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OLI) SERIES. VOL. LXXVI.
Chvonirlc & Sentinel
11 KM[V MOORK,
A. 11. WllKillT.
TKltJI* o: .•4|;jWM'IUI’TI«N.
WEEKLY.
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HATI.S til' Am KKTISINti
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CHRONICLE & SENTINEL,
From February 1, 1861.
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AUGUSTA, <iAi
and himi.SDAY iIOU.M.Mi, MAiU ii 13.
A Brack of Vetoes.-— Tho vetoes of
tue Military and Tonuro of Olliee Hills,
although rejected by tho Jaeohiu < '<ingress,
are none tho less valuable as important
State papers. The arguments adduced why
these in. asures should not become law, are
able, clear, and forcible. If addressed to
men who wore not bent on the subversion
of this government and the. destruction of
republican institutions, the earnest appeal
for Constitutional rights contained in tho
veto of tho Military Dill would be irre
sistible. The indecent haste exhibited in
the pas.-,age of these bills, proves conclu
sively that, tho Radicals arc determined, at
all hazards, to rule for tho present, and
unless averted in thoir destructive meas
ures by the solan - second thought of tho peo
ple, ruin tho whole conn try iua short time.
The Military Hill is nothing more nor less
than despotism. President. Johnson has
perform I his duty, audit is no fault of
lil-s that Sir.mini's Military Kill, is now
supremo in this unfortunate suction. Dot
our people so conduct themselves as to
mitigate il - horrors. When the awful Briga
dier makes Ids appearance, let him find us
attending zealously to what is left of out
material interest*. Det politics and dema
gogies alone, and tho Brigadier may not
he such a tcrrifiSe follow after all. Bettor
exists in Tennessee*
\\ ito arc to Rule us 1
As In' the provisions of the Sherman
111]!, a military officer, of u grade not
lower titan a brigadier general, is to he
a signed' to the command pf each of the
districts created by that bill, we give, as a
matter of proper information for our
readers, tho following list of offioCrsin the
army of the United States, from which
the President will be compelled to make
his selections:
Lietenaut General \V. T. Sherman,
Major Generals I hillock, Meade, Thomas,
and Sheridan; Briadior Generals Mc-
Dowell, -Pope, liosccranz. Hooker, Cooke,
Hancock, Schofield ami Howard. Briga
dier Generals, on duty as staff officers: —
Lorenzo Thomas, Meigs, Union, Delaiicld,
Dyer and Barnes.
\Ve believe tho above list is full and cor
rect, though the confusion growing out of
the number of officers of these grades in
the volunteer army of tho United States
renders it very ditlieult for us to say with
certainty that the above list embraces all
the officers of those grades.
Nt\;ro Suffrage at the Nerti:.
A recent dispatch from Washington
says:
This morning Mr. LeTUond, on leave for
personal explanation, read (to the no small
chagrin of lint Radical side of the House)
telegraphic dispatches announcing the
defeat of the negro suffrage hill in the
Ohio and of the rejection of the
*V»nstilutii>nal Amendment” by the Legis
lature of New York.
Will Congress territorialize Ohio and New
York for their contumacy in regard to
these vital questions of universal suffrage
and the Constitutional Amendment? If
the rejection by the Southern States of
these measures is considered sufficient
cause for the destruction of their State
governments, will not our wise and con
sistent rulers at Washington deal out the
same mia ure of punishment to those
ro'raetory Northern [states :
' here might have been some excuse to i
Northern mind, at least, lor the failure
W the South ii) complying with these re
quirements, usher people have so long been
under th.control ami subnotion ol’a haughty
and ignorant aristocracy, as to render
them too dull to appreciate the marvelous
wisdom which they embody ; but for the
intelligent and enlightened people of Ohio
and New York to reject them, there can be
uo excuse. By all means Congress should
Iff oe those States to comply with their
reasonable and humane requirements —
ini versa! Suffrage and the Con.ditution.il
Amendments.
Legislative Amenities in Richmond.
We learn, from our Richmond exchanges,
that a number ot the members ot botn
branches of the Delaware Legislature, with
several ladies and friends, are ou au ex
cursion to Richmond.
They were received in dm form in both
Houses of the Virginia Legislature, aud
speeches of welcome were made by the
presiding officer in each. Senator .1 ackson.
of the Delaware delegation, responded in a
very brief and handsome speech, in which
lie- gave utterance to the hope that we
should soon have an undivided I nioa.
We should judge that, upon the whole,
the Ddaicares will return to their homes
highly delighted with their reception in the
Capital of the Old Commonwealth— that
1C - i,s*.
Not an Inch Should be Conceded.
Not an inch should be conceded, say s the
Philadelphia Age, to this march of usur-
I atiou. Concession will not satisfy the
greedy appetites of the men who are now
leading the assault upon the rights of the
Stales and the liberties of the people.
Ninety-nine points given up without a
contest, and still the party in power would
u-e lorcc to tear the rfemainiug right or
liberty from the grasp of a reluctant peo
ple. It is now the confessed intention of
the Radi-*' party to destroy the Southern
States, and govern the territory by mili
tary-power. 1* that an act which
should be accepted or applauded ? If not,
then the means must be taken to prevent
the mischief. One ot these means is an
appeal to _ the Supreme Court, and the
Enquirer is right in urging that duty upon
the people of Virginia and the South.
The Sherman Bill a Snare.
The folio wing well written -and very
strong argument against the course reeom
niQoacl by Ex-Governor Brown, we clip
from the Atlanta Era of the 2d inst. We
recommend its careful perusal by all our
readers:
Mr. Editor: To a plain man the differ
ence between the Sherman Bill and the
course advL:d by a distinguished citizen
of this State, in a late published letter, i
ahuost imperceptible. 'The one begins
where the other ends, for this advice lias
nc-gro suffrage and the Constitutional
Amendment at its head, and the Sherman
Bill has the Constitutional Amendment
and negro suffrage in its tail.
Thu-, in this !V»:er, the writer say.-:
“Our prompt adopt ton <>/ the CW-iPOt
ti/ouil A mem Intent a>ul universal sujfrugc
would, iu my o/dnion, untile the question."
