Newspaper Page Text
(fhtomclf & J'fntinrl
XtJGUSTA, GA :
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1866.
Gather More Strength.
Our confer r> o 4 the Constitutionalixt, in
lii* ‘ article which, in some degree, yielded
that antagonism toward the Philadelphia
Convention heretofore occupied,” com
mits a grave ..-in as an.upright journalist,
and seeks to atone therefor, lie says:
‘‘Wo are ashamed of ourselves for having
written it. and impose the public confession
of weakness upon us as a fit penance for
having childishly yielded our own convic
tions to a noisy out-cry. ’
Now, it is very proper ‘ to be ashamed’ ’
of having done wrong, and self-imposed
“penance” may relieve our brother’s con
science. It is truly a great humiliation to
confess publicly of having “ehildlishly
yielded convictions of right.” Hut it is
sinful —wickj.-d monstrously wicked —to
yield to a mere “noisy out-cry,” if it is not
almost imbecility. Such a'crime justifies
the penance.
Must Beg To Be Excused.
Our neighbor aerpss the street is still op
posed to the Philadelphia Convention,
lie still insists that representatives from
the Southern States will not be admitted
td seats in that body, who cannot take the
iron-dad test oath. Believing as he docs
that the controllers of the movement will
exclude from its deliberations alf the true
representatives of the real public sentiment
of the South, we are not surprised at his
opposition. We have taken some pains to
enlighten our neighbor on this subject, but
find that “Ephraim is joined to his idols,”
and, therefore, henceforth wo shall “let
him alone.” .
But while we acknowledge the right of
our cotemporary to oppose the co-operation
of the South in this movement, we do not
admit his right, neither can we see the
propriety, of his volunteering his advice
and instructions to those who favor the
Convention. Let him fight against it as
long and as hard as he chooses, but excuse
us, if you please, from lessons of propriety
or directions as to the Course our delegates
should pursue.
Good advice from friends we are willing,
nay anxious to have ; but from our ene
mies we prefer blows to hollow professions
of good will, and maudling protestations of
kind intentions. Give us straight-fbrvfcrd,
manly, honest blows, if you please, and we
will parry them as we can, or submit to
their infliction with all the grace we can
command. The jieople who are in favor of
being represented in the Convention, are
entirely capable of giving proper directions
to their representatives. They have not
yet sought the advice of those who arc op
posed to them. When they find that they
have not sufficient talent and discretion
within their ranks to give proper tone and
direction to their movement, they will
doubtless gladly avail themselves ot the
kindly advice tendered by the Constitution
alist.
For cool, overweening assurance, the
following, which we clip from yesterday's
issue of that paper, boars off the palm from
any thing we have ever heretofore encoun
tered : ”
“As it seems that there will boa dele
gation sent from Georgia, would it not lie
a good plan, to instruct your representa
tives
First —To cast the vote of this State as a
unit, and
Secondly —To Solemnly declare that
Georgia “claims representation in the Fed
eral Government on the basis of the Consti
tutional requisitions and <nullifications
alone, and in repudiation of all prescrip
tive test oaths. ”
This latter suggestion is given in tho lan
guage of a famous resolution offered some
days since in Virginia, and now, as we
hear, meeting much acceptance in that
State. If you will go into this Convention,
go in with a protest against all proscriptive
test oaths, and tho blessing of God go witii
you. Stick to the Federal Constitution,
and you are safe. Stand square up and
theso'mun will give you your own terms,,
for they need you as much as, you ’need
them.”
Asa matter of course, the delegation
from this State will feel bound by their in*
struct ions. Would not our cotemporary
go a little further, and appoint the dele
gates from the State at large, and the dif
ferent districts. It would save a deal of
trouble if lie would consent to do it. The
weather is very warm, crops are bad, rates
of travel and hotel charges are very high,
and our people arc very generally poor,
and illy able to bear the expense and fa
tigue of attending Conventions to select
delegates. Doubtless a selection by the
Constitutionalist of suitable delegates would
be very acceptable to the friends of the
Convention, and more especially as from
the hostility of that journal to the move
ment, it might reasonably bo expected that
he Would select none but friends of the
Convention.
But in all seriousness, we must be al
lowed to enter our protest against these
Joab stabs of the opponents of this meas
ure. Oppose it if you please, but don't
attempt, while opposing, to give shape and
direction to it.
Religious Intolerance.
Nortli Carolina occupies the unenviable
position of being the only State in the
Union which proscribes any religious test
as a qualification for office. AVo were sur
prised and pained to find the following
clause in its new Constitution proscribing a
large class of honorable and influential eiti
tens. The old North State is certainly
"advancing backwards in its system ot
laws, in thus cutting off from all participa
tion in its Government, an entire class of
its respectable and intelligent people :
* 1 No person who shall deny the being ot
Almighty God, or the divine authority of
lx>th th> 'Old and New Testaments, or who
shall hold religious opinions incompatible
with the freedom or safety of the State,
shall be capable of holding anv office or
place of trust or profit in any civil depart
ment.”
We arc utterly opposed to all religious
qualifications.or tests. The civilisation of
the South forbids the introduction or adop
tion of such issues. Perfect, free, full a ini
complete toleration in all matters of reli
gious belief, is and must continue to be the
corner stone of Republican institutions,
and injury done to it must inevitably in
volve the safety of our political structure.
While upon this subject we desire to sqy
a word or two in relation to the charge
which we have frequently heard made by
street-corner gossippers aud windy patri
ots. that the Isrealites of* the South failed
to perform their duty during the recent
war. \\ e happened to occupy a posi
tion which enables us to say that the
charge is a most gratuitous and unfound
ed slander upon that people. Some of the
first officers and men in Lee’s army of
Northern A irginia, were Isrealites. The
Augusta furnished g number of
V.
gallant young men of that faith, whose
deeds upon the bloody battle fields of the
old Dominion, won the admiration and
applause of their comrades and com
manders. No truer or better soldier or
more gallant officer drew sword daring the
war, than Lieut. Levy, of the 22d Georgia
Ilegiment; Capt. Leon of the 10th Geor
gia? Capt. Rush of the 22d Georgia, and a
host of others which we might name, but
space forbids. We must, however, call
attention to the following case, which came
under our observation, and which shows
that all the l>enevo!enee and charity of this
world is not monopolised by the Christians,
When the war broke out two Israelites
were engaged as partners in trade in the
city of Macon. One, a married man be
longed to a volunteer company of that city,
and when the 2d Georgia Battalion volun
teered its services and was ordered to Vir
ginia, he left Ins family and business and
went with it to fight his country’s battles.
