Newspaper Page Text
Cjpnirle k Ifntinrl.
AUGUSTA, GA.,
WEDtEMDAV MORVIVti, MAY 9
CO!UI6 TO THEIR SEISES.
We are gratified to perceive that a portion
the Radicil Press are beginning to gee the
utter hopelessness of a farther protraction of
the struggle now pending between that party
and the President fora restoration of the Union.
Five months have elapsed since the assembling
of Congress, and, as yet, the leaders there are
oh much befogged about the situation ns they
were on the first day of the session. Ail that
they have as yet been able to agree upon has
been to oppose the direct, manly and constitu
tional course of the President, without offering
HDy plan of their own for an adjustment of the
difficulties.
Early in the session a star chamber commit
tee was appointed so devise and adopt a
scheme for the restoration of the Union, and
all the measures which have been introduced
into either braich of Congress have been sub
mitted to this committee, under the rule, with
outdebate. This star chamber junto have made
a great hullabe'loo in the newspapers—have
examined hundreds of witnesses for the avowed
purpose of ascertaining the state of the public
sentiment in the bonth, but really to show, by
on artful arrangement of the testimony of, pre
judiced in many cases, totally Ignorant wit
nesses, that the Southern people were still, in
their hearts, at war with the Government, and
anxious for its overthrow. No pains have
been spared to bring before the committee
te, timony which would give a show of reason
at least for the refusal of the Radicals to per
mit a restoration of the Southern States to their
ancient relations to the Government. For this
purpose men have l>een examined and their
testimony published to the world, who were
directly interested in preventing a reconstruc
tion of the Government —men whose official
positions and salaries would necessarily ht> ter
minated a.s soon as the matters in dispute are
terminated. Yet with all their interested wit
nesses, testifying in their behalf, the Northern
mind seems at last to be aroused to a cleurer
conception of tho situation, aQd begins to
evince a desire that these embarrassing ques
tions should be settled on some basis which,
while it contains security for the future, shall,
at the same time, not subject tho South to
terms, the acceptance of which would destroy
their interests and disgrace their manhood.
The recent elections in Connecticut, and in
Illinois and Indiana have, no doubt, aided
very considerably in producing this advancing
tendency towards justice aud fuir dealing, The
recent determination of the President to retain
iu official positions only those who agree with
his policy, has, no doubt, largely contributed
to bring the Radicals to their proper senses.
We l ave no doubt but that a large number of
persons at the North aud West who, five
mouths since, were disposed to adhere to the
lino of policy advised by Sumner and Stevens,
have become heartily tired of their constant
clamor tor negro rights aud negro privileges,
and begin to think that the interests of the
white people of this country demand some
recoguitiou and attention. <
. Another very pressing reason why the Radi
cals should not only come to some speedy
agreement as to the terms upon which the
South* ru States should be recognised as a
compoueut part of the Federal Union, but
that tiiis line should be speedily adopted, is the
fear that the Conservatives will be enabled,
through their wrangling aud disseutions, to
to carry the fall elections aud overthrow their
power. It Is the pressure of necessity which
just now seems to be preparing them for an
abatement of sorno of their extreme views.
That the Radicals are in a dilemma as to their
luture lino of policy is uppareut to the most
casual observer. The main point which they
must first secure, if they would win the race,
is an agreement among themselves upon the
issues which they make with tho President and
the Conservatives. There is great danger just
now that llieir party organization will be de.
etroy.vl by tile defection of those leading men
ot the North aud West who aided so largely in
bringing it into power, if they continue their
war upon the Administration. These men aud
their I r finds are to be conciliated and their
co-operation secured. This cau only be done
by a modification of some of their schemes and
a total abandonment of others. Among the
latter, (lie first aud most prominent measure is
that of universal suffrage. This they will he
compelled to give up. The masses of the
North cannot be brought to sustaiu them on
this issue. The indications already are unmis
takable of violent opposition throughout the
North and Woßt in the Radical ranks to this
destructive measure. The plan recently re
ported by a majority of tho Reconstruction
Committee does not promise to receive the sup
port of their party. The mutterings of dlscou
tent, l hough now kipt smothered by the force
of party drill, will surely break forth and as
sert their opposition and condemnation.
The following article, from the Auburn (N.
Y.) Advertiser and Union, shows clearly that
the Northern mind is not disposed to wait
much longer tho development of the Radical
programme. It also shows in a very clear aud
lucid manner the fallacy of -all the means, as
yet proposed by the Radicals, for a restoration
of the Union, and points out the great difficul
ties which will have to be met iu any plan of
adjustment which doee not recognize the rights
of the States, and the iuauhood of the Southern
people :
“Wo had occasion to state in our issue of
yesterday, that auy further indemnity tor the
expenses of the war than we have already
receivtd, is out of the question. Security for
the future is the subject now uppermost before
Congress and the country,
lu respect to this the first question which
arises is, whether Congress possess any power
whatever to exact from the late rebels any
security lor their future behavior. To consider
this aright, we must first settle in our minds
the precise status of the rebels as members of
their respective States, and whether there
exists any way of obtaining security from
them as individuals. So far as the paroled
soldiers are concerned, it seems to be admitted
that there is not. All other rebels might be
artested and put under recognizance
the peace, if it were not for the Amnesty Pro
clamation, which extends a pardon to some of
them. A few of their leaders are now under
arrest tor suspected complicity iu the assassi
nation of President Liucoln, and for treason,
and may yet be tried with the view to punish
ment. But iu looking over the whole sutject,
neither the President nor Oongtess havefouud
any leasable constitutional way to exact any
security from them th U they witl not rebel
again when opportunity oilers. So we dismiss
that idea from consideration as being o: no
practical account. No security will be, be
cause it cannot be, exacted of them as indi
viduals.
The uext question which arises is whether
auy security can be obtained from them in
tbeir collective capacity as members of their
respective States. And here we must consider
that these Statts are acknowledged and pro
claimed to be inside the Union under the Con
stitution, although some of their functions are
suspended by the peculiarity of their situation.
They are within the Union yet in certain re
spects. although out of their proper practical
relations to the Government. This being their
condition, is there any way in which the Feder
al Government can exact any formal guarantee
from these States that their inhabitants will
never again rebel? We suppose not. except
.through an amendment to the Constitution,
aud no such amendment would be likely to be
ratified by three-fourths of tho States. We
dismiss that idea aiso as one cf no practical
account.
This brings ns to the consideration of the
question whether any security can be exacted
by indirection as a logical resylt of any
practical line of policy towlrd them. It has
been suggested that since there appears to be
no way to exact security for future behavior
by direct means they shall be denied represen.
tation in Congress and in National Convctions
until they 60 amend their State Constitutions
as to declare the Union of States to be per
petual. Tnis idea seems to obtain favor with
these who are without faith iu those who have
been rebels.
Those who, like Judge Shellabarger, of
Ohio, continue to believe that the rebels have
lost ali right to participate in the Government,
and that “no good thing can come out of
Nazarettf," maintain another position, namely:
1. That the people of the Southern States
shall be excluded from representation in Con
gress and participation in political councils
until after the next Presidential election.