And in tbe fifth section of the Sherman
bill it is declared that when the constitu
tion of any “ rebel” State shall extend the
right of suffrage to all “ the male citizens
of said State, twenty-one years old and
upward, of whatever race, color or pre
vious condition and “ when such consti
tution shall have been submitted to Con
gress for examination and approval, and
Congress shall have approved the same,
and when said State, by a vote. of. its
Legislature elected under said constitution
shall have ado; >tcd the amendment to the
Constitution of the United States pro
po.-ed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and
- v..
tion of the United States, said States shall
be declared entitled to representation in
Congress, and Senators and Representa
tives shall be admitted therefrom, on their
taking the oath prescribed by law.”.
Now the difference between these “ two
schedules" —as that man of blessed memory,
Bill Arp, would say—is. it is submitted,
so small as to be hardly the difference be
tween tweedledum and tweedledee. —
Coming, however, to the manner in which
these schedules are respectively to be run,
there A a difference, and that difference,
it is conceived, is this :
j Square*,
i 1 Week.
I
! 2 Weeks, j
j 3 Weeks, j
1 Month, j
i
2 Months, j
3 Months.
5 Months.
fi Months.
Tho home-schedule proposes that this
conferral of negro suffrage and adoption of
the Constitutional Amendment he effected
through the machinery of the State gov
ernment of Georgia, forgetting entirely
that in the very preamble ot the Sherman
Bill it is declared that, ‘"No legal State
government , or ader/uate protection for
life and proper/ii, now exists in the Rebel
States of Virginia, Forth Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Arkan
sas." If there be no legal State Govern
ment in Georgia, how can the Constitution
al Amendment be legally adopted or suf
frage legally conferred? I.t is true, this
home-schedule declares it "the dull/of the
Cover nor of Georgia lo call the Legislature
together without delay, 1 ’ as a means to the
accomplishment of these ends; but, in the
eye of Congress, there is no legal "Gover
nor of Georgia," and no legal "Legisla
ture." There is no one who can legally
call and no one to be legally called. The
thing cannot he done. There is.no "legal
State government'’ to do it. Congress
says so, and this letter says: "Agree
with thine adversary quickly. ”
Turning to the other, or Sherman, sche
dule it will bo seen that it is proposed to be
carried out by the imposition upon us of
military rule. Now military rule is a bad
thing, a ivery bad thing. So is poverty.
So death. But there is a poverty that is
bettor than wealth. There is a death—as
many bravo men and martyrs testily—that
is better than life. And, just so, there is
a military government that is better than a
nigger government.
Tho difference in these schedules, per
sc, is next to nothing. The difference in
their operation is all the difference be
tween Consent and Violence—between
rape and seduction, between suicide and
murder. Either with our consent or with
out our consent, it is said this thing is to
be imposed upon us. If so, let it he with
out our consent. It is bad enough to lose
my property, without giving a quit-claim
deed to my despoiler.
But it is not conceived that such is the
alternative to which we are reduced.
Great stress is laid iu this matter upon our
crating, nevertheless, on every occasion
that it was not of tho slightest possible
consequence, since they had all the power
and wore determined to do as they pleased, j
But, mark you, Mr. Editor, despite this j
astonishing clamor that consent has for;
two long years been persistently sought in
every way. Look, for an Instant, at some
of the moans they have adopted. By pro
claiming in the Constitutional Amendment
that I two-thirds vote should remove disa
bility, they have held out a standing lure
to Southern exceptees to earn that vote by
helping on their wishes. By menacing
confiscation—and they have pot ventured
on the spoliation of an acre since the war
—they have appealed to tho tears of prop
erty. Their emissaries have been busy in
the South seducing and dragooning the
masses into "Loyal Union Leagues,” and
happy is the Southern leader who, on
visiting \\ ashiugton, has not been hood
winked and lied to till he came back home
with a bleeding heart to tell bis people all
was lust,
Now why this persistent, varied
effort to purchase our consent? You can
sec it in every proposition upon this sub
ject emanating from that majority. Chief
"ofall it appeared in the submission to
Southern Legislaturesol the Constitutional
Amendment, and, to show how freely we
wt+e left to deal with that matter, i, sir,
had the pleasure of witnessing one of those
I bodies incontinently reject that amendment
! in literal gun-shot, ol'an infantry battalion.
: Why, then, has the sword not fallen long
i ore this? You may say that this majority
i lias not, heretofore, had full swing, but it
S now claims to have that swing, and what
1 is its latest move? A bill, the Sherman
i Hill, halt promise and half threat—with
I our consent still aimed at as the object alike
ot' allurement and menace 1
j There must be some reason for this, and
is it not that these men fear the responsi-
I bility of this great question before their
people and seek to shift off that responsi
bility upon us ? We are told, that in the
late elections, the Northern people showed
1 by their votes that they endorsed these
extremists and wete ready to hound them
I further on. But that is not the way in
which common sense would view tne mat
ter. The Northern people are eminently
a practical people. They made war on
1 good, sound mercantile principles. _ They
j jaw the price of victory aud paid it, and
1 now that victory is theirs they are not—
depend upon it—going to lose the fruit of
their purchase, or permit any politicians
to lose it for them. I’heir verdict last fall
was this: We shed our blopd aud spout
j our money to keep the South with us.—
; We have succeeded; but that country
I needs restoration, and, as we can't trust
the Democratic party, we turn the whole
matter over to you.
If you maKte the whip crack a little wo :
shall not mind it—those people are rebels •
aud deserve some stripes. If you steal a
little we shall not mind that much, cither .
—the spoils are plentiful and human na- j
ture weak. But. outside of these limits,
harkee, we shall hold you to a strict ac- j
count. You have a rich country to deal
with, and a population that we know by
sad experience is dangerous when roused.