The other partner an old man, and a bachelor
remained at home to attend to the copart
nership business. When the term of ser
vice of the twelve months troops were
about to expire, it is known that the con
scription laws kept them in service for
two years longer. The old batchelor partner
then voluntarily went to Virginia and sub
stituted himself in the ranks in place of
his younger partner, to enable him to go
home and provide for his young family.
That old man over sixty years of age, re
mained at his post a faithful soldier until
the surrender of Gen. Lee, and we know
that a better soldier either in battle on the
march or on fatigue duty was not to be
found in that large army of heroes and
patriots. Indeed liis good qualities as a
private soldier attracted the particular at
tention of Gen. Lee, who invariably ap
proved his applications for “three days
leave to attend religious duty in Rich
mond. ’ ’ These were only sent up when
the army was lying idle in camp, and in no
instance was the confidence reposed ever
betrayed by ‘ ‘overstaying his time. ’ ’ That
mans name was, Davis.
James Hamilton Coupcr.
This gentleman died at Cataret’s Point,
Glynn county, Georgia, July 3. Though
his life had been passed as a planter and
private gentleman, he was generally known
and highly esteemed throughout Georgia
and other Southern States, as well as by
many persons at the North. Mr. Couper
was a rare instance of a man living in re
tirement, we might almost say seclusion,
and without the incentive of association
with men of intellect and cultivation, who
improved and cultivated his own mind to
a high degree. In the Greek, Latin, and
French languages he was a proficient; his
attainments in all the branches of mathe
matics were of a high order ; his knowl
edge of natural history, geology, and in*
fact every department of the natural
sciences, was thorough and complete.
Besides liis actual scholastic acquire
ments, Mr. Couper was equally versed in
literature and history; indeed, there seem
ed to be no subject on which, when ap
pealed to, he could not both enlighten and
instruct.
In the life of a private individual there
arc usually but few striking or important
events to record : but there was one event
in Mr. Oou’per’s life which must not be
omitted in this brief notice of him. In the
year 1838 the steamer Pulaski was wrecked
on the coast of North Carolina, while on
her way from Savannah and Charleston to
New York. The ill-fated boat was crowd
ed with passengers from the South, most
of whom were going to pass the summer
at the North. Mr. Couper was on board,
and had under his care two ladies with
their children, om of them the daughter
of ex-Governor King, of New York. At
the time of the disaster, by which so many
perished, the scene was one of appalling
horror ; the vessel had broken in two parts - ,
hundreds of men, women, and children
were clinging to the wreck, or, liav
in been thrown into the sea by the par
ting of the vessel, were endeavoring
to regain it by swimming. There were but
two small boats ; of one the mate of the
steamer took command, Mr. Couper of the
other. Each was filled with passengers.
Mr. Couper took into his boat the ladies
and children whom he had in charge. As
they approached the shore, both boats
were overwhelmed in the breakers. All,
or nearly all, of the persons in one of the
boats were drowned; but Mr. Coupcr,
who wasrnn able swimmer, by exertions
almost superhuman—for he returned more
than once into the surf—brought to shore
the two ladies, their children, and a ser
vant women of one of the ladies, besides
others who were in his boat. An account
of the loss of the Pulaski, written by Mr.
Couper, is printed in White’s “Statistics
of Georgia, ” and is as remarkable for its
purity of style as for the slight allusion to
his own share in the calamity.
James Hamilton Couper was born in
Liberty county, * Georgia, March 6, 1704,
but lived at Cannon’s Point, on Saint
Simon’s Island, in the same State, during
the greater part of liis life. He was in
terred in the Parish churchyard in Fred
erica, outlie same island, July 4, 1866.
Mr. Couper, after having been at school
in Baltimore, entered Yale University and
Was graduated there, taking the third
honors. Among his classmates was the
distinguished lawyer. Daniel Lord, of New
York, who, we believe, gained the second
honors in the class. Between the two gen
tleman a friendship was maintained through
out life which was only interrupted by the
recent death of Mr. Couper.
Mr. Couper left a widow and five children
—three sons and two daughters. His
kindness of heart and gentleness of man
ner endeared him to all who knew him ;
and though he is gone to his rest at the
ripe age of 72 years, there are many be
sides his own immediate family who will
miss his presence upon earth.
AA o are informed by a gentleman inti
mately acquainted with the family, that
John F. Lane, the oldest brother of the
late Senator Jim Lane, of Kansas, also
committed suicide, and under peculiar cir
cumstances. He’graduated at AA’est Point
in 1828, and in 1836. during the Florida
war. in which he was actively encaged, he
was promoted to the command of a Regi
ment of Indians. Shortly after his pro
motion. directly after going into camp one
evening, after a day s march, he placed
the hilt of his sword on the ground and
the point in his eye, and threw himself on
it. No cause for his suicide was ever
known or conceived of. —Louisville Concur.
A Paris letter says that the Prussian
Government has been defeated in the re
cent elections to the lower chamber, and
that Bismarck still continues on in his wild
career, unheeding the warning. The Ital
ian finances are looking better, and their
securities are going up in the Paris mar
ket. It is reported that the Italian Gov
ernment has secured a loan of 40,tXX),00(}
francs from the Rothschilds, giving as se
curity the recently confiscated church pro
perty.
The Radical Caucus. .
We yield very much of our space to-day
to the publication of the following proceed
ings of the caucas of the Radical members
of Congress held recently in Washington,
and which we clip from the New York
Times. The indications of the popular ap
proval of the Philadelphia Convention have
given the Radical leaders serious appre
hensions for the safety of their party, and
they are wildiy and madly struggling to
maintain their power. Let the “vipers
wail. We think they “bite a file,” when
they set their teeth on Andy Johnson and
the Constitutional Union Party:
Washington, Sunday, June 15, ’66.
A caucus of Republican members ofCon
gross was held on Wednesday evening in
the Hall of the House of Representatives.
Ou motion of Mr. Morrilf. of Vermont.
Gen. Banks, of Massachusetts, was elected
Chairman, and Mr. Ferry, of Michigan,
Secretary. The caucus, so far as the House
was concerned, was quite full, but only
eight Senators were present. •
.'lr. Hotchkiss, of New York, said that
the meeting whs called at the request of
hii%df and others, and its object was to
liave an interchange of views as to the
best course to be pursued in regard to the
rumorcß| removal of office-holders by the
Preside™. He had no doubt that sucliA
nioval-was intended as soon as CongiWs
should adjourn, and in his own State a li
censed “head butcher” had already* been
appointed, and*stood at the door ready to
strike. He deemed it the duty of Con
gress to stand by its friends, and to make
any sacrifice necessary to keep them in
office. He (bought Congress should re
main in session so as to prevent removals.