2. ’io exclude the entire Southern vote for
President and Vice-President, upon the pre
cedent established by Congress in the last elec
tion.
ii. If the Southern and Northern Democratic
vote together should elect a President, to be
prepared to resist that election.
Upon this the Democratic party of the coun
try have already taken issue with the apparent
hope of making it successful.
The point we are discussing is indirect secur
ity for the good behavior of the rebels in the
future. The question iB whether this line of
policy, if it shall be followed, will be likely, in
view of the issue already made upon it, to
secure it. We have seen no reason for believ
ing that it will. The key note to the probable
solution may be discovored in the testimony of
Alexander 11. Stephens, of Georgia. lie said
distinctly that the Southern people had com
plied with all the terms originally offered them
and all which Congress had the right to im
pose—that they would not accept others as
conditions precedent to admission into Con
gress. It is reasonably certain that they con
sider themselves withia the Union, and in prac”
tical relations to the Government which entitle
them to representation in Congress and in po
litical coDvetions.
It is reasonably certain that they will send
delegates to the next national nominating con
vention"', and that the Democratic nominating
convention will admit them. It iB reasonably
certain, moreover, that they will choose Elec
tors ot President and Vice President, and ask
to have them canvassed, and that if the elec
toral votes of Southern and Northern Democrats
together are enough to elect a President and
Vice-President,and they are not allowed, there
will be a political trouble of a very formidable
character. With Johnson for President at
that time, in command of the military forces,
it cannot be reasonably expected that the can
didates elected will or can be kept out of
office.
Wo are free to say that we cannot contem
plate such a contingency Without the deepest
concern. When we apply to this subject the
logic of our own observation and experince of
political campaigns iu by-gone years, wo are
obliged to conclude that such an experiment
will result in trouble, without any correspond
ing benefits to the party and couutry. We
fervently hope that such a contingency may be
avoided.’’
South Carolina Railroad.
I!y some mischance we were not until yes.
terday, in possession of the proceedings of the
annual Convention and reports of the officers
of this Company, with whose interests Au.
gusta has been so long and so closely dien
titied.
The South Carolina Railroad was commenced
in tho year 182!) : aud it is an interesting fact
in the history of railroad enterprise, that this
load was the first—so constructed as to be
wholly dependent upon and operated by lo
comotives. This w3B before their use was es
tablished in Great Britain, or known in the
United States. In accordance with the re
commendation of the Chief Engineer, Mr.
Horatio Allen, the track was built upon
pilings or upright stakes let into the ground
and held in position transversely by “cross -
beams, 1 ’ upon the cross beams were string
pieces fastened, and along these light bars
of li it iron wore laid.
The first engine used was a Horse Locomo
tive designed by Mr. C. E, Detmold, of Charles
ton. It was operated by a horse working on
an endless .chain platform, , and carried
twulve passengers, at a speed of about ten miles
per hour. In 1830 this gentleman made the
drawings of the first locomotive ever built in
the United States—from plans devised by Mr.
E. T. Miller, of Charleston. This engine was
built, we believe, in New Yoik—and put in
operation about the close of the year. The in
ventor gave it the uame of “ The Lest friend,”
It was a small four wheel engiue with an up
right boiler containing water flues closed at
the bottom.
The cars first used on this road were in the
shape of huge rice tierces, heavily handed with
iron, both within and without. In 1831, the
enterprise of the Company introduced to the
world the important arrangement ot two four
wffieel trucks, for passenger cars and locomo
tives, the invention of Mr. Horatio Allen, ot
New York, and substantially the same as now
used on all railroads the United States.
The subsequent history of the road is "best
illustrated by the following comparative state
ment of the transportation of cotton, grain and
flour :
Year. Bales Cotton. Barrels. Bush.
1844 186,638
1848 274,364 15.447 203,485
1855 443,554 80,463 817.762
1858 428,452 140,06!) 282,369
IS6O 314,619 23,216 36,179
The proceedings of the Convention, which
ate of generar interest, may be briefly summed
np as follows—granting tiie requisite authori
ty to fund the foreign debt, to unite in a com
man depot with connecting roads at Columbia,
and instructing the Direction to initiate such
measures a6 will accomplish an extension to
the State of Ohio by the shortest practicabl ■
route:
The elaborate report of President Magrath
discloses a paintul picture ot the havoc of war
iu the destruction of the line from Orangeburg
to Columbia, and so much of the line to Au
gusta as lies between the Edisto and Johnson’B
T. 0. Buildings, new and valuable tools and
machinery, with all the appliances of as com
plete a shop, just finished, as perhaps the
Southern country could exhibit-cross ties,
culverts, station-houses, water-tanks, and
rails burnt, twi-teJ, and bent into shapes baf
fling all eflorts at ‘ restoration—involving an
estimated loss to the Company of $1,629,-
114.64.
The foreign and domestic debt of the Com
pany. which has reached maturity, is stated at
S2,234,ooo—arrears of interest $495,799.47.
The plan proposed as the best method of
arranging for this, is to substitute new 20-year
5 per ceut bonds for the old—fund accrued in
terest iu the same manner, and to provide by
regular semi-annual payments out of earnings
for retiring the entire sum at maturity:
The whole of Mr. Magrath's report reveals a
management unobtrusive but energetic, under
excessive embarrassments from great losses,
social and political disorgamzation and press
ing demands ot public claims, and a sagacious
policy, which, whilo it made daily earnings
the efficient means, was yet able to meet with
ordinary promptness ali the reasonable de
mands of a business whose money vaiue was
two-thirds the value of the largest average of
past years, without having borrowed one del
lar.
Mr. Peake, the able Superintendent, sub
mits, in his eleventh annual report, the details
of tbe management which has resulted in the
restoration to use of tbe entire road, except
the short brarch to Camden,
The shipments of cotton over this road, for
the year ending Dec 31st, were as follows:
Bv Augusta road, 2,682 bales.
By Columbia road 32 854 baits.
Total . 35,536 bales
The shipments for the year ending 31st De
cember, 1860, were as follows:
From Augusta..*. 137,837
From Columbia 111,430
From Camden 25 491
Way Stations ’ ’ 39,801
Tota! 314,619
la chronicling the restoration of this road
as another link in “Reconstruction,’’ i£ is
pieasant to meet with the esteemed names of
Trenholm, Gourdin, Caldwell, Mitehel, and
others in the Direction. We are glad to learn
that those prompt and courteous gentlemen,
Messrs, 'Marley and Bolling, continue upon the
efficient staff of company officers, as agents at
Columbia and Augusta.
VV. J. Magrath has been unanimously elected
President of the company.
TBE USES 0Y THE CEYTKiL DIRECTORY.
The following arricle which we clip from the
editorial columns of the New York Times, of
the 30th Aptil, is indicative of the views which
the conservative Republicans take of the plan
for a reconstruction of the Union recently re
ported by a majority of the Central Directory.