You snail not make that country a desert
or brigaudiie that people. Settle polities :
to suit you, but. as you value your heads,
keep your hands off our trade and com- I
ruerco, our manufactures and our agricul
ture. , j
Looking at the matter in this way tnerc
can be perc rived some very substantial
reasons why, with a great deal ot Radical
thunder, there has been such a plentiful
lack of Radical lightning, lla w-hea J-r.ud
bloody-bones has always been just about to
eat the naughty boy up. but lias never yet
begun that interesting operation. Some
months ago there was talk about impeach
ing the President. Gold flew up; trade fell
down: bonds came in from Europe. The
papers began to moan, and a great exodus
of war horses took place to \\ ashington
from the South, anxious, doubtless, to
learn exactly when the world, south ot the
line, was to come to an end. But where is
the impeachment question to-da\ t A low
growl from the Northern people, and the
i thing dropped, leaving everybody but
. Ashley—who couldn’t get out of it—to
swear he had never been there ! And as
I the past has been, so will be the future,
j Here, in your own city, Mr. Editor, trains
‘ are going", houses budding, trade increas
ing, taxes paying, money making, prosper-,
, ity reviving, just asiuequal or less, degree
is the case throughout the South. Now
; put but the finger of martial law on this
prosperity, and the touch will bo the touch
! of the angel that shriveled Jacob’s thigh.
There will be no more striving for a blcss
j ing tlieu. Moody men wdl walk the
i streets and the tax-receiver do his present
week s work in a day. Stop the train,
; cease the building, desolate the field, crip
ple trade,* break down credit, harass,
impoverish, restrict, discourage, enrage,
and where will be the profit the Northern
people will have among us of all the blood
they have lost, and the money they have
j The Northern people will not permit
i this state of affairs, nor will the Radical
majority in Congress dare to venture on
it, inception. When they threaten it,
thro fore, they are but playing a stiff game
of brag—but trying to frighten us with'im
possible perils as the nurse scares her
frowaril child with some tale abut Bugaboo.
The iTeedmcn’s Buteau Bill wa- to eat
u~ aK up and was pa- ed'over the veto
with a great flourish of trumpets, but to
day that hybrid enactment is less on rative
than ever before. The Civil Bights Bill
was to biad us liand arid loot, aud was in
like manner. passed over the veto to the
sound of triumphal music, but to-day how
infrequent, how exceedingly infrequent, is
any prosecution under that putative
statute. There is some reason for per
mitting these acts to tall into desuetude,
and that reason is their full execution Is a
responsibility too enormous to be borne.
They cannot shake their locks at us and
say. we did it. The full responsibility is
theirs and they iear to face it.
And yet this threat, this stale, staje j
threat, is still thundered in our cars in
order to make us commit a great act of !
national hnrikari. For one, Mr. Editor, j
I am not willing to rip myself open for fear !
some menaced sword may cut my throat, j
On the one hand I know that harl kari is ;
certain death, and on the other tfcat I
threatened men live long.
Another consideration. A\ hat are we \
to getjf we will ‘‘ do something” —i. e. — j
enfranchise the black man and disfran
chise the white. Let us see. If we will—,
first,adopt the Constitutional Amendment, j
and second, provide for negro suffrage, j
and third, do and perform generally all j
find •-figulaf gawriJ'rher -acts as may be !
required bv the Radical majority in Con- j
gross, we are to have —what? Why, Test 1
Oath Representation—the nigh boon of I
Misrepresentation instead of our present 1
Non-Representation. We are to have l
Senator Sneak in one House and Repre- j
tentative Tory in the other. W e are to ‘
make Essau’s bargain, with the pottage
left out. We are to play the part of j
Judas, and never get our thirty pieces j
after all. Webster once cried, "Where
am Ito go ?" and, in like manner, we j
*hall be left to query, “ What arc tee to j
have?" _ .
Again. We are told that it is “a fixed j
fact that the Constitutional Amendment
will be adopted in a very short time” by a j
vote of three-fourths of the States now rep- j
resented in Congress. If so, what part or
lot have the unrepresented States in this
" matter ? If it is io go into the _ Constitu
tion without them, their _ adoption would
affect the matter as little in the one way
as their rejection would in the other.-
Why, then, call so strenously upon them
to itdopt that which, it is declared, is as
i good as adopted already ?
Again. To have endured one humilia
tion is surely no reason for putting oneself
in the way of another. The first unhal
lowed compliance has never been held to
justify the second, and to have one spot on
our scutcheon is a shabby excuse for adding
a thousand more.
Past abasement has not helped us, and
is it to be supposed further grovelling will
With this, Air. Editor, I oease to tre
pass on your columns. In what has . n
said I have steadily sought to_ keep v. ■ •
Sherpian Bill primarily in_ view. lae
opinions of that distinguished gentle
man hereinbefore alluded to are, from
the peculiar eminence of their source,
entitled to a respectful!consideration. It is
impossible to doubt either their honesty or
ability, and they have, therefore, to a cer
tain extent, been touched on ; but they
are still but opinions, the opinions of hut
one man, however eminent, tiud I have
preferred to turn from the commentary to
the text—to read this Bill for myself and
—albeit among the humblest of tho citi
zens ol Georgia, a common soldier and a
private man—to form for myself my own
opinion. It is difficult to tell you, sir, the
' indignation, the detestation, the contempt
which go to make up that opinion. This
bill asks mo to renounce my principles, to
betray my countrymen, to abjure myself
For this aggregation of meanness, it
proposes to give me the right to vote side
by side with a negro for a Test Oath man.
I prefer to wait aud take the chances. 1
see .that this very bill admits the impossi
bility of a continuance of military rule,
since, while it claims to be a bill to estab
lish military governments through the agen
cy of the military power, I see, too, that
, itffiduiits there is no neeCsiffty for military*
rule, since, in its very preamble, it declares
the necessity to be that loyal and Republi
can State Governments belegdlly esta Fish
ed, and military government, however
loyal, is neither Republican nor State.
It is, therefore, a snare. An attempt to
induce us to do something by threatening,
if wc will not, to do that which it confesses
out of its! very mouth, ought not to be done,
and, if done', cannot continue. We need
not fall in this pitfall. Wc need not suc
cumb to this threat. Wo are not so weak
as some would have us believe. \V c have,
at least., the vis inertm— the strength of
inactivity. Doing what is right, we can
refuse to do what is wrong, and then, if
done at all, it must be done by others, and
others will have to bear both the responsi
bility and the blame. D.
OUR WASHINGTON COKRESPOxDENCE.
1 \to of tin- Reconstruction Bill — What
will he. the Effect Thereof—Length of'
the First Session of the Fortieth ('on- !
gress—Anoth it Loud Cackle from Sina-_ <
tor Chandler —Exuberance of the Cicil j
Employees— The. Georgetown Election— .,
Dr. Gran n in Washington, — All Indian \
War on Hand—Fate of the Tariff Bill, j
Etc. , etc.
