in any cause under the provisions of
this act, a final uppeal may be taken to tho
Supreme Court of the United States.
THE CONFEDERATE DEAD.
Many tributes of rospect, says the New York
News, have been paid,to tho memory of the
eotdiers who fell fighting for the Federal cause.
Their ashes have been gathered aod'entombed
with solemn ceremony in conceited ceme
teries, and above their graves the monumental
stone recites tho history of their deeds. Tbe
wants of their orphans and widows have been
supplied by the generous contributions of their
couutrymen. and the sorrow of bereavement
ba3 been soothed by the voices of the living,
uttering the language of praise and sympathy
for the fallen. This is most just and»com
mendable. It would be a sin against nature
to refuse tbe offerings due to the men who have
perished upon the fields of battle,, and it is a
labor of love and duty to keep the grass green
upon those graves, and the bloom lorever fresh
upon their laurels.
But the Confederate dead 1 Are they to be
forgotten and neglected ? Thousands of them
lie moulding whtre they fell, without a
stoneAo«fflSfrk their resting place, without a
sign to teff’the wayfarer that tho bones of
brave men repose beneath the dust, trampled
by feet uucouscious of the sacred attributes of
the placo. Hundreds of thousands ot our sor
rowing countrymen and women of th« South
know not where the remain# of their kindred
rest, or whether, indeed, the pulseless hearts
that were once warm with affection have even
the covering of the quiet sod in the eternal
sleep. - Yet those bereaved ones feel as keenly
as their conquerors the obligations that a
Christain sentiment owes to the man* 9f tho
departed ; but they are too poor to do tbe last
sad offices to their fallen kindred. They have
not even tho means to feed and clotpe their
living dependents, and in their desolate house
holds they weep for the dead without the
mournful privilege of knowing that they re
pose in hallowed ground.
Yet what they can, ‘they do to collect
those honored bones and consign thßm to re
pose in Christian burial. To show that the
sad mission has not been neglected, and is
promote its consummation by bringing the
subject to the consideration of all ivtio have
Soul enough to respect the ashes of the bravo
we publish the following touching appeal:
TUB CONFEDERATE DEAD.
The undersigned having been appointed a
Committee by a public meeting of the citizens
of Winchester (held in furtherance of the de
sign originated by Mrs. Philip Williams and
Mrs. A. H. Boyd) to measures to collect the re
mains of the honored dead of the late Urn fed-*
erate army, which repose in its vicinity ; and to
cause them to be re-interred in suitable ground,
to be provided and set apart for that purpose,
gladly accept the sacred trust committed to
them, and aappeal to those who sympathise in
the object, for such pecuniary aid as they may
be diposed to reader.
It is desirable to effect tliis object with the
least possible delay, so that the transference ot
the remains may be accomplished before the
heat of summer shall interpose to hinder their
removal; and this Committee Wi already in
stituted such inquiries as it» is Doped aud be
lieved will put them in possession of all the
information which can be bad to enable them
to proceed at once to the execution of the pur
pose contemplated by their appointment.
There is scarcely a Southern State'which will
not be represented, more or less largely, ia
(his proposed city of the heroic dead; and it is
intended to assign to each one of them a separ
ate and and stinct department in which the ashes
of its brave sons will repose side by side.
A record will also te pre3erved ia an endur
ing form of the names of tbe dead, as far as
they can be ascertained—the State whence
they came—the command to which they were
attached—and the time, place and manner of
their death; and where we have the informa
tion each grave will be provided with a head
board, on which the name of its occupant wiii
be inscribed.
To carry out this design in a manner corres
ponding net onlj with a becoming sense of
what is due to the memory of tho dead, but to
the sensibilities of surviving relatives and
friends, will involve a larger expenditure of
money than our own peodle, in their present
impoverished condition, could reasonably be
expected to supply. They, however, have done
and aie doing what they can, and we therefore
feel at liberty to ask that others, who may par
ticipate in the feelings and motives which have
prompted this labor of mingled gratitude and
love, will aid in its accomplishment by such
contributions as they may be able and willing
to make. But it is important that whatever
may be done in this way should be done
speedily. *
Any information which the friend i or rela
tives of deceased officers or soldiers may desire
to obtain as to the remains of those who fell in
battle, or who died at Winchester or in its
neighborhood, and which may to the
knowledge of. the undersigned, wiil be furn
ished by them on application by letter or oth
erwise.
The publishers of Southern papers, who may
approve the object of this appeal, would ren
der an acceptable service by either giving it a
place in their columns, or presenting the sub-,
ject to their readers in such form as may be
agreeable to them.
J. H. Sherrard, Chairman,'Wm. R Denny,
N. M. Cartmell, John Z. Jenkins, Chas. L. Crum’,
John J, Williams, Committee.
Winchester, Va., Feb, 22, 1866.
The billiard match fer the
between John Deery, of Washington, and
McDevitt, ot Indianapolis, was won by Deery
by 365 points.
There were at one time 700 churches in Mos
cow, but the Emperor Nicholas considered this
too many for a respectable oommunity, and
ordered 300 torn down,