We ventured, a few days since, the opinion
that the views of the Extremists in the national
Legislature did not meet the approval of the
Republican masses, and the comments of the
Northern press upon the recent report, goes
far to confirm us in that conviction. Even the
Thunderer of the ‘-Tribune” is displeased with
tbe result of the Committee’s labours. It is
true that Greely indicates that he is willing to
adopt the programme proposed, yet he is far
from being satisfied that it presents the proper
mode of adjustment. Indeed, in his paper of
the 30th ult., in noticing the action of the
Congressional junta, he distinctly asserts his
preference for a shorter and simpler plan. He
have “universal suffrage and universal
amnesty. 1 ’
We believe that the attempt to mark out a
line of policy for the adoption of the party in
power, will inevitably lead to dissensions and
disagreements among themselves, wnich will
in the end strengthen the friends of the Presi
dent. As long as mere opposition to the con
sistent and constitutional course of the Presi
dent was all that was Required, the leaders
found but little difficulty in agreeing among
themselves, and of controling their followers
It is very easy to oppose a measure or line of
policy, but it is quite a different, and at all
times a very difficult matter to inaugurate and
agree upon a better. This difficulty is just now
being telt by the enemies of the administration
and of the Government. We hope and believe
that through tbe dissensions of tbe Radical
leaders the good men of the North will be able
to defeat their plans and restore peace and har
mony to the country.
Well-informed persons at the national capital
express the opinion that although tne report
of tho Committee was concurred in by a large
proportion of its members—twelve being for
to three against it—yet that upon a call of the
Houses, the friends of the report will fail to
carry the measure prepared by the requisite
majorities. We shall watch with interest, and,
it must be confessed, some anxiety, the pro
gress of these measures iu tho two Houses of
our National Legislature. The Representatives
of the people have always heretofore been ex
tremely sensitive to the popular sentiment at
home, and in their action haveusually adjust
ed their course so as to catch the popular
breeze. We think that in the case before us,
like causes will produce like results.
Asa plan of pacification and reconstruction,
the whole thing is worse than a burlesque, it
might be 6tyled a farce, were the country not
in the midst ot a very serious drama. Its
proper designation would be “A plan to pro
long indefinitely the exclusion of the South
from Congress, by imposing conditions to
which tho Southern people never will submit.’’
Tin's boiDg tbe obvious scope aud tendency of
the proposition, we are bound to assume that
it clearly reflects the settled purpose of the
Committee. So that the Joint Committee ap
pointed nearly five months ago to take exclu
sive charge ol the question of reconstruction,
now offer as the result of all their labors what
would in fact render reconstruction forever
impossible.
There is an anomalous feature in the affair
as it stands, which of itself reveals the mon
strous nature of the pretensions set up by the
Committee. All the provisions of the proposed
amendment imply the adoption of the extreme
view in regard to the relation of the South to
the Union. We must begin by assuming that
what were States before the war are mere Ter
ritories now; or this attempt to dictate terms
as the condition of recognition becomes undis
guised usurpation. We must assume, in fact,
that the South is at this moment neither more
nor less than an aggregate of Territories, wait
ing for an admission as States, and from whose
people Congress may therefore require com
pliance with certain proposals. And yet the
amendment, on its face, declares the existence,
as States, of all the States recently in rebel
lion, and presupposes the exercise by their
several Legislatures of the highest constitu
tionai attribute of State sovereignty. They
have no right to representation ia Congress,
forsooth. They may not say yea or nay on
the most trivial questions that come before
Congress. Ihey are not permitted to enjoy a
particle of influence in matters affecting the
fiuance, the trade, the industry, the foreign re
lations of the country, or auy of its concerns,
great or small. These privileges they are de
nied on the pretence that they are , not within
the Union, and therefore have no right 10
recognition as parts of the Union. Neverthe
less, under the contemplated amendment, they
are treated as Sovereign States, whose ratifica
tion of the amendment is essential to its con
stitutional validity. They are to vote for or
against a change ia the Constitution of the
Union, of which, on the Radical hypothesis,
they arc not at present members ! Could ab
surdity go further ? Cuuld the folly of this
fanaticism be made more manifest ?
From the dilemma into which the Committee
have thus plunged there is no legal escape. If
the Southern States are In a condition by their
Legislatures to ratify or reject a constitutional
amendment, they must of necessity lie qualified
to send Senators and Representatives to Con
gress, subject only to the judgment of either
House as to the eligibility of the persons sent.
A State which may assist in the sovereign task
of moulding the Constitution under which Con
gress acts, may surely demand a voice ia what
the Constitution creates. The greater right
covers the lesser right, in this as in other cases.
On the other hand, if the Southern States are
not entitled to admission to Congress—if the
point be established, as the railroad doctors say
it is. that these are States no longer, but Terri
tories only, subject to the will of the con
queror—then it follows that .hey are not enti
tled to any lot or part ia the business of
amending the Constitution. Upon which horn
shall the “Central Directory" ba impaled ?
Shall we take it that this prodigious amend
ment— this mighty mouse brought forth by a
mountain after five months" parturition—does
not mean what it says when it speaks of the
States lately in rebellion, as States still, with
their sovereign functions unimpaired, though
for the time Uninterrupted ! Or shall we con
clude that the doctrine of State suicide is
abandoned, the doctrine of subjugation given
up, and the criminal blunder of which the
radicals have been guilty, in excluding tbe
South' trom Congress, at length confessed?
Let there be explicit answers epoa these heads
of the subject. As it at present appears, the
position of the committee is utterly untenable.
Aside from these points, the worthlessness
of the Committee's proposition is obvious. It
cannot by any possibility tffect anything. We
may confidently take it for granted that the
people of the Isoulh will never, under any cir
cumstances, acquiesce in their own disfran
chisement, for four years, in reference to all
that relates to the Federal Government. There
is room for difference of opinion on the gene
ral merits of the reconstruction problem ; on
this point there can be none. The South has
taken its stand on the ground of a common
citizenship, and it will never accept as the
price of Congressional representation that
which would be equivalent to an acknowledge
ment of four years’ serfdom, or inferiority, as
the penalty of rebellion. Nor should it be
asked to accede to terms of this nature. Pun
ish the rebel leaders, if necessary, by banish
ment or otherwise. Bat propose to punish a
whole people to suit the partisan convenience
of those who dictate the penalty, is an outrage
upon justice and common humanity. With ali
their errors and faults, the southern people
have shown that they are not cowards. They
will not belie their nature by writing them
selves down slaves, at the bidding of a com
mittee appointed to consider the question of re
construction.