Washington, February 28.
Tt had been given out that, on Monday |
last, the veto message of the President on j
| the Military Reconstruction Bill would be '
sent to the House of Representatives, but
the predictions failed of verification, when
it was set down as a certain thing for
Wednesday (yesterday); but that day
: having passed by without the expected j
veto, we are all on the qui vice this j
morning lor Colonel Moore, the President’s
Private Secretary, to make his appearance
and announce to the Speaker that he is
instructed by the President of the United j
States to deliver to the House of Represen
tatives a message in writing, which said ;
message -in writing, of course, will be a
j lengthy, firm and elaborate veto ot the
| most monstrous measure that ever passed
the Legislature of a free country. Specu
lation is busy, and lias been ibr several
I days, as to what will be the effect of this
i message. Will the Radicals simply vote
upon the bill and enact the law by their
great majority, or will they make it a
theme ibr stirring anew the smouldering
embers of impeachment passion, which, tor
some days, liavc been dormant and still!
No one "seems to know, and there is an
| anxiety about it which amounts to sus
i pense." I have heard, within the. past
twenty-four hours, that the "Raus” are
!in no wise disposed to set up on
their favorite dogma, and that certain
parties who have pledged themselves
l impeach somebody when the For!
Congress meets, intend to redeem t,. _•
j promises. Rutler is here, and has bt
i for some time in conference with Ashley,
Chandler and the other Radical members
and [Senators, who stand determined to
carry out their views, if possible. Upon the
impeachment, rests the length of the first
session of the- next Congress. Many of
the members of the present, who are also
in the next Congress, express themselves as
already very tired of W ashington, aud Jo
not care to hazard the discomfort of a
summer existence here. Perhaps that
foehng may induce the majority to close
business and go home after a week s sitting,
to remain until next winter, but there is no
telling what will occur. Probably mueli
is dependent upon the reception of the
message, which is now being impatiently
awaited. Before the day is over there is
every- likelihood of new phases in the histo
ry of this nation being opened—a tiling, of
course, upon the presumption that in the
course, of an hour or two from now, the
veto will be under consideration iu the
House.
Chandler, of Michigan, essayed another
speech in the Senate yesterday ; the first i
few feeble remarks he has given utterance j
to since his last effusion on the impeach
ment dogma. This time his attacx was
j upon the Secretary of the Treasury, who
he wants brought to the bar of the Senate
lor trial. His remarks were very offensive,
to several 6f the members of hisown party ,
owing to the low persouaiues indulged in. .
! Sumner chimed m, and gave the weight of .
a few classical utterances ;u Chandler s
1 1 1. If: l -at 1 -th *1 them*tnus: have felt, '
I from the manner iu which these charges
were received by the more distinguished ;
mem’ •.-«vf the Senate, that their wailings
were not likely to have any effect.
The civil employees of the Government, !
• who are now iu their “seventh heavens.”
j on account of the passage of the bill giving
them au increase of twenty per cent, to
their pay, will soon reap the reward of
their perseverance in stirring up the bill
to its passage. In many of the depart
ment- the disbursing clerks, with wonder
ful energy, have completed the rolls, and
expect to “payoff in a day or two. The
sons of Israel on Pennsylvania avenue, aud
the other multitude of business men
throughout the metropolis, express a de
cided interest in this matter. Many scores
of long standing can now beeaneelied with
the back pay which each employee re
i ceives.
AUGUSTA. GA., WEDNESDAY .WORKING, MARCH 13, ISG7.
The "Rads” are rejoicing over the
election of their candidate as Mayor of the
neighboring city- of Georgetown, and do not
mention that the Freeumen s village at
Arlington helped furnish the voters. Air.
Welch, the successful candidate, is an o»d
resident of the city, and, it is said, that he
received votes from Conservative men.
Be that as it may, he "now represents the
extreme universal negro suffrage party,
ana his election has inspired the extremists
of this city with the hope of electiugqheir
man next June. They probably will, as
the old citizens seem to be-very apathetic
on the subject of the canvass. When the
experiment of negro suffrage has been t ried
in tbe nation's capital perhaps Congress
will take away the charter.
Dr. Craven, the author of the Prison
Life of,Jefferson Davis, arrived in Wash
ington to-day, intending to bepresent when
his official head (he has been appointed by
the President Postmaster at Newark, N.
J.) is decapitated, as it is expected it will
be by the Senate to-day. Ihe Senators
from bis own State, Alessrs. Cattel and
Frelinghuysen, will both vote against his
confirmation, though professing strong per
sonal regard tor Dr. Craven. He will
bear his misfortune very philosophically
and will probably be nominated by the
President for some other position.
There is every prospect of an Indian war
of some magnitude in the West when the
spring opens. A campaign is already
being organized iu the .Department of the
Missouri, under the command of Major ,
Giq rn 1 Jets ncot k.
The House of Representatives is strain
ing every nerve to pass the Tariff Bill, i
with every indication of its failure of be- j
coming a law during the present session.
It seems as if the number of lobby mem- j
bers and others in Washington, endeavor- j
ing to accomplish its passage, is fully
equaled by those seeking its downfall.
.The Radicals in Congress assert that, 1
should the President sign the Military Re
construction Bill -now before him —his
nominations hereafter would be much
more favorably considered titan they are
at present. Some of them, however,
would be disappointed should the Execu
tive signature take the place of a veto, as
they would then be deprived of'their stock
of powder wherewith to assail and vituper
ate the President.
Much interest is felt in the election by
j the Republican Senators of a President
: pro tempore to succeed Air. Foster. The
i contest is between Senators Fessenden and
j Wade; but the general impression, all
j along, has been that Wade will be chosen.
This is certain should there be a strong
feeling manifested at the caucus which
meets to nominate the presiding officer, in
favor of impeaching Mr. Johnson.