A motion was put and carried that no
member should speak more than five min
utes, nor more than once.
Mr. Cobb, of Wisconsin, offered a reso
lution, declaring every one present to bein’
honor bound to act in Congress and else
where in accordance with the decisions of
the caucus—but this was voted down. A
resolution of secrecy was adopted, on mo
tiou of Mr. Cobb.
Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, expressed his con
currence with what had been said of the
necessity of taking some action on the sub
ject of removals. He thought Congress
should take, a recess, instead of adjourning.
Mr. Fransworth, of Illinois, then offered
a resolution, declaring that Congress would
remain ih session until December. He
said that any party that would not stand
by its friends ought to go down, and we
must stand by the men now in office. He
thought, too, it might be necessary for
Congress to take other action before next
session to prevent the . accomplishment
of schemes to restore the rebels to power.
He believed the President was traitor to
the party and the country, and that he was
ready for any measure, however desperate
which would put the Government into the
hands of the rebels. What liis schemes
were he did not know, hut he had been
told on high authority that Mr. Seward
had said that this Congress would never
meet again until the Southern States were
restored to all their rights of represen
tation in Congress..
Mr. Hale, ofNew York, asked for his
authority for this statement.
Mr. Farnsworth replied that he had
heard it from several parties. On being
pressed for some authority, he said he
should not give it, and several members
. around said, ‘ ‘don’t give it, ’ ’ Mr. Wilson of
lowa, saying he had no doubt Mr. Seward
had said it.
“Mr. Hale said, in [the absence of any
authority he did not believe Mr. Seward
had ever said anything of the kind.
Mr. Shellbarger, of Ohio, concurred in
the necessity of taking precautions, but he
was not certain as to the best way of doing
it. He offered a substitute for Mr. Farns
worth's resolution, appointing a committee
of five, (afterwards increased to nine,
of the Senate and six of the House,) to re
port on the subject at a future caucus.
Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, endorsed what had
been said about the treachery of the Presi
dent, and the necessity of adopting some
measures of prevention. But he thought
it important that members should go home
and light out the battle before the people.
The Cabinet, he was happy to say, was al
ready broken up. He was glad to an
nounce that Postmaster-General Dennison
• had resigned and would have nothing more
to do with the Administration, and he
hoped that other members of the Cabinet
would follow his example. He thought
they should strip to the waist and fight the
battle out on this line.
Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, said he
thought we would be obliged to do a great
many other things to save the country from
the danger that threatened it. He bcliev
ed it to be beyond all doubt that a conspi
racy was on foot to put the Government
into the hands of rebels, and the Presi
dent was a party to it. He had no doubt
they contemplated a resort to force, be
cause it was in the logic of events that they
should do so. He believed Andrew John
son to be just as thoroughly a traitor as
Jeff. Davis, and that nothing could save
the country from destruction but the most
prompt and effect ive preparations for every
emergency. He believed an attempt would
he made to force rebels into Congress, and
the Philadelphia Convention was part of
the scheme. The battle, in effect, had
already begun, and if resistance was not
made, the President would take possession
of the Capitol. Any such attempt must
and would be resisted by force. (Mr.
Boutwell’e remarks were loudly applaud
ed.)
Mr. Harding, of Illinois, doubted the
wisdom of going to the people on such an
issue. He was in favor of taking precau
tions against the President, but he did not
wish it understood that the Union Party
made the holding of office so important a
consideration as the action proposed would
make it. '
Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, denounced Pre
sident Johnson as a traitor —a madman—
in league with rebels and copperheads, and
insisted on measures of precaution against
his schemes. He said he had no personal
interest or feeling in the matter. He had
fought oiit his battle with Hie President,
and had won it. But he would as soon
trust a bull in a china shop as Andrew
Johnson in possession of power.
Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, said
‘'Amen” to Mr. Boutwell, and said that
mamas were the letters he received from
his constituents on the tariff, they were few
in number compared with those he received
exhorting him to stand by Congress in its
measures for the salvation of the country.
He denounced the Philadelphia Convention
as a conspiracy of traitors, and said lie be
lieved the President had got it up for the
purpose of destroying the Union Party, and
of putting rebels and copperheads into
power. The rebel newspapers North and
South were in favor of it for that reason.
The New York News and World advo
cated it as a means of destroying the Union
Party and restoring the rebels to power,
and the New York Times, although it had
not yet gone quite so far as this, also, up
held' and favored the Convention. The
President, as is well known, regards every
bill passed by Congress, while eleven States
are unrepresented, as null and void, so that
nothing short of the admission of the rebel
members will satisfy him.
Mr. Raymond, of New York, said Mr.
Kelley Imd not the shadow of a right to
attribute to the Times any such purpose or
motive as breaking up the Union Party.
His insinuation to that effect was utterly
untrue, and was the most unmanly way of
making an injurious and unjust charge.
He had his own views of the objects to be
accomplished by die Convention, and he
had not, thus far. concurred in the views
expressed by those around him. He be
lieved that properly the Conven
tion would strengthen the L hion Party,
instead of destroying it. So long as he had
reason to think so. lie should continue to
advocate it. AVhenever he saw reason to
believe that it was to be used to destroy
the Union Party, neither the Times nor its
Editor would support it. As to the gen
tleman's assertion that the President re
gards everything Congress has done in the
absence of eleven States as null and void.
I beg to ask him how bv reconciles that
statement with the fact that the President
has signed nearly every bill Congress has
passed?*
Mr. Kelley—That is one of the Pres
ident's many inconsistencies.
Mr. Kasson, of lowa, favored Mr. Shel
labarger s substitute, .though he did not
concur in some of the views expressed.
He feared that the Union Party would be
weakened, rather than aided, by the meas
ures proposed to he taken.
Mr. Hotchkiss. ofNew Y ork. and Mr.
Hubbard, of Connecticut, spoke in advo
cacy of the resolution and in denunciation
of the President.
The resolution of Mr. SSellabarger was
then adopted.
Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, offered a
resolution declaring it to be the duty of
every Union man to denounce the Phila
delphia Convention and render it odious to
the people. He said he wanted the lines
distinctly drawn between the friends and
enemies of the Union cause, and wanted it
distinctly understood that no one who favor
ed the Philadelphia Convention could have
any fellowship with the Union party. He
did not agree with the gentleman from
Illinois (Mr. Harding,) in liis views, but
did agree with liis colleague [Mr. Inger
solhj
Mr. Bromwell, of Illinois, followed in
favor of this resolution —denouncing the
President, and saying we ought to revise
all the lawsdinder which offices were crea
ted which the President can fill—and that
salaries should be abolished, and other
means taken to render the power of ap
pointment useless in his hands*. Congress
could sit all summer —we were paid by the
year and it made no odds to us.