If we would do anght to hasten the result
which all moderate man admit to be exceed -
ingly desirable, it is necessary without more
ado td discard the idea of constitutional
changes as the condition precedent of the read
mission of tho South to Congress. That is the
primary step toward reconstruction, practically
considered, and we should be prepared to take
it on the ground of existing rights, subject only
to the lawful test of individual fitness. To talk
of wholesale and almost indiscriminate punish l
ment as a preliminary measure—to call for
concessions implying the relation of suppliants
petitioning for favors, instead of citizens insist
ing upon their rights—to demand a coniession
of inferiority with one breath, while with an
other admitting the existence ot constitutional
equality—is to aggravate feelings already
much too bitter, and to multiply difficulties
which the Joint Committee have thu3 far vain
ly endeavored to overcome.
CHlilSTiiX POLITiCUYS.
An Israelite, of high character and position
in a neighboring State, remarked to us during
the late war, that the events then occurring in
this country constituted a stronger practical
argument against Christianity than any that
ever had been written. “Just think of it, sir,”
said he, “hero are two nations, both oi whom
acknowledge Jesus Christ as their Lord ; hun
dreds of thousands of their citizens profess to
be the disciples of the Prince of Peace. You
have churches, bibles, pulpits everywhere, and
yet the whole land is running with blood.
What is a religion worth which does not pre
vent its discip es from butchering each other?”
It was easy enough to urge the common ar
guments in repiy. There was no need in this
case to adduce the famous plea of Do Maistre,
showing the important place which war holds
in tho divine economy and in the progress of
civilization, for the objecior was familiar with
the history of his own people, and knew with
what exterminating swords they conquered their
inheritance in the beginning, and with what
uncatculating devotion and tragic sacrifice they
endeavored to save it in the end. In ail in
stances Providence overrules war ; iu many re
ligions, justifies it. and we could have referred
him to the brightest annals oi tbe Common
wealth and the Monarchy, to the names of
Joshua and Gideon, of David and the Macca
bes, to prove that a pious hero is not an anoma
ly. Again, it could have been said that when
a war is conducted by tho professors of a re
ligion upon principles which their faith con
demns, then the fault is plainly in them, and
not in their system. That would be a Btrange
principle which would lead one to reject the
right, because men who acknowledge its sanc
tity, nevertheless, like the Roman Poet, “pur
sue the wrong.’’ And yet, after aii explana
tions and defences, the earnest remark of the
objector produced a painful impression. It
was sad to reflect that the conservative and
placable spirit of Christianity exercised so slight
an influence either in camp or cabinet, and
that iu a Republic boastful, and justly so, of
its religious liberty. It was unspeakably pain
ful to remember how suddenly the roar of bat
tle had intermitted the evangelical cry that
sounded to our uttermost borders, “ Glory to
God in the highest: on earth peace and good
will to men.” Could we not have expected
something different from this, something vast
ly better ?
But it Christianity did not interpose to pre
vent the war ; if men of probity on either side
were led by conscientious motives to contend
with each other, until the great issue was de
cided by a tribunal from which there is no ap
peal ; if the conflict was even intensified by
certain politico theological ideas, there can be,
it seems to us, no question now as to the civil
duty of those who submit to the teachings cf
tbe New Testament. They are numbered by
millions.
They have the moral and political power of
the country under their control. And this
communion, so wide spread, so multitudinous
so influential—this body of disciples baptized
into the name and cousecrated to the service cf
the great Philanthropist—this 'sacramental
host enlisted under the banners of the Prince of
Peace, has now, at the close of a bloody war,
to reassert those beneficent principles which,
like the laws, have been so long silenced by
the clash of arms. The honor of religion
requires the pacification of the Republic. Bick
erings should cease; sectional scandals should
be discountenanced. Kadica s, who seem to
have no Other plan for the perpetuation of po
litical power but the maintenance of social and
public discord, should no longer receive tbe
suffrages of Christian men. Why not bear to
the ballot-box, as well as to the altar, the of
ferings of that beautifnl Charity that “hopeth
all things and thinketh no evil ?” And why
not, also, from religious motives, support that
high pehey whole adoption will at once restore all
portions of the republic to a harmonious union l
Is this asking too much of those who are re
quired, in every relation of life, to “study the
things that make for peace and the things
wherewith one may edify another
We are of those who believe that patriotism
is as much a religions as a civil duty. And
there is certainly no need of the country
which mere urgently demands the service of
the citizen than the preservation of civil Con
cord. This is the normal state of civilized so
ciety. If the movements of parties are the cir
culating *b.ood of the body police, the compels
of castes and classes are its convulsions— mvs
terious and terrible changes which, unless
speedily arrested, will destroy any system. It
is a maxim of statesmanship that, when a people
is ripe for utter destruction, it betrays its decay
by its divisions. The widening crevices that
can no longer be reunited, show that the great
structure is tottering to its fall. Are we cot
exposed to this danger ? What eye cannot dis
cern the breaches which must be soon repaired,
if they are to be repaired at all ? Here is one
section of the Republic peaceable and law
abiding. which is disfranchised of the political
privileges enjoyed by all the rest. Is it to the
advantage ot the Commonwealth that one of
its constituent parts should continue thus bn- :
miliated and stung with a sense of wrong ? It j
has mads every sacrifice heretofore reqirred.
and has cheerfully contributed to the public
burdens, and has even framed its recent codes
under the direction of the Chief Magistrate of
the Union. If all this proves in vain, v. bat
trust will be reposed in the public faith here
after ? Here are two races, muscle and capita!,
which must co-operate for the development of
the resources of the South. The old associa
tion which united them has been permanently
broken. But anew system of labor might have
been adopted had patron and client of former
years not been alienated by political intrigas.
Already conflicts between them have broken out
in Columbus, Savannah, Memphis, the Virginia
Peninsula, the Sea Islands. We need no pro
phet’s kin to prognosticate the ruin in which a
war of this sort must end. And yonder in Con
gress is a real directory, whose untitled, yet
not the less powerful, members can be num
bered upon one’s fingers ; who are exercising
now a resistless sway over the whole country,
and whose aim it is to make that despotism
perpetual ; a directory which cannot rule
constitutionally and which is therefore seeking
to mould the constitution to its purposes by
every variety of amendments to that instru
ment. How long can Republican institutions
survive under such a manipulation ?
In our honest judgment, the salvation of the
country rests with the body of men whom,
upon this sacred day, we may be permitted
specially to address. Never did that fine text
from the sermon on the Mount need to be more
earnestly and frequently inculcated : “ Blessed
are the peacemakers for they shall be called
the children of God.’ ’ Peace is the require
ment of every interest and every institution,
civil peace, social peaco, peace for the enters
prises of capital and the applications of labor,
and the reign of order and justice, peace in the.
city, the couutry, the State ; peace to speed the
plough, to rear the factory, to rebuild the
home,' to reinstate the altar and to spread the
broad, white wings of commerce on the sea.
Let those men who have the power to supply
this want, recognize their high responsibility.
It has been the boast of many of them that
they maintained the war. Bat they have an
other calling. They have been summoned to
discharge the duties of peacemakers. And
now that armies have negotiated for peace,
now that the President has proclaimed peace
it is Iheir high function to come forward, in the
name of heaven, and make the peace effective
and enduring
Oltt WASHINGTON LETTER.