Wc have been having beautiful weather
for the last two or three days. The skies
j have been bright and fair, and the warm
sunshine has imparted a decided spring
j like appearance of' tilings. Pennsylvania
! Avenue is thronged each afternoon with
j hosts of promenaders. -Both Houses of
Congress are in session “at nights,” and
the mild temperature of the atmosphere
has been the means of drawing crowds to
: attend the discussions, though the dull
i outline of debate on tho Tariff Bill in the
I House, and the Army or some other ap
j propriation bill in the Senate,, has hardly
j been the means of shedding any particular
j interest over the proceedings. The sensa
tional scenes are about over for this ses
sion.
The Washington correspondents of the
Press throughout the country have formed
a Club, and organized a few nights ago at
one of the committee rooms at the Capitoi.
L. A. Gobright, Esq., the Washington
Agent of the Associated Press, who is
held in deserved esteem by members of
the Press throughout the whole country;
was elected President of,the Club.
The “Rads” have ceased their warfare
on the Supreme Court/ It is thought
that a war will occur before very long
which will excite their ire anew.
Arlington.
P. S.—Since writing the above I have
been on a tour to the White House, and
have ascertained that tho veto message
will not be sent to Congress to-day. The
President is now closeted, having given
orders to the usher, who stands in atten
dance at his door, to admit no one to his
presence. This is the third disappoint
tneut tho watcher-' over thpdpeumcut have
’ hard; It ■tfHT' pr&oably W iff to mffhnw;'
though that is not positively certain. The
telegraph will Set you know tho very mo
ment of its reception, and how it will be
treated. Arlington.
From the Southern Recorder.
Fertilizers and How to Apply Thesis.
Washington County, 1
February 13, 1807. j B
M v Dear Shi :—Your letter of the 9tli
inst., making inquiries as to the best com- ;
mercial manures, quantity required to make i
it pay, as also its application to land, lias
just reached mo at this place.
I have had so many letters of a similar j
character, that to answer them has become
a source of much taxation on my time, as
also a great nuisance ; but when addressed
by an old schoolmate, and one with such
pleasant relationship as ourselves, I assure |
you it affords me pleasure to reply.
It has ever been the practice of my life
to serve my friends, and I only regret iliat
Providence committed to my care so lim
ited a share of efficiency that I cannot j
serve them better.
To answer your first inquiry, as to the j
best commercial manures, I will occupy a
position contrary to the opinion of many,
as most brands of fertilizers have certifi
cates of their superiority, and some such I
have found almost valueless, and could
mention some, but will forbear and answer j
your questions direct—that is, the best ;
manures in my judgment. I have had
probably as much experience in commer
cial manures as most planters, and do not
flatter myself in stating even more. You
may recollect the State Agricultural So- !
cicty offered a prize at its last Fair in At
lanta for the best experiment in commercial
manures. Asa competitor for that prize,
1 planted twenty-six acres in experiment,
using all the brands I could get in our
markets, as also in Baltimore, of much
reputation. As to the result, you can see
by referring to the Southern Cultivator ,
following the Fair. The next year I selcct
! ed eleven of the best or most successful,
' and added to the list TV. Whitelock &
; Co.’s Cerealizcr. a favorite brand with
I some of m\* Hancock friends, which |
had just been introduced in Georgia. Iu
this second experiment I did not see fully
| the result, having joined the Confederate
army. I left for the seat of war in Ju'.y
after its breaking out in April. Ai that
j time the contest was between AY. White
lock & Cos.. Turner’s Excelsior and _ No.-1 ■
j Peruvian Guano —the former evidently j
having the advantage, and my superin
tendent reported it held it through the
! crop. In my purchase for the crop of this
year, I have offered AY. A\ hitelock & Co.’s
Cerealizer and Turner’s Excelsior. These
are manipulated manures. 1 have also
ordered No. 1 Peruvian Guano, Dissolved
Bones, Salt and Laud Plaster, to manipu
late myself. This is a favorite fertilizer of
j toy very clever friend and distinguished
i planter, David Dickson, who recommends
j a mixture of equal quantities of each,
) except the Plaster—one-half the quan
: tity of the latter. For instance, one
| hundred pounds each of Peruvian Guano,
; Dissolved Bones aud Salt, and fifty of
Plaster.
Various fertilizers have recently been
introduced, among them the Pacific G uano,
which proved well on my crop of last
year. No other of the recent introductions
have I any knowledge of, from experience.
Here let me state the importance of a
State Chemist who could do immense good
in analyzing the various fertilizers aud
give us some insight into their merits or
demerits. AA'ell, as to the best manures,
my answer is. I show my faith by my
works. I think those I ordered are the
best. I think in dry seasons Whitelock
can outstrip them all, and in wet, I have
my doubts whether he has yc-t been ex
celled. lam not personally acquainted
with Mr. AA’hitelock, aud know nothing of
his integrity, but N. A. Hardee,- Esq., of
Savannah, toll? mo he is a man of strict
integrity and high sense of honor ; at uny
rate, I have never been disappointed in a
barrel of his manipulation—hence I have
ordered largely of his manure.
I advise all friends not to use the Peru
vian Guano alone, particularly on dry and
thirsty lands, for in dry weather the
cotton will fire and throw off the leaves
and pods. Turner s Excelsior has been a
favorite fertilizer with me —has proven
well to crops as well as by analysis. I
would mention others tried in my expe
riment. but will not tax you with it, as
! your inquiries are only for the best. Your
second inquiry as to quantity will pay.
My reply is, be governed by your sup
ply. " It will pay with from 5U to 350 lbs.
per acre. If you can apply three hundred
and fifty I advise that amount. If you
can t apply more than fifty, use that
much: you will be paid in good seasons
from fifty to even as high as hundred
and fifty per cent, fur the money in
ve-ted.
Some consider manures extravagantly
high. My opinion is, they will pay much
better at present prices of cotton and
I: sos fertilizers, titan before the war.
Cos. mu you know is not short of iw< > hun
-1 dre-d per cent, higher than before the war,
' while fertilizers are apt fifty per cent.
! higher. lam now bucking my judgment
by purchasing sufficient to apply to every
acre ot cotton I plant, even new grounds
that has never been cultivated, but the
1 timber is well deadened on^ji..
Your third and last inquiry js the
best method of apidicatioiwfof you
mean to a cotton crop).and which is-the
crop that pays best with us. Aly usual
plan has been to open a deep furrow, with
either a two-horse double-winged plow or
by running first a schooter plow and then
reversing the direction and running in the
same furrow a large shovel, or double
wiuged plow ; iu this dejiosit the manure.