Mr. Lane, (Senator) of Indiana, fol
lowed in a very excited speech, demanding
the enactment of stringent laws to restrain
and curtail the (lower of the President—
saying he was ready to sit all summer, if
necessary, at the point of the bayonet; that
if a victim was wanted, he .was 'ready; and
declaring that a million of soldiers would
flock to the Capital to sustain Congress
against the tyranny of the President. ~ He
branded all Union men who supported the
President as actuated by a desire for office,
and as belonging to the “bread and butter
brigade. ’ ’ His remarks were received with
applause. ,
Mr. Hale, of New York, objected to the
resolution as unjust to true Union men and
Union newspapers, and especially to the
New York Evening East, which favored
the Convention. Mr. Hale ridiculed Sen
ator Lane’s excited remarks. and thought
they were not called for by the facts of the
case.
Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, de
nounced the Post —said one of its proprie
tors only escaped the Penitentiary by a
technical quibble, and branded the Presi
dent as a rebel and traitor. He -agreed in
branding the Philadelphia Convention as a
conspiracy, and denouncing all who favored
it in any way. ,
Mr. Hale denied that the gentleman re- i
ferred to by Senator Wilson was a member !
of the editorial corps of the Evening Post, j
or responsible for its course. He do- |
nounced the Senator’s remarks as an un-j
warranted attack on a private citizen—said
the person in question was acquitted on :
the merits ofhis trial, and that no mdn
had a right to impugn his integrity. i
Senator Williams, of Oregon, followed !
in the same strain. j
Mr. Anderson, of Missouri, concurred in i
denouncing the President and the Phila- ■
delphia Convention, and all who supported
or favored either. They were traitors to
the party and the country. He spoke at :
some length, and with warmth.
Mr. Raymond of New York, said he
presunfed he was not guilty of any undue
assumption in supposing that the resolu
tion was aimed, in part at least, at him. ‘
He regarded it as a menace ; and so far as ;
it was a menace, and as such directed
against him, he regarded it with no other I
feeling than one of uoter contempt. He \
was not responsible, personally, proses- j
sionally, or politically, to the "gentleman ’
from Pennsylvania, nor to the delegation !
from Pennsylvania, nor to the Union i
members of Congress assembled in caucus ;
or otherwise. He held position in the i
Union party by favor of his constituents-!
and by appointment of the National Union '
Convention. When either of these au- !
thorities saw fit to expel him or to exclude i
him from the party, lie would give heed to
the exclusion, for he recognized their au- i
thority. But the action of that caucus in \
regard to his membership of the Union :
Party was a matter of entire indifference :
to him. When the Philadelphia Conven- '
tion was first summoned, he believed it ■
would have a good effect in nationalizing 1
the Union Party, and in placing its action 1
upon a broader and-safer basis! He had i
never concealed his conviction that unless j
the party was thus nationalized and liber- ;
alized, it would be short-lived, and power !
would pass from its hands to those of its :
opponents; and he had therefore looked
with favor on the call for the Convention. ;
Whenever lie saw reason to change his !
opinion as to its object and effect , he should ■
act accordingly. If it should become an- s
Sirent that it was intended to break up the
nion party and throw the (lower of the
South into the hands of “rebels and Cop-i
perheads, ’ ’ neither the Times nor its Ecu- )
tor would support it. Butane wspaper is '
compelled to discuss all the phases of pub- i
lie affairs, as they arise, from day to day— j
without waiting for subsequent develop- i
meats. He branded as utterly false and :
slanderous all intimations that his course
was prompted by a desire for office —saying
that he had never asked and would never
accept any office at the hands of the Ad
ministration—and asserted his purpose to
be governed, in his action upon said ques
tion as it might arise, by his own judgment
of what was just and wise.
The resolution was then adapted, Mr.
Hale, of New. York, alone voting “no,”
and Mr. Raymond, understanding that the
resolution was partially, at least, aimed at
him, stating that he declined to vote at all.
Gen. Banks then announced the appoint
ment of the Committee of Nine : Senators
Morrill, of Maine; Chandler, of Michigan:
Nye, of Nevada ; and Representatives Col
fax, of Indiana; Farnsworth, of Illinois ;
Hotchkiss, of New York: Stevens, of Penn
sylvania ; Garfield, of Ohio; Boutwell, ot
Massachusetts.
Gov. Hamilton, of Texas, then addressed
the meeting, by its invitation, on motion
of Mr. Stevens, after which tie caucus
adjourned, to meet at the call of the com
mittee.
The Second Caucus.
Washington, July 15. |
The proceedings of the caucus of Satur- !
day evening were in striking contrast with !
those of Wednesday. The temper of the
two was radically different. The extreme 1
propositions about sitting all Summer to !
prevent the President from destroying, the !
country, which were so popular on Wed- j
nesday, we*e received with no favor what
ever on Saturday. Members had reflected
on the subject, and concludedJliat it was
not worth while to make themselves ridicu
lous.
The report of the Committee, in spite of
the efforts of Speaker Colfax, Mr. Stevens.
Mr. Farnsworth. Air. Hotchkiss and others’
was summarily set aside, and the caucus
resolved, by a vote of 64 to 40, to adjourn
on the 23d.
The injunction of secresy was removed
from both Caucuses, in order that jnembers
might set themselves right against the
shameless fabrication and invention of tbe
Tribune and World. The Herald repor
ter was ejected from his ‘ 'post of honor’ ’
and of duty under a bench in the gallery
at about 10 o’clock, so that after that time
he was compelled to draw on his resignation
for his facts, and he did it. This accounts
for his gross misrepresentation of Air. Ray
mond’s remarks.
The tone of the second caucus, as of the
first, was one of entire hostility to the
President’s action. 4
Detail of the Proceedings.
Saturday, July 14.
The caucus of the two Houses assembled
at the call of the Committee.
Air. Conkling of New York called atten
tion to the fact that in spite of the injunc
tion of secrecy.; the proceedings of the last
caucus had been published in some of the
New York newspapers, but so inaccurately
as to do injustice to individual rnem
bers. He suggested either that the caucus
should be open, or that steps be taken to
make the injunctions of secrecy effective.
Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, said that the
manner in which the proceeding of the last
caucus was betrayed, was known, and he
thought it would not occur again. A re
porter huu followed members and overheard
tnqir conversation in the cars.
Several members said this was not the
way in which the proceedings became pub
lic. A reporter had-been concealed under
the benches.of the Reiprter’s - gallery du
ring part of the evening, but was discov
ered and ejected about 10 o’clock.