NOTES AND COMMENTS ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION.
(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
Washington, April 30.
After a stormy session of nearly five hours
the Joint Committee of Fifteen yesterday
agreed upon their final report, which will he
presented to Congress to-morrow. Every
member of the Committee was present, and the
vote by which the report was adopted was
twelve against three. The three members who
voted no were Senator Reverdy Johnson, of
Maryland, and Representatives Grider, of
Kentucky, and Rogers, of New Je . The
Committee, despairing utterly of being able to
conceal their action from the newspaper folks,
nuke a virtue of necessity, and voted to at
once remove the injunction of secrecy from the
report.
reasons for the committee's action.
The Radicals wore very loathe to lay down any
fixed line of policy, as they have done in this
report. It would have suited their views
much better to have maintained a negative po
sition and to have fought out the political bat
tle upon the simple issue of opposition to the
President. But their leaders saw that they
were daily losing ground for lack of a de
clared policy. The pressure of the great ques
tion “ How they proposed to restore the Union”
from Western constituencies- fc had become too
gieat to be disregarded- So Thaddeus Stevens
gave the key-note to his followers in the Com
mittee, and in this report wo have the result.
the gist of the report
Has doubtless reached you by telegraph ere
this. The plan which it embodies is one
which was framed with the special pur
pose of insuring an indignant rejection at the
bauds of the Southern States. It practically
denies them all political rights for years to
come, unless they choose to have those rights
vested in their negro population. And yet
this monstrous proposition will almost certain
ly receive the endorsement of Congress.
TRUE POLICY OP THE SOOTH.
la truth, the people of the South, if they be
wise, will resign, for the present, all hope of
representation in the councils of the nation. A
complete political revolution mußt occur be
fore they can have the slightest chance of jus
tice at the hands of Congress, That revolu
tion, I believe, has begun ; but many weary
months must elapse before it can be consum
mated. Meantime the Southern States will,
ere long, be relieved by Executive proclama
tion from the most galling of their present af
flictions—martial law ; simultaneously with
the restoration of civil law, capital will lose its
proverbial timidity and flow in to the relief of
our impoverished planters ; the returning pros
perity of the agricultural interest will infuse
new vigor into all the departments of trade
and commerce, and busied as we shall be'with
the reconstruction and development of our
shattered business relations, we can well afford
to smile grimly at the antics of the knaves and
demagogues who rule the hour here, and
trusting to the firmness of the Ptesident, pa
tiently await the next turn in the political
wheel of fortune.
A NEW FINANCIAL SCHEME.
Secretary McCulloch, who, by the way, is one
of the ablest financiers that ever presided ever
the United States Treasury, and withal a mod
est, courteous and honorable gentleman, is now
maturing a plan to rid tbo various classes of
public securities which make up the public
debt of that complicity of character which now
forms their greatest disadvantage. The people
of the South—l mean the masses—who have
had little opportunity to note the successive
phases of Federal finance during the war must
be sadly puzzled to understand the relative
value of the ‘'Five-Twenties,” “ Seven-Twen
ties/’ Ten Forties” and other similarly named
Government securities so constantly quoted.
The Secretary, I learn, proposes, with his
characteristic good sense, to fund all these va
rious classes of United States securities into
one uniform long loan, bearing five per cent,
interest, which shall be payable in gold. The
task will be a difficult and complicated one;
but the object in view is one of vast importance
to the national credit, and Mr. McCulloch is
just the man to accomplish it.
MERE MENTION,
The President, lam glad to say, has inter
posed to prevent the bloody work ordained to
have been accomplished in Charleston on Fri
day last, by General Sickles’ Military Commis
sion. The approval of that brutal sentence j
came wi»h an ill grace from one who once
himself occupied the felon’s dock in this very
city. Ex-Provisional Governor Parsons, of
Alabama, is in the oitv. We are goiDg to have
a magnificent temple of the drama here, built
by subscription, and to be called the Academy
of Music. Murdoch, the tragedian, has just
closed a very successful engagement at Grover s
Theatre here. „
Butternut.
nctes and comments on events in the national
CAPITAL.
(FROM OCR OWN correspondent.)
Washington, Wednesday, May 2.
The semi-official announcement this morn
ing that the Cabinet is a unit in support of
the President’s policy, as opposed to the plan
of restoration hatched by the Committee of
Fifteen, after an incubation of five months,
has fallen like a bombshell into the ranks of
the Radicals. Amongst the friends ot the ad
ministration it is a matter of equal surprise
and gratification that Mr. Secretary Stanton,
who has hitherto been considered one of the
main pillars of the radical cause, has publicly
and unequivocally given in his adhesion to
the Executive. It is difficult to over-estimate
the importance of the effect which this action
of the Cabinet will have upon the pending
struggle between the President and Congress.
Nobody gives Mr. Stanton credit for being
over-scrupulous or consistent in his political
course ; but he is a man of undoubted power,
and a shrewd and selfish politician ; and the
enemies of the South regard his defection as a
very disagreeable indication of the direction
in which the political cat is about to jump.
I hear the leading Radical Congressmen, this
morning, cursing the inconstant head of the
War Department as .“a second Benedict Ar
nold.”
ANOTHER GOOD SIGN.
The President is coming out nobly, in vin
dication of the rights and interest of the whole
country. His order, issued through the War
Department this morning, limiting the juris
diction of courts martial and military com
missions to the cases of persons attached to
the military or naval service, will be hailed
throughout the length and breadth of the
South as the most important step which has
yet been takon forward to the practical restora
tion of civil law amongst our people. Hence
forward the peaceable and orderly communi
ties of the Southern States will not be sub
jected to the terrorism of military rule ; and
the Georgian and the South Carolinian, instead
of being at the mercy of a court composed of
the creatures of a department Gommander,
will be as secure in his right to a trial by jury
as any citizen of a Northern State.
It is worthy of remark that this order of the
President clearly covers the case of Jefferson
Davis ; and renders certain what I have al-.
ready mentioned as the President’s fixed de
termination, namely, that the Ex-Confederate
President must have a lair trial by jury, ac
cording to the laws of the land.
THE UNITY OF THE CABINET
Insures the adherence of the whole and nu
merically important body of Government em
ployees to the President’s policy. Hitherto
they have been hesitating whether to side with
the views of Andrew Johnson or with the
opinions ot the heads of their respective de
partments, who were presumed to be in antag
onism with the President. But the fact that
the Cabinet officers have planted themselves
upon the same platform as their chief, works a
wondrous change in the opinions of office-hol
ders everywhere, and the Radicals at ouce lose
th3 countenance of all who draw their pay
from the public treasury.
■ LEGISLATORS IN A DILEMMA.