It is not so material in the application of
Whitelock that it should be put so deep—
you can put it iu a furrow only run deep
enough to prevent the weeding hoe from
' chopping it out when out your
cotton. When you deposit the manure
i in tho furrow, throw your beds to it, and it
is ready for planting. . f '
I mention the above as it has been my
usual plan, but from experience f prefer
a different method, r. Inch I advise you to
adopt, a; least in a part of your crop. I
intend doing it in no-t of mine, partieu
! larly when the grass i most likely to annoy
■ me.
Run off your rows and throw two furrows
to it —that is, list it up as usual; thic can
remain or not, as you prefer. When you
are ready to put in your manure, run a
deep furrow with a shovel_or double-winged
plow in one of these listing furrows, and
in that put the manure. 1 put the'manure
in from the lismi it. x ftt'.uf that it wSQ
not blow away : in witSv weather I prefer
the common gourd with a long handle put
to it of sufficient length to reach the
ground ; have it so punctured in the bot
tom that the manure will escape freely by
shaking the gourd; hold it in the furrow
and none will escape ; some use tin trum
pets, some machines, and arc content
with their plans. My reason for recom
mending the manure to be put in
the listing furrow is, on account of the
grass growing so luxuriantly, immediately
over the manure—when put off, it gives
you the advantage of putting the sweep
or cultivator to it and getting the most
formidable grass off, . 'ell you will find
is a great advantage, i lon’t be afraid that
your crop will not get the manure. I agree
with my distinguished friend Dickson, in
the January number of the Southern Cul
tivator, that the crop will get it, if you
keep it off tho stumps and out of running
water.
I believe I have covered the ground of
your various inquiries, and, by following
my suggestions, or by adopting something
.better, I wish you much success.
Your friend,
T. J. Smith.
Col. Mark Johnston.
Font, the liiiltimort Gazette.
The True Policy.
There appeared in the New York Times
of Monday last an editorial which strongly
urged upon the people of the South to
accept, at once and with a good grace, the
Military Satrapy bill, the Constitutional
Amendment and all the pains atm penal
ties the Radicals seek to ifapose upon
them. The ground taken by the Times in
support of this advice is, that if these
measures are not sanctioned 'worse, will be
enforced; that inertia •is a crime and
apathetic indifference damnable. To pay
no heed to what Congress may do or say ;
to submit in silence to every new act of
oppression that Congress may inflict; to
break no law; to violate no engagement;
to vent no scorn; to take no interest in
politics, but to attend sedulously to their
private affairs—these arc the exasperating
virtues for which the Radicals are bent
upon punishing the Southern people. It
is surely natural that the latter should
love to dwell upon tho sweet yet bitter
memories of the dead past; that they
should hold in fitting reverence their
heroic dead, and that they should shrink
from branding as political pariahs the
noblest and best of thoir follow citizens.
To do otherwise would be to forget all they
have fought for and all they have suffered;
all the devastation, all the license, and ail
the unimaginable, horrors of a system of
warfare whose nearest counterpart can
only- be found in that adopted by the re
morseless Alva in the Low Countries at
,tko dk.tation oLthe .most fauajical. and
bigoted monarch" fnab over sat on this
Spanish throne.
The Times thinks it is eminently just |
and proper that the Southern people |
should not only endure with patience the j
wrongs that have been inflicted upon them, I
but that they should also consent to make ]
themselves ihc instruments of their own
degradation. The Military Satrapy bill, j
which, by a perversion of language, is ten- |
derly styled the Reconstruction bill, “is j
tolerated,” says the Times , “by many per- j
sons who disapprove wholly of its, princi
ples, from the apprehension that the long
er the subject is left open the more severe
and intolerant will be the terms imposed
upon tiie South. ” If, therefore, the terms
now offered are rejected, “it is very well
understood that something still worse will
be forced upon the country arid the South. ’ ’
That terrible “something still worse,” the
Times asserts, consists of bills now in
course of preparation providing for a !
sweeping confiscation of rebel property.” !
All this is .as- coolly stated as if the Radi- j
cals were omnipotent. It assumes that j
those who call themselves Conservative I
Republicans arc merely submissive under
lings; that the President is a myth, the ;
Supreme Court a thing, to be despised and |
overridden, and that ail power and all au- ;
fchority are vos*cd in Sumner and Wade of j
the Senate, and Stevens and Boutwell of I
the House of Representatives. Grant that j
this view of the matW is the correct,, one. ;
Grant that a Junta m Radicals constitutes j
the Government of the United States as
completely as flic Chiefs of the Mountain ,
controlled the destinies of France ; what !
warrant has the .South that, restoration,
oven in the Radical sense, would follow
self-degradation ? On what occasion have ;
the Radicals ~!y affirmed that the !
terms offered to the.; qh in the Military |
Satrapy bill are all . they will insist on
imposing? Haveti .. versaidso? No! j
For they know too veil that the political j
domination they have so often and so I
scandalously auused, depends on their con- i
tinning to exact, from time to time, fresh 1
conditions; that as one demand is com
plied with another must bo put forth ; and
another, and another in succession for the
porpo.se of prolonging to au indefinite
period theiv lease of power. It is the
system they have pursued from the begin
ning. It is the System they must pursue
to t’tie end. It is the law of their being.
To ask them _to forbear, to loosen their
grasp, to sacrifice the meaner interests of
party and the promptings of an insatiable
ambition ibr rule, and to consider only the
good of the country, would be to talk to
them in a language they could not compre
hend, and ot rights and privileges they
have sought to. bury beneath the ruins of
the Constitution.