Mr. Raymond suggested that the sub
ject be postponed for the present, and that
the caucus proceed under the rales adopted
at the former meeting.
Messrs. Stevens and Garfield concurred
in this, and the Chairman called on the
Committee appointed on Wednesday' for
their report,
Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, .said he did
not see Senator Chandler, who was Chair
man of the Committee, present. The Sen
ator was in possession of the report of the
Committee, but in his absence he would
state its substance. The majority were in
favor of continuing the session of Congress,
or, if that could not ho carried, of the Sen
ate at least through the summer. They
each decided, therefore, not to recommend
any time.for adjournment.
Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, said he
thought it very desirable that ■ Congress
should continue in session for other reasons
than those which had been suggested. He
would mention one. A distinguished gen
tleman from the South was in town, from
whom he learned that the Louisiana Con
vention would meet on the. 30th for the re
vision of the State Connstitutien, and that
amendmentsTvould be. adopted disfranchis
ing the rebel and enfranchising the loyal
inhabitants without distinction of color. If
Congress should be in session when this
Constitution should be adopted, it could,
in accordance with the precedent estab
lished in the Rhode Island case, accept it,
and thus give it validity as the Constitution
of tliG State. In the Rhode Island case
the Supreme Court decided that it was for
Congress to decide.which was the Consti
tutional Government of any State in which
doubts, existed. If Congress should not he
in session, a long time must .elapse before
action could be taken; the new government
of the State might fail to get a foot-hold, •
and the country would experience a very
serious calamity.
Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, asked whether the
gentleman supposed anew Constitution
would be adopted for Louisiana without
being submitted to the people of the State.
Mr. Boutwell replied that he did not
know how that might be. It might, per
haps, be submitted to the loyal people of
the State.
Mr. Ashby said that to wait for the Con
vention to vote and the people to vote
would take us over to October at least.
Speaker Colfax said he would state the
condition of the public business. We had
still one of the appropriation bills to act
upon. The Rousseau and Grinnell case of
privilege was still undecided. The Sol
diers’ Bounty Bill would come back to us
from the Senate. A bill concerning the
Judges of the Supreme Court was pending,
and there were several other bills of a good
deal of importance awaiting action.
.Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, said he was
perfectly willing to stay if there was any
necessity .for it, but it was clear it was not
required by the condition of the public
business, as stated by the Speaker. He
had known more bills than the Speaker had
enumerated passed in a single, night. As
to the rather wild idea of sitting all sum
mer to prevent the President from ruining
the country, lie hoped the caucus would
not act upon any such motive. He should
propose that the caucus declare itself ready
to adjourn on the 23d.
Mr. Wilson, of lowa, offered a resolu
tion that Congress meet hereafter at 11
o’clock, and that it is ip favor of adjourn
ing on the 23d.
Speaker Colfax said he had understood
from very good authority that the Pres
ident intended to veto the bill, providing
that there should be no new appointment
of Judge of the Supreme Court until the
number should be less than seven. If he
should do, it would be desirable that Con
gress should wait ten days after the pas
sage of the bill, so as to pass it over the
veto.
Mr. Morrill,, of Vermont, said he was
willing to remain in session if it would do
any good, but he thought he could very
easily finish our business, and ho was
satisfied there was no reason for sitting till
December. It was clear that no rebel !
Congress could be brought into power be- '
fore, next March, when this Congress would ;
expire, but -after thiflt lie was satisfied that j
the rebels would be brought in by fair j
means or foul, but we can do nothing about
this until the time comes. It was easy to 1
see, moreover, that the Senate has no in
tention of prolonging its session. It is
daily putting over business of importance
to December.
Mr. Bromwell, of Illinois, thoinght the
question of admitting Tennessee should be
disposed of in some way before wc adjourn
ed. He was as much opposed to a “hum’ ’
Congress as anybody, hut we ought to dis
pose of important public business.
Senator Sherman, of Ohio, w*a s satisfied
that the Senate could finish its legitimate
business in a week, and a majority of that
body was clearly opposed to sitting through
the summer for any political purpose.
There were bills of a political character
(lending. One to prevent removals from
office by the President, and the other pro
viding.for the admission of* Tennessee.
For liis own part, he would vote to admit
the Tennessee members at once with. or
without the ratification of the Constitu
tional amendments. But others do not
concur in this. Some might insist that
the State shall ratify these amendments,
and some that they shall become part of
the Constitution before the State shall
he admitted. One thing, however, is cer
tain, the President is no longer with the
Union party. AVe must look this fact full
in the face. Whatever he can do to des
troy it he will do ; but in spite of that the
Union party stands firm. In his own
State (Ohio) it was never more conipact
i and united than it is to-day. He did not
fear anything that the President cun do
against it, with or without his aid, or that
of any who are associated with him. The
Union party can maintain its ascendency.
He thought Union members were needed
at home-to attend to the coming elections.
I Air. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said he
! could not agree with the remarks made by
1 many gentlemen, nor could he concur in
their views. Whence comes, he asked, this
1 extreme anxiety, this unseemly haste to
desert our post and abandon our friends to
the tender mercies of the enemy ? He •
was grieved to hoar that the Senate, which
ought to protect the people asrainst the
machinations of the White Hoq.se, was
ready to adjourn. He had hoped that the
people would be justified in looking to us
as their guardians against the Executive.
How far our desertion of our posts would
go toward breaking down the Union Party
he did not know, hut one thing he did
know, it would go very far to destroy the
confidence of the people in Congress. He
thought that if we could not make up our
minds.to stjtnd to our posts we need not be
in haste at any rate to adopt a resolution
to adjourn. The people ol Pennsylvania
think we ought to be slow to. adjourn ; that
we should remain in session as long as
there is anything to do, aud the longer the
better. He did not believe we could do
the business before us properly and delib
erately' in three years. He we
ought not to think of adjourning until we I
had passed enabling acts to authorize the
rebelj-kates to form Constitutions on the
principles of universal suffrage and of pro
tecting loyal men, and to enable them to
organize State Governments under them.
He deemed such a law of far greater im- .
portance than all the others that had been
mentioned. He hoped gentlemen would
not act hastily on the subject of adjourn
ment.
Air. Price, of lowa, thought it important
that members should be at home attend
ing to matters there. Congress can do
little,. and the President can do _ nothing j
to injure the country until this
Congress expires. We have no now
erover the thousands of small office-holders
who are really the working politicians. He’
believed the President to be the vilest man
that ever sat in that place, and he would
stay here and die, if necessary, to thwart
his .traitorous schemes : but he did not
oeiieve any good could be accomplished by
staying.