I heard one of the Radical leaders In the
Lower House of Congress say the other day in
conversation, that his party was in a very
awkward dilemma about the time of adjourn
ment. If Congress should adjourn early they
iuuve the President, practically, master of the
situation, without any check upon his power,
and they have too much reason to fear that he
will use that power with terrible vigor in
thwarting the plots thnt they have so carefully
concocted, and in pushing bis own policy of
restoration so far towards its consummation
that they will in vain strive to arrest it here
after. On the other hand there is a grave
probability-that if Congress remains in session
new candidates will appear before the people
in the summer and fall elections, and perhaps
oust the present members in such numbers as
to alter very materially the complexion of the
House of Representatives. Then there are
other considerations which bear upon this
question of adjournment. Living is very high
in Washington, and many Representatives are
getting very low in pocket, and if the House
rein .ins in session later than the Ist of July,
their board bills will become a troublesome
item. Then there is kieg cholera, whose pow
er to dissolve Congress at any moment is uni
versally admitted, and whose forbearance is a
matter of doubt.
MERE MENTION.
The public men who regarded the burning
of Columbia, S. C., with such complacency,
profess to be very Indignant at the ‘’barbar
ous” bombardment of Valparaiso by the Span
ish fl -et and freely censure the commander of
the United States South American equadron
for permitting the “outrage.” I hear that the
Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs has voted
to lay on the table the nomination of General
Sickles as United St ates Minister to the Hague
—which amounts to a-virtual rejection of the
appointment. The House of Representatives
has passed a bill appropriating nearly twelve
million of dollars for the uses of the Freed
men’s Bureau, “That’s the way tho money
goes.’’
Butternut.
Major Dick McCann.
The friends of this gentleman will be grati
fied to learn that he will be released upon
parole, to appear for trial in a Civil Court. The
gallant Major has been incarcerated in prison
for several months, and we believe that a
MHilary Commission Has recently been ordered
to try him upon a charge involving the viola
tion of the rules of civilized warfare. The
grounds of his imputed offense consist, we
belTfeve, in his having been for sometime dur
ing the war in command of a partizan ranger
organization. While in this branch of our
service he doubtless caused the death of many
Federal soldiers, and for this performance of
duty lie has been charged with'thej murder of
several persons in Tennessee;
Through his friends, application has been
made to Gen. Grant for his interference in
the matter, and we are pleased to be able to
lay before our readers the following character
istic letter frem this most popular and con
servative officer :
Washington, D. C., April 19,J1866.
Messrs, Cain, Koddie and McCann :
Gents —I am directed bv General Grant to
say to you that yours of the 15th came duly to
hand, and he immediately forwarded it to the
Secretary of War; with the recommeadation
that the petitioners be released on parole, and
if. upon investigation, it was ascertained that
they had been guilty of any act not cognizable
by the rules of civilized warfare, that they be
tried by a United States Court, and not by a
State Court.
[Signed] J. S. Badlow,
Bvt. Col. and Mil. Sec.
Condition of tbe South.
‘■A loyal Georgian just arrfved here urges the
Radicals in Congress to withdraw all Federal
control, ai-s’stance or restraint, from any of
the late rebel States for thirty days, and leave
the reconstructed citizens entirely to them
selves; he says the experiment will not only
satisfy Northern Conservatives, but cause a
wail for succor to come up from the people
themselves. He thinks that in leas than ten
days they would implore to be saved from
themselves.”
We cut the above from the Washington letter
of tbe New York Tribune of a late date, and
we beg to assure our Radical friends that we
are perfectly willing, nay. anxious to have the
experiment tried. By all means withdraw the
armed occupation of onr country—recall tbe
Agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau—dismiss the
Agents of the Treasury Department, and give
us a trial at self government. If we prove
unequal to the task, as this well informed letter
writer thinks we will, then we are willing to
accept the guardianship of the Northern Radi
cals and forever after bold our tongues. We
hope that the Tribune will lend its
influence in securing the support of its Radical
friends to this very reasonable proposition.
Let us alone—hands off, fair play and an open
field is all we ask. Shall we have it ?
Confederate Dead at Sumter, 8. C.
Editors of the Chronicle and Sentinel :
Qen'ltmen— lt waa my sad privilege, during
the month of March, 1865, to have had the ex
clusive ministerial charge of that large pro
portion of the sick and wounded men of Gen.
Hardee's army, which was removed from the
hospitals of Cheraw. at the approach ofGeu.
Sherman’s forces, and was quartered at the
small but patriotic and liberal town of Sumter.
The deaths wnich took place at this town were
regularly published, over my signature, every
week, in the local paper. The.a was, how
ever, an interruption of mail cominunicaticn
which, in many instances, prevented these
notices from reaching the families of the de
caased. Since the close of the war. I have
been repeatedly applied to for information, in
regard to the fate of these gallant unfortun
ates, many of whom came from the State of
Georgia, and concentrated the admiration of
the whole Confederacy by the undisciplined yet
triumphant valor which achieved the victory,
at Honey Hffl, Will you allow me the use ot
your columns to communicate with the friends
and families of the deceased ?
At the time of the evacuation of Charleston
I did not leave the Distributing Hospital (Ist
Louisiana, under charge ot Dr. Robt. Lebby,)
until the enemy had occupied the cily. At
that time, all the sick and wounded who could
not be transported, were left under tho charge
of this efficient officer—tho others were trans
ferred to Cheraw, where three hospitals were
organized onder the charge of Dr. W. S. Law
ton, now of Savannah. In a few days, how
ever, the approach of Sherman's army neces
sitated another removal. In two days and
three nights the patients, a number of whom
perished in the cars, were taken down by rail
road from Cheraw to Sumter, a distance of
6ome seventy miles; they were in want of
everything—food not excepted ; deserted even
by the skirmishers who crossed the railroad in
our sight a mile below Society Hill, at which
place the Depot wa3 already in flames ; kept a
night and a day within four miles of Darling
ton, which was then occupied by ferocious
raideis:—nothing interposed between them and
the on -rushing Rapine, hut the Providence of
God! Tho privations and anxieties ot this
journey destroyed many precious lives.
We found at Sumter our hospital, the Ist
Geoigia, already established under the charge
of Dr. J. R. Jervey, now of Charleston. Three
new hospitals were opened—the Encampment
Hospital, at the Baptist Church, under the
charge of Dr. Wilson ; the hirst South Carol!
ua Hospital, at the Court House, under the
charge of Dr. Stone; and the First Virginia
Hospital, at the Presbyterian Church, under
the charge of Dr. Wm, Huger, now of Charles
ton. Appended is a list of the persons who
were buried from these Hospitals during the
period of my stay in Sumter. It will be con
soling to the relations of the deceased, to
know that the soldiers were tenderly cared for
while living. The citizens of the place, es
pecially the ladies, allowed no one to suffer for
want of anything that they could command.
And, briet as was my stay, the liberal contri
butions which I had been accustomed to re
ceive at .Charleston were already beginning to
pour in from the surrounding country, at the
time when I was ordered to report at Augusta,
and resigned the sacred charge to Rev. Mr.