Yet jthe _ Times counsels the Southern
people to yield a willing obedience to this
the latest _ mandate of the Radicals lest a
greater evil should befall them. Our hope,
on the contrary, is that they will stand
firm —not defiant, not recalcitrant, but
quiet, passive—apathetic, if you will—and
I let the evil thing come. It will come more
certainly if they consent to eat dirt at the
bidding of their oppressors than if they
refuse to grovel at their feet. They were
brave and enterprising in war. Let them
now exhibit to the world the grander
spectacle of steadfast endurance under
defeat and subjugation. It is a hard les
: sdfc.ro learn, but it has its uses. It has
also its com pen .-eu; The b rtitude that
meets oppression calmly, haflies and con
founds the oppressor. A\ here men have
: the moral stamina to confront the worst
without faltering, they are strong even in
their weakness. There is a limit to the
bitterest persecution which cannot safely
be overpassed. Theft; is a heroism in
patient suffering that touches more. nearly
the sympathies of civilized nations tnaii
the heroism of the battle fii_-;d.
Bank of Tennant" Notes, Ac.—
The Supreme Court of i ennessee has de
cided that the notes of tne Bank of Ten
nessee could not be received in pay
ment of taxes due to tne State. Tne
decision caused a decline of the notes of
the bank to twenty-five cents.
The Legislature has adopted a resolution
to adopt the gold standard in. the pay
ment of members.
Troops for Socth Carolina. —The
40fh regiment (colored) United States
infantry sailed on Thursday for Charleston,
South Carolina.
Belle Boyd at Home. —Belie Boyd,
whose eventful and romantic career during
the war and since, has been a prolific theme
of song and story, and, given her a world
wide reputation. am\cd nerc last w ck on
a visit to her mother. Aiurh.isourg Anc
Era,
Negro Suffrage in Ohio. —In the
House Boynton's resolution to strike out.
the word white from the U institution was
lost, ai f.2
yeas to 50 nays. _
Scarcity of Vessels.—There are two
hundred thousand bushels of corn stored
in Alexandria awaiting shipment, bub ves
sels cannot be obtained to carry it away.
The Tenure of Ofik'e Bill.
i
ITS VETO BY THE PRESIDENT.
: To the. Senate of the United States:
i I have carefully examined the bill to
regulate the tenure of certain civil officers.
! The materia! portion of the bill is contained
in the first section, and is of the effect fob
; lowing, namely : That any person holding
any civil office to which he has been ap
pointed, by and with the advice and eon-
I sent of the (Senate, and every person who
: shall hereafter be appointed to any such
office and shall become duly qualified to act
therein, is, and shall be entitled to hold
; such office until a successor shall have been
appointed by the President, with the
i advice and consent of the Senate, and duly
; qualified; and that the Secretaries of.
i State, of the Treasury, of War, of the
: Navy, and of the Interior, the Postmaster
! General, and the Attorney General, shall
1 hold their offices respectively for and
; during the terra of the President by whom
i they may have been appointed, and for
; one month thereafter, subject to removal
j by and with the advice and consent of the
j Senate. These provisions arc qualified by
j a reservation in the fourth seetiqn :
That nothing contained in the bill shall
j be constructed to extend the term of any
; office, the duration of which is limited by
1 law in effect. The bill provides that the
President shall not remove from their
| places any of the civil officers whose terms
i of service are not limited by law, without
j the advice and consent of the Senate of the
Unit'd Slates. The bill in this respect
j conflicts, in my judgment, with the Con
stitution of the United States. This
question, as Congress is well aware, is by
tio means anew one. That the power of
removals is constitutionally vested in the
President of the United States is a princi
ple which has been not more distinctly de
clared by judicial authority and judicial
commentators than it has been uniformly
practiced upon by the legislative and ex
ecutive departments of the Government.
The question arose in the House of Repre
sentatives so early as the 10th of June,
1789, on the bill for establishing an ex
ecutive department, denominated the
Department of Foreign Affairs.
T he first clause of the bill, recapitulating
the i unctions of’ that officer and defining
his duties, had these words : “To be re
movable from office by the President of'the
United States.” It was - moved to strike
out these words, and the motion was sus
tained with great ability and vigor. It
was insisted that the President could not
constitutionally exercise the power of re
moval exclusively of' the Senate. That
the “Federalist” so interpreted the Con
stitution when arguing for its adoption by
the several States ; that the Constitution
had nowhere given the President power of
removal either expressly or by strong im
plication, but, on the contrary, had dis
tinctly provided for removals from office
by impeachment only. A construction,
which denied the removal by the Presi
dent, was further maintained by arguments
drawn from the danger of the abuse of the
power fronq die supposed tendency of an
exposure of public officers to capricious
removal; to impair the efficiency of the
civil service from the alleged injustice aud
hardships of placing incumbents dependent
upon their official stations without suffi
cient consideration, from a supposed want
’of responsibility on the part of the Presi
dent, and from an imagined defect of
guarantees _ against a vicious President,
who might incline to abuse the power. (Jn
ihe other hand, an exclusive power of re
moval by thq President was defended as a
true exposition of the text of the Consti
tution. It was maintained that there are
certain causes for which persons ought to
be removed from office without beingguilty
of treason, bribery or malfeasance, and that
the nature of things demands that it should
bo so supposed. It was said a man becomes
insane by the visitation of G od, and is likely
j to ruin our affairs; are the hands of govern
ment to be confined from warding off the
i evil ? Suppose a person in office does not
j possess the talent he was judged to have
j at the time ot the appointment; is the error
not to be corrected? Suppose he acquires
vicious habits and incurable indolence, or
j total neglect of the duties of his office,
(which shall work mischief to the' public
■ ..rCailO-roD Gougtl . Olf Trß inTG l i'T!r CJ
odious and unpopular by reason of the
, measures be pursues, and ibis lie may do.
without committing' .any positive offence
against the law, must he preserve his
office in despite of the popular will ? Sup
pose him grasping for bis. own aggrand
izement, and the elevation of his connec
tions by every means short of the treason
defined in the Constitution, hurrying your
affairs to the precipice of destruction, en
dangering your domestic tranquility, plun
dering you of the means of defence, alienat
ing the affection of your allies, and pro
moting the spirit of discord. Must not
the tardy, tedious, desultory road by way
of impeachment be travelled to overtake
the man who, basely confining himself
within the letter of the law, is employed in
drawing off the vital principle of the Gov
ernment ? The nature of things, the
great objects of society, the express objects
of the Constitution itself require that this
thing should be otherwise. To unite the
Senate with the President in the exercise
of the power, it was said, would involve us
in the most serious difficulty. Suppose a
discovery of any of these events should
take place when the Senate is not in ses
sion, how is the remedy to be applied ?