Mr Shellabarger, of Ohio, regretted the
manifest inclination of members to go
home speedily, not that he wished them to
indefinitely,, but lie did think they
should stay until their work was done,
and well done. He regretted that he saw
no disposition to stay long enough to pass
important bills,, like the one to take away
from the 1 resident the power of removal,
and to pass them over the veto if they
should be vetoed.
, -^ r - Uonkling. of New York, thought
taut whatever Congress does in legislation,
should be done deliberately and with care:
not under whip and spur, as had been sug
gesteu by the gentleman from Illinois, Mr.
\\ ashbuni That was the very worst man
ner of legislating. He concurred entirely
with Mr. elevens in this view of the ease.
He hoped we should not meet at any other
than the usinlliour; that we stay long
enough to do all our business properly, and
then adjourn.
Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, offered a
resolution that Congress would uot adjourn
until a law had been passed restraining the
President's power ,of removal; but the
previous question having been demanded
by several members, Mr. F.’s- resolution
was uot received.
The demand for the previous question
was sustained, and the provisions to meet
at 11 o’clock was stricken out.
The resolution to adjourn oil the 23d,
then coining up, Mr. Stevens, of Pennsyl
vania, moved to lay it on the table. This
was lost, and the resolution was then adop
ted : yeas, 64 ; nays, 40.
Mr. Raymond moved that the
tion of secrecy .bc/cmoved from tire pro
ceedings of both caucuses.
Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said lie
hoped it would bo, that the people * might
see how indifferent Congress was to the
public good.
The resolution was then unanimously
adopted, and the meeting adjourned.
The Philadelphia Convention.
We take pleasure in laying before our
readers the following extract from a private
letter,, written to us by one of our friends
in the Country. The writer is widely known
throughout * the State as a gentleman of
rare intellectual attainments, and a jurist
of the very first rank and position.
Sandersville, July 7th, 1866.
Dear General: * * * Your course
in regard to the National Union Conven
tion movement meets my most hearty con
currence, as it docs that of the people of
this county. That there should be any
opposition to it at all, seems to be a mat
ter of surprise to every man whom I have
heard talk on the subject, except one, and
he says “he’s mad and aint had time to
cool off yet”—thus acknowledging that his
opposition is not based upon his reason
and judgment, but his passions.
The National Union party is a clear ne
cessity of the times. The political ele
ments so lately lashed into fury by revolu
tion seem madly tending in the direction of
consolidation and every form of insane
radicalism, and this movement comes op
portunely upon the political arena to save
the Country from anarchy, and constitu
tional liberty from complete overthrow. It
is worse than folly to seek now to revive
issues that were killed in the war. Os
course there are propositions in the plat
form, which, if they were now open ques
tions, would be unacceptable to us; but
thefxare not open . questions, and we are
simply called upon to accept, in good faith,
the established status —nothing more,
nothing less! Who-does not know that we
have to accept many things in this world
that are not exactly to our liking? And
who doesn’t admire him more, who accepts
them with becoming grace, than he who
does it with a growl ? This Convention
movement is but the outburst of that wise,
humane, manly, and magnanimous policy
long since inaugurated by the President,
and adhered to by him with a firmness
truly Roman, and a fidelity worthy so lofty
a purpose ! It is a movement designed to
save the Constitution from utter destruc
tion, and therefore a movement friendly to
the South. Qur only hope and safety is
in the Constitution faithfully administered
a?; it is. Is it not strange that two such
sensible and conservative print's as the
Constitutionalist and the Southern Recor
der should take ground against this move*
ment? Surely they will not persist in
a course which bur whole people feel is so
inharmonious with our present position
and true policy.
But I did not intend to do more, when I
started to write on this subject, than assure
you of the warm approval by our people of
the able and manly position of your excel
lent paper. This county will be repre
sented in your District Convention of the
28th inst. Delegates will be chosen to it
next Monday.
Yours, very truly, J. S. H.
Gen. A. R. Wright.
The Radical Congress.
The Radical Congress seems to be daily
Hosing ground among its staunch supporters.
Blated about “ saving the country ” and
quibbling about “loyalty and rebellion,”
increasing their own pay and reducing that
of their successors, creating new bureaus
and grasping at all “packings,” is a fair
summary of the national legislation. Even
the New York Tribune is becoming alarm
ed. Hear its entreaties and, appeals to the
‘ 'so-called statesmen. ’ ’ Listen to its pray
ers to gentlemen in Congress:
Congress hasvirtually decided to adjourn
on Monday next; and we entreat the mem
bers not to separate without doing someth
ing to turn the balance of trade now heav
ily against us. Speculate as you may about
protection and free trade or spacie and
paper currency, you can’t believe it whole
some and wise for a great nation Hke ours,
in a time of profound peace and 'general
j thrift, to be buying goods by the millions’
! worth from other nations and paying for
! them in bills drawn on posterity, bearing
| heavy gold interest, yet sold for two-thirds
;of their face. Yet that is exactly what
this country is now doing on a very large
scale.
With no more wheat grown this year than
will make our bread—with no beef or mut
ton or wool to spare—with very little of
this year’s product to send abroad save
cotton, and not -half a full crop of that—
we are importing Foreign products at the
rate of four hundred million of dollars in
gold per annum, while all that we can
spare for export beside specie and bonds
will not return us three hundred millions.
How long, think you, 0 statesmen! that
this can go on ?
Cfentlemen in Congress! we pray you
-not to adjourn without doing something to
cheeek the outward flow of Government
bonds bearing six per cent interest in gold,
aud sold in Europe for 30 to 35 per cent
below their nominal value. We wish you
would both contract the currency and in
crease the tariff; we pray you not to leave
Washington without doing • one or the
other!
The New Ten Dollar Counterfeit.
—The following is a minute description of
the new ten dollar counterfeit note on the
National Banks : ‘ ‘Figure of Liberty on
an eagle upon right end, Franklin and,
boy on left. The signatures are engraved
in the counterfeit, and in the genuine they
are Written. The lightning, grasped by the
hand of liberty, is barely perceptible in the
genuine, while in the counterfeit it is
broadly defined on a dark, coarse back
ground, which in tluf genuine is light.
The general appearance is fair, but is very
coarse on examination. On the back of
the note the followers of De Soto appeared
as if engaged in a terrible battle, and
appeared mixed up, while in the fore
ground, that which is designed for a priest,
bears the exact image of a monkey. These
notes may lie altered to represent any Na
tional Bank.
FREKDMEN’S BUREAU BILL,
TUe Veto in Full.