McCullough, who maintained it until the war
came to a close. The bodies of the dead were
enclosed in neat pine coffins, stained with red ;
and, no doubt, can be recovered if their remo
val is desired. There were funeral services,
with a discourse, at every intorment, which not
only the soldiers who were convalescing, but
the citizsns also, attended. Every sick man,
except some who died in the crowded care, was
conversed with, furnished with delicacies and
clcthing and religious reading, and solemnly
commended, with exhortation and payer, to
the Divine Guidance and Blessing. Many pro
fessed conversion, and died with such sweet
rapture that it would have been a privilege to
their dearest friends to witness their transla
tion. I regret that it is impossible, after this
lapse of time, to recall their various exptrien
ces—sometimes expressions of love for par
ents, wives, children, after whom the dying
soldier yearned—not less frequently pious as
surances—which were his rod and his staff
when his weary and painful march conducted
him into the Valley of the Shadow of Death I
•This general statement is all that I can give
to the afflicted families of the two Carolines
and Georgia, to which most of the soldiers who
died at Sumter belong.
E. T. Winkler.
RECORD OF BURIALS AT BUMTKR.
Mch B...Jervey’s Hospital, R M Martin, Mat
thew’s Artillery.
“ 8.. Jervey’s Hospital, Jno Scott, Foreign
Legion.
“ 5..1n cars, Private Lomenack, Cos K, 20th
SC V.
“ 8. .Field Hospital, J A Ewbanks,Co H. Ist
8 C Cav.
Mch 8, In cars, J F Knight, Cos E, 22d Ga Batt
“ 8. .In cars, (Dr Huger) W M Duke, Cos A,
22d Ga Batt.
“ . .In cars, (Dr Wilson) T MPannel, Cos E.
60 th N O V.
“ 12. .(Dr Wilson) G H Blacksans, Cos C. Ist
Ga Reg.
Mch 12, do. J W Derry, Cos R, 2d S C V.
Mch 12, do. Alex Watson, Cos F, 50th NOT
Mch 13, do. S B Smith, Cos A, Ist S C Reserves
Mch 13, do. P G Gilbert, Cos C, Ist S C Art’y
Mch 14, (Dr Huger) J CLapride, Mathews’Ar.
Mch 14, (Dr Stone) T Bramlette, Cos D, Ist S C
Reserves.
Mch 14, (Dr Jervey) Sgt W E Barnes, Cos G, oth
Qft 1v66
Mch 15, (Dr Wilson) W E Sykes, Cos C, 22d Ga
Batt Art
Mch 16, (Dr Jervey) T Ashley, Cos H, 2d S C
Arty
Mch 17, (Dr Wilson) A White, Cos H, 4th S C
Militia
Mch 17, (Dr Stone) C C Park. Cos D, 31 S C Res
Mch 19, do. L A J Whitlev, Cos F, sth Ga Res
Mch 20, do. Sgt T R Tant, Cos A, 20th S C V
Mch 20, (Dr Huger) T J Cox, Cos A, 20th S C V
Mch 20, (Dr Stone) H Tizemore, 20th S C V
Mch 21, do. W W Young, Cos E, 21 S C Res
Mch 21. (Dr Wilson) S Shopton, Cos B, 2d S C
Res
Mch 22, (Dr Stone) E Harold, Cos E, 2d S C do
Mch 22. (Dr Wilson) Jas A Mock, Cos A, 6th Ga
Res
Mch 24, (Dr Jervey) I Green, Cos C. Ist Batt
SC Res
Mch 24, (Dr Huger W M Martin, Burnett’s
Batt
A Father’s first Interview with his Child.
The poet Campbell, soon after the birth of
bis first child, wrote as follows to a near
friend. The passage teems with all the tender
fervor of a father's heart.
Our first interview was when he lay in his
crib, in the midst of white muslin and dainty
lace ■prepared by Matilda’s, hands long be
fore the stranger’s arrival. I verily believe
that a lovier babe never was smiled upon by
the light of heaven. He was breathing sweet
ly in his first Bleep. I durat not awaken him,
but ventured one kiss. He gave an infant
murmur, and opened his little azure light.
Since that time, he has continued to grow in
grace and stature. I can take him in my arms,
but still his good nature and his beauty are
but provocatives to tbe affection which” one
must indulge; he cannot bear to be hugged, he
cannot yet stand a worrying. Oh ! 'that I were
sure he would live to the days when I could
take him on my knee and feel the strong
plumpness of childhood waxing into vigorous
youth. My poor boy ; shall I have the ecsta
cy of teaching him thought and knowledge,
and reciprocal love so me ? It is bold to ven
ture iDto futurity so far. At present his love
ly little face is a comfort to me ; his lips
breathe that fragrancy which is one of tne
loveliest Rindnesseß of nature that she has
given to infants ; a sweetness of smell more
delightful than all the treasures of Arabia.
What adorable beauties of God and Nature’s
beauty we live in withont knowing ? How
few have ever seemed to think an infant
beautiful. Bat to be there seems to be a
beauty in the earliest dawn of infancy, which
is not inferior to the attractions of childhood,
especially when they sleep. Their looks ex*
cite more tender train of emotions, it is like
the tremulous anxiety we feel for a candle new
lighted which we dread going out.
Os all compliments, envy, though the m'gt
undoubted, is the most ungracious.
United states Census of IB6o.—Ucorgia.
We do not think that we could givo our
readers a more desirable article than the lel
lowing. Ihe Census is from Ist June, 1859,
to 31st of May, 1860. It is interesting as to tho
showing our State will make in 1870, four
years hence. File away this copy lor future
reference.
Area in square miles, 58,000.
Population, 1,057.286.
Population per square mile, 18 23.
Absolute ratio increase of population per
square mile from 1850 to 1860, 2, 61.
Whites in ISSO. 591,588; colored—Free 3 -
500; Slaves, 462,198—t0ta1, 1,057,286. ’
Ratio of increase from 1850 to 1860, 13.42 ;
Colored—Free, 19.41; Slave,s 21 10—Total
16.67.
Ratio of increase from 1790 to 1860, White,
1.018.60 ; Colored—Free, 779.40 ; Slave 1 -
479.41—T0ta1, 1,180.81.
Representative population, 872,406. Repre
sentation under the apportionment in the 38th
Congress, 7—Loss, 1. .
White Males, 301,066; Females 290,484 ;
Colored—Free Males. 1.669; Females, 1.831;
Staves, Males. 259,193; Females, 233 005.
Deaths from Ist of June, 1859, to 3!st May,
1860, Males, 6,651; Females, 6,156—T0ta1,
12,807.
Deaths by accident—Males, 500; Females,
428. Suicides —Males 14; Females, 7. Homi
cides —Males, 15; Females, 5. Murder -Males,
17; Females, 2. Executed, I.—Total, Males,
647; Females, 442.
Deaf aud Dumb —Free, 345; Slaves, 83.
Value of Agricultural Implements produced
during the year, ending June 1, 1860, 8252,-.
075.
Value of Steam Engines and Machinery pro
duced in the state during the year ending Ist
June, 1860, $375,325.