The evil could be avoided in no other
way than by the Senate sitting always.
In regard to the danger of the power be
ing abused,'if exercised by one man, it was
said that the danger is as great with
respect to the Senate, who are assembled
from various parts of the continent, with
different impressions and opinions. That
such a body is more likely to misuse the
power of removal than the man whom the
united voices of America calls to the Presi
dential chair, as the nature of the Govern
ment requires the power of removal. It
was maintained it should bo exctreised in
this way by the hand capable of exerting
itself with effect, and the power must be
conierrcd on the President, by the Oonsti- ■
tution as the Executive officer of the
Government. Mr. Madison, whose ad
verse opinion on the federalist had been
. relied upon by those who denied the execu
tive power now, participated in the debate.
! He declared that he had reviewed his former
j opinions and he summed up the whole
! case as follows : The. Constitution affirms
that the executive power is vested in the
| President. Are there exceptions to
this proposition ? Yes, there are.
: The Constitution says that in appoint
' ing to office the Senate shall be assoei
i ated with the President, unless in the
case of interior offices, when the law shall
: otherwise direct. Hava we (that is Con
gress) a right to extend this exception? I
j believe not, if the Constitution -has in
vested all executive power in the Presi
j dent. I venture to assert chat the Legis-
I laturc has no right to diminish or modify
: his executive authority. The question now.
! resolves itself into this: Is the power _of
displacing an executive power ? I conceive
that if any power whatever is in the execu
j tive, it is in the power of appointing, over
seeing and controlling those who execute
the laws. If the Constitution had not
' qualified 1 the powers of the President, in
appointing to office by associates of
. the .Senate with him in that business,
would it not be clear that he would not
have the right by virtue of his executive
power to make such appointments? Should
we he authorized, in defiance of that clause
in the Constitution, “the executive power
! shall be vested in the President,” to unite
the Senate with the President in the ap-
pointment to omee: J. conceive not. it
it is admitted that we should not be au
thorized to do this, I think it may be dis
puted, whether wc have a right to associate
them in removing persons from office, the
one power being as much of an Executive
nature, as the other, and the first one is
authorized, by being excepted out of the
general rule established by the Constitu- :
lion in these words: “The Executive pow
er shall be vested in the President.” The 1
question thus ably and exhaustively argued *
was decided’by the House of Represents- :
tires by a vote of thirty-four to twenty in j
favor of the principle that the Executive
power of removal is vested by the Consti- ■
tution in the Executive, and in the Senate
bv the casting vote of the Vice-President.
The question has often Lc.n raised in sub
sequent times of high excitement, and the
practice of the Government has neverthe
-1; conformed in all eases to the decision
thus early made. The question was re
vived during the administration of Presi
dent Jackson, who made, as is well recol
lected. a very large number of removals,
which were made an occasion of close and
vigorous scrutiny and remonstrance. The
subject was long and earnestly delated in
the'Senate and the early con .-traction of
the Constitution was, nevertheless, freely
accepted as binding and conclusive upon
| (Jotigress. The question came before-the
Supreme Court of the L nited Slates, in
i January, ezyirle liecncn. It was
! declared by the Court on that occasion
! that the power of removal from office was
a ..object much disputed and upon which
a great diversity of opinion was entertained
• in the early history of the Government.
This related, however, to the power of
the President to remove officers appointed
1 with the concurrence of the Senate, and
the great question was whether the re
moval was to be by the President alone or
with the concurrence of the Senate, both
constituting the appointing power. No
one denied the power of-the President and
Senate jointly to remove where the tenure
of the office was not fixed by the Constitu
tion. which was a full recognition of the
principle that the power' of r&noval
was incident to the power of appointment.
But it was very eariv adopted as a practical
construction of the Constitution that this
power was vested in the President alone,
and such would appear to have been the
legislative construction of the Constitution;
for, in the organization of the three great
departments of the State, War and Treas
ury iu the year 1789, provision was made
for the appointment of a subordinate officer
by the head of the department, whoshouid
have charge ci the records, books and
papers appertaining to the office when the
head of the department should be removed
■from office by the President of the United
States. \\ lien the Navy Department was
established in the year 1798 provision was
made for the charge and custody of the
books, records and documents of the de
partment in case of vacancy in tho office
of Secretary by removal or otherwise. It
is not here said “by the removal of the
President, as it is done with respect to
the heads of the other departments, yet
there can he no doubt that be holds his
office with the same tenure as tbe other
Secretaries, and is removable by the Pres
ident.
The changes of phraseology arose proba
bly from its having become the settled an 1
well understood construction of the Con
stitution that the power of removal was
vested in the President alone in such cases,
although the appointment of the officer is
by the President and the Senate, 13 Peters,
page 139. Our most distinguished and ac
cepted commentators upon the Constitu
tion concur in the construction thus early
given by Congress, and thus sanctioned by
the Supreme Court. After a full analysis
o p the Congressional debate to which .1
have referred, Mr. Justice Story comes to
this conclusion. After a most animated
discussion the vote finally taken in the
House of Representatives was affirmative
of the power of removal in the President
without any co-operation of the Senate, by
the vote of 34 members against 20. In the
Senate, the clause in the bill affirming the
power was carried by the casting vote of
the President. That the final decision of
the question so made was greatly influenced
by the exalted character of the President
then in office was assorted at the time and
has always been believed, yet the doctrine
was opposed as well as supported by the
highest talent and patriotism of the coun
try. The public have acquiesced in this
decision, and it constitutes perhaps the
most extraordinary case in the history of
the Government of a power conferred by
implication on the Executive, by assent of
a bare' majority of Congress, which has not
been questioned on many other occasions.
The commentator adds, “nor is this
general acquiescence and silence without a
satisfactory explanation.” Chancellor
Kent’s remarks on the subject are as fol
lows: “On the first organization of the
Government it was made a question
whether the power of removal in case of
officers appointed to hold at pleasure re
sided now here, but in the body which
appointed, and of course whether the
consent of the Senate was not requisite to
remove. ” This was the construction given
to the Constitution while it was pending
for ratification before tlio State Convention
by the author of the Federalist. But the
construction which was given to the Con
stitution by Congress, after great consid
eration and discussion, was different. The
words