Washington, July 16 —The following
is the veto message of the President, com
municated to-day to the House of Repre
sentatives :
A careful examination of the bill passed
by the two Houses of Congress,* entitled
“An Act to coutinue in force and to amend
an act reestablish a bureau for the relief
of freeijmen and refugees, and other pur
poses,” has convinced me that the legis
lation which it proposed would not be con
sistent with the welfare of the country, and
that it foils within the reasons assigned in
my message of the 19th of February last,
returning, without my signature, a similar
measure which originated in the Senate.
It is not my purpose to repeat the objec
tions which I then urged, they are yet fresh
in your recollection, and can be readily ex
amined as a part of the records of one
branch of the National Legislature. Ad
hering to the principles set forth in that
message., I now reaffirm them and the line
of policy therein indicated.
The only ground upon which this kiud of
legislation can-be justified is that of the
war-making power. The act of which the
bill is intended as amendatory, was passed
during the existence of the war. By its
own provisions, it is to terminate within
one year from the cessation of hostilities
and the declaration of peace. It i.V there
fore yet in existence. It is likely that it
will continue in force as long as the freed
tnen may require the benefit of its provis
ions. It will certainly remain in operation
as law until some ‘months subsequent to
the meeting of the next session of Congress,
when, it experience shall make evident the
necessity of additional legislation. The
two Houses will have ample time to ma
ture and pass the requisite measure. In
the meantime the questions arise, why
should the war measure be continued be
yond the period designated in the original
act, and why, in time of peace, should* mili
tary tribunals be created to continue until
each State shall be fully restored in its
constitutional relations to* the Government,
and shall be duly represented in the Con
gress of the United States ? It was mani
fest, with respect to the act approved
March 3, 1865, that precedence and wis
dom alike required that jurisdiction over
all cases concerning the free enjoyment of
the rights of eitisenship, as Well as the pro
tection of person and properity, should be
conferred upon some tribunal in every
State or District where the ordinary course
of judicial proceedings is no longer inter
rupted ; the courts, both State and Fed
eral, are in full, complete and successful
operation, and through them every person,
regardless .of race andcolor, are entitled to
and can be heard.
Protection granted to the white citizen
is already conferred by the laws upon the
freedmen. Strong and stringent guards by
way of penalty and punishment are thrown
around his person and property, and it is
believed that ample protection will be af
forded him by due process of law, without
resort to the dangerous expediency of mil
itary tribunals, now that tho war has been
brought to a clpse, and the necessity no
longer existing for such tribunals, which
had their origin in the war.
Grave objections to their continuance
must present themselves to the mind of all
reflecting and dispassionate men indepepd
ently of the danger in representative re
publics of conferring upon the military in
time of peace, extraordinary powers, so
carefully guarded against by the patriots
an I statesmen of the early days of the Re
public, so frequently the ruin of govern
ments formed upon the same full princi
ples, and subversive of the rights mid lib
erties of the practical enemy earnestly com
mends itself to the consideration of the
law-making power. With an immense
debt already burdening the incomes of the
industrial and laboring classes. A due re
gard for their interests, so inseparably
connected witn the welfare of the country,
should dispose us to regard economy and
influence us to abstain from all legislation
that would unnecessarily increase the pub
lic indebtedness.
Tested by the rule of sound political wis
dom I can see no reason for the establish
ment of military jurisdiction concrred up
on the officials of the Bureau by the 4th
Section of the bill. By the laws of the
United States and of the different States,
competent Courts, Federal and State, have
been establsh.ed, and are now in full practi
cal operation.
By means of these civil tribunals ample
redress is afforded for all the private wrongs
of the citizens, without denial or unneces
sary delay, and are open to all without
regard to color or race.
I feel well assured that it would he bet
ter to trust the rights, privileges and im
munities of citizens to tribunals thus es
tablished and presided over by competent
and impartial judges, bound by fixed rules
U law, and where the right of trial by jury
is guranteed and secured, than to the capri
cious judgment of an officer, of the Bureau,
who, it is possible, may be entirely ignorant
of the principles that underlie the just ad
ministration of the law.
There is danger, too, that a conflict of
jurisdiction will frequently arise between
the civil courts and these military tribunals,
each having concurrent jurisdiction over the
person and cause of action —the one juris
diction administered and controlled by the
civil law, and the other by the military.
How is this conflict to be settled ? and
who is to determine between the tribunals
when it arises ?
In my opinion it is wise to guard against
such conflicts by leaving to the courts and
juries the protection of all civil rights and
the redression of all civil grievances. The
fact can’t be denied that, since the actual
cessation of hostilities, many acts of vio
lence, such, perhaps, as had never been
wittnessed in their previous history, have
occurred in the States involved in the
recent rebellion.
T believe, however, that public sentiment
will sustain me in the assertion that such
deeds of wrong are not confined to any par
ticular State or section, but are manifested
over the entire country, demonstrating
that the cause that produced them does
not depend upon any particular locality,
but is the result-of the agitation and de
rangement incident to a' long and bloody
war. While the prevalence of such dis
orders must be greatly deplored, their oc
casional and temporary recurrence would
seem to furnish no necessity for the exten
sion of the Bureau beyond the period fixed
in the original act.
Besides the objections I have thus briefly
stated, I may urge upon your consideration
the additional reason that present develop
ments in regard to the practical assistance
of the Bureau in many of the States show
that in numerous instances it is used by its
agents as a means of promoting their own.
individual advantage, and that the freed
men are employes lor the advancement of
the personal ends of the officers instead of
their own improvement and welfare: thus
confirming the fears originally entertained
by many that the continuance of such a
course for any unnecessary length of time
would result in fraud, corruption and op
pression. _
It is proper to state that, in cases of this
character, investigations have been prompt
ly ordered and the offender punished when
ever his guilt has been satisfactorily estab
lished.
As another reason against the necessity
•of the legislation contemplated by this
measure, reference may Vie had to the Civil
Rights bill, now a law of the land, and
which will be faithfully executed, and not
be declared unconstitutional by courts of
competent jurisdiction.
By that act it is provided that all per
sons born in the Tj nited States and not
subject to any foreign power, excluding In
dians, not taxed, are hereby declared to be
citizens of. the United States, and such
citizen, of every race and color, without
regard to any previous condition of slavery
or involuntary servitude, except as a pun
ishment for crimes whereof the party shall
have been duly convicted, shall have same
rights in every State and Territory within
the United States to make and. enforce con
tracts, to sue, be parties and give evidence,
to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, Hold and
convey real and personal property, and to
the full and equal benefit of all claims and
proceedings for the security of persons and
property as is enjoyed by white citizens,
anu shall be subject to like punishment
and penalties, and to none other any law
statute, ordinance regulations or custom to
the contrary notwithstanding
By the provisions of this act lull protee
tion is ottered m the District Courts ol"
the United States to all persons injured
and whose privileges thus declared are in
any way impaired, and heavy penalties arc
imposed upon the person who wilfully vio
lates the law.