Iron Founding in the State, for the same pen
riod, $79,000
Bituminous Ccal produced—bushels 48.000;
value $4,800.
Value ot sawed and planed Lumber, $2,-
064,026.
Value of Flour and Meal produced, $3,323,-
730.
Spirituous Liquors distilled—number of
establishments, 8; total gallons, 10,620; value,
$11,804.
Cotton Goods produced—number of estab
lishments, 32; Capital
pyuuds of cotton, 12,977,904; value oi iAw
material, $1,689,075.
Number of Spradles, 44,312—L00m5, 1,058 —
Hands employed, Male, 1.376; Feipaie, 1 909;
annual cost of labor, $482,520; aunt al product,
$2,215636.
Wooien joods, mixed, &e.—Number of es
tablishments, 28; Annual product, $465,000.
Leather produced, $393,184.
Boots and shoes manufactured— Number of
establishments, 117; Capital invested, $153,-
430; Value of raw material, $173,666; Hands
employed—Male, 349; Female, 10; Cost of
labor, $92,904; Annual produo's, $357,267.
Banks in the State, 29; Capital, sl6 689,560;
Specie, $3,211,974; Circulation, $8,798,100;
Deposits, $3,738 289.
Assessed value of Real Estate and Personal
Property—Real Estate, $179,801,441; Personal
Property, $438,430,946 - Total, $645,895,237
Productions of Agriculture—Linds im
proved, acres, 8,062,758; Unimproved, acres,
18,587,732.
Cash value of Farms, $157,072,803; Value
of Fanning Implements and Machinety, $6,-
844,387.
Horses, 194,972; Mules, 120 069; Sheen, 633,-
214; Swine. 2,411,466; Milch Cows, 299,088;
Oxen, 74,487; other cattle. 893 089.
Value o! Live Stock, $38,372 734
Grain—Wheat, bushels, 2,544.913; Rye, 115,-
532; Corn, 30.776 293; Oats, 1231,817; Rice,
pounds, 52,507,652; Tobacco, 919.316
Ginned Cotton, bules, 400 pounds each, 701,-
840, at SSO a bale, $35,092,000
Wool, pounds, 946,229; Peas, bushels, 1,-
765,214; Irish Potatoes, 316,552; Sweet Pota
toes, 6,508,541; Barley, 14,682; Buck Wheat,
2,023.
Value ot Orchard Products, $176,048.
Wine, gallons, 27,646.
Value of Market Gardens. 70,500.
Butter, pounds, 5,439,765. Cheese, 15,587.
Hay, tons, 46,448
Caue Sugar, hhds., 1,167; Cane Molasses,
gallons, 546,770; Sorghum, do., 103,450
Value of home-made Manufactures, $1,431 -
413.
Value of Animals slaughtered, $10,908,204.
Newspapers, Periodicals, &c , 79; Number of
copies, annually, 13,415,444.
Number ol miles of Railroads, 1,404; Cost of
construction, $29 057,742.
Population of the principal cities in tho
State—Augusta, 12.493; Columbus, 9,621; Sa
vannah, 22,292. —MiMtdgemUe Recorder.
The Internal Revenue and the National
Debt.
On the 18th instant the Secretary of tho
Treasury addressed the following letter lo tho
chairman of the
Treasury Department, April 19, 1866.
“Sir ; A bill has been reported for the ac
tion of Congress in respect to the equalization
of soldiers’ bounties, which will, in my opin
ion, will require an expenditure on the part
of the Government of from two hundred to
two hundred and fifty millions of dollars, thus
adding an equivalent sum to the principal of
tho public debt and requiring an additional
annual payment for interest ot from fifteen to
eighteen millions of dollars.
“As the relations of the national debt to the
industry aud resources of the country have
been especially referred to you for considera
tion, I desire that you will inform me, at your
earliest convenience, what effect this proposed
increase of the national debt and annual taxa
tion is likely, in your opiuion, to have upon
the finances and development of the couutiy,
and what changes may be necessitated thereby
in our future revenue system and policy,
I am most respectfully,
Huou McCulloch,
“Becreiary of the Treasury.
‘Hon. David A. Wells, chairman United
States Revenue Commission.’’
Mr, Wells replied with an argument, against
any immediate increase of national liabilities—
his main points being as follows .
‘‘The largest amount of revenue ever drawn
from the British people, in any one year, in e
spective of loans, has never exceeded $375,-
000 OQO, while the amount of revenue which
the United States has drawn during tbe first
three-quarters ot tbe cuirent fiscal year, by
the various forms of direct and indirect taxa
tion, has been $4lO 000,000, or at the rate of
upwards of $540,000000 per aunum. This im
mense sum, in opposition to the settled policy
of all other nations, and in defiance of their
experience, has been taken tnaimy troai the
industry of the country. The present large
receipts of revenue cannot, however, be ac
cepted as any suifl indication of the futuie;
and so long as they are drawn maiiily trout
taxes on industry they are nor satisfactory indi
cation of the prosperity of the couutiy. For
the next fiscal year, moreover, a large falling
off in receipts arising from diminished impor
tations, changes in values aud quantities >4 in
dustrial products, and from otn< r causes, may
be expected. This deficit cannot now be easi
ly estimated ; but that it will be lauge cannot
be doubled, especially if the country, as now
seems nrobable, is to be visited by pestilence.
“ It would seem as if the mere statement of
these facts ought to snffice as an argument
againßt any immediate increase of our enor
mous burden ot debt and taxation. If, how
ever, we further consider the manner anil dis
tribution of the taxation by which the nation
is at present raising itß revenues, the argument
becomes even more cogent and unanswerauie..
‘‘ The condition of the revenue will not at
present allow of an exemption of all the
necessities of life and all the common foims of
industry from taxation, and that no princpie
of political economy is better established tban
that a tax upon one of the necessities or indis
pensable forms of industry is in fact a tax
upon all.”
The Savannah Firemen held their annnal
festival on Tuesday.
How Sugar is Made White. —The way in
which sugar is made white, it is said, was found
out in a cations way. A hen that had gone
through a clay mud-puddle, went with ber
muddy feet into a sugar-house. She left fi er
track on a pile of sugar. It was observed by
someone that, wherever the tracks were, the
sugar was whitened. This led to some experi
ments. The result was that wet clay came to
he nsed in refining sugar. It is used in this
way: ‘'The sugar is pat into earthern jars,
shaped as yon see the sugar loaves are. The
large ends are upwards. Tbe smaller ends
have a hole in them. The jar is filled v.ith
sugar, the clay put over the top and kept wet.
The moisture goes down through the sugar and
drops from the hole iu the small end of "the jar.
This makes the sugar perfectly white.’’
The public debt statemenes to be isssned in a
day or two will show a decrease of about six
millions during the month of April.
General R. B. Mitchell, the newly aDpointed
Governor of New Mexico, has arrived in the
Territory.
Most lives, though their stream is loaded
With sand and turbid with alluvial waste,
drop a few golden sands 7of wisdom as they
now along.