I need not say that that law did not re
ceive my approval; yet its remedy's arc for
more preferable than those proposed on
the present, the one being civil and the
other military.
• By the sections o£ the bill herewith re
turned, certain privileges by which the
lands in the parishes of St. Helena and St,
Luke s were sold and bid and afterwards
disposed of by the Tax Commissioners and
confirmed and ratified. By the 7th. <Hli.
10th and 11th sections provisions are made
by law for the disposal ul‘the. lands thus re
quired to a particular class of cit izrns.
While the granting of titles is deemed
very important and desirable, the discrim,
ination made in the bill seems ohjectional
as does also the attempt to confer on the
Commissioners judicial powers, by which
citizens of the Cubed States are to he de
prived Os their property in a inode contra
ry to that provision of the Constitution
which declares that no person shall be de
prived of life, liberty, or property without
due process of law. *
Asa general principle, such legislation is.
unsafe, unwise, partial and unconstitution
al. It may deprive persons of their prop
erty who are equally deserving objects of
the nation’s bounty as those whofii. by this
legislation, Congress seeks to benefit.
The title to land thus to be portioned out
to a favored class of citizens, must depend
upon the regulating of tax sales under the
law as it existed at the time of sale, and no
subsequent legislation can e validity to
right thus acquired against original claim
ants.
The attention of Congress is, therefore,
invited to a more mature consideration of
the measures, proposed in this sec
tion ot the bill. In conclusion 1
again urge upon Congress the danger of
class legislation so well calculated to keep
the public mind in a state of uncertain
expectation, disgust and restlessness’
and encorage the interested to hope
and fear that the National Govern
ment will continue to furnish to classes of
citizens in the several States support and
maintenance regardless as to whether they
pursue a life of indolence or labor and re
gardless also of .the constitutional limita
tions of the National authority in times of
peace, and consequently the bill is here
with returned to the House ol' Repre
sentatives, in which it originated, for its
final action. Andrew Johnson,
The Weakness of Prussia.
[From the Saturday Review, .Jurw M j
The real weakness of Prussia lies in the.
disproportion of the. work it. has to do to the.
resources it can command. On the east,
the Prussians are in great strength, and
Austria could not hope to gain any decis
ive advantage over them without making
an effort which, if not successful, would be
very costly and exhausting. But the fur
ther west we go the weaker the Prussians
seem. ‘They hate so very much to do.
They have to the Hanoverian army,
and it is evident that the troops which they
can employ for the purpose are Dot very
numerouj. They have to protect their own
Rhine provinces. They have to oppose
the Federal army under Prince Alexander
of Hesse, and the Bavajiart army now sta
tioned near Baironth. The Federal army’
may not in itself be a very dmftrefou# one
my, but it is led by a General slid to lx
one of the best in Germany, and its strength
is likely to increase as events compel those
who would willingly be neutral to send in
their contingents.
The Prussians must employ a large force
to watch this Fedoral aftny,-and |here are
probably already at least a hundred thou
sand men actually under arms in the Fed
eral and Bavarian armies. This is a very
serious opposition to Prussia, and if her
enemies do but know howto make the best
use of tlieir opportunity, they might im
pose on her a burden that "she would be
scarcely able to bear. If things remain as
they are now, time would probably tell in
favor of the Prussians. At present they
catinot call into play the resources of the
territories on which they have seized. The
Hanoverian army and the Saxon army
places the fighting men of two important
provinces oil the side of Austria ; nor can
the petty contingents which some tiny
principalities have sent to the aid of Prus
sia do any thing to redress the balance.
But if Prussia is permitted to occupy the
whole, or almost the whole, of Northern
Germany for a few months longer, to in
troduce everywhere her systrm of civil and
military organization, to levy and drill re
cruits, to raise taxes, and to call for sup
plies of all kinds, through States that
nave an aggregate population of more than
twenty-four millions, she will be able to
snake Germany do more for her than it can
do for Austria. ,
Thecritical question of the war is whether
Prussia will be able thus so consolidate
herself, or whether she will not be exhaust
ed by the series and conflicts which her
enemies can force on her in the west and
center of her position, while-Benedek
holds in check the main body of her troops
on the East. It is said she did not think
Southern Germany would be as earnest
and united in opposing her as it has.
proved to lie. Baden might have been ex
pected to be rendered inactive by the
private prepossessions of its ruler. But in
Baden, as throughout South Germany, it
is not the ruler so much as the subjects
that are the enemies of Prussia. They re
gard Prussia with a mixture of fear, dis
like and indignation, which goes deep info
the popular heart; while in the North
Prussia nowhere excites enthusiasm, and is
only supported because a conviction is
widely spread that she is the necessary
prioneer of some form of National unity.
The impulse therefore, to humble her, is
stronger than the impulse to uphold her
with a serious danger. Everything, how
ever, tends so show that the political gain
which Prussia lias already achieved is sub
stantial and indisputable.
Gen. Dix Indorses the Convention.
Below is the reply of Gen. Dix to a let
ter sent by Mr. Doolittle: . *
New York, July 13, 1806.
My Dear Sir: I have received the call
signed by yourself and others fora Nation
al Union Convention in Philadelphia on
the 14th of August. I concur in its pro
positions, its reasonings, and its objects,
and will do all in my power to carry them
out. I long since expressed the opinion
that the States were entitled to their rep
resentation in Congress; that their exclu
sion was a violation of good faith and of'
the obligations of the Constitution, and
that a persistence in such a policy must
lead to consequences most disastrous tv the
peace and prosperity of the country. These
and other considerations connected with
the present unsatisfactory relations of
the States to the Federal Government,
and to each other, render most timely and
proper such a meeting as you have recom
mended of the patriotic and reflecting men
of the Union, to consult together for the
general welfare. lam truly yours,
John A. Dix.
To the Hon. Jas. R. Doolittle.
Gloomy State of Things in St. Ala
ry’s Parish, Louisiana. —A letter dated
Franklin, Ist June ult.,. received in this
city, says : “No money, no cotton, no su
gar. country overflowed. Freedmen’s Bu
reau in Franklin. Negroes won’t work
Pleniy of peaches. Wind and hail storm
last night. Suppose day of judgment
coming. ’ — N. 0. Times.
General Wade Hampton and family are
stopping at the Lookout H6u.se, on Look
out Mountain.
Garibaldi’s body guard is formed by the
sons of the Neapolitan Patricians, whom, a
few years back lie overturned, Queer
world, is it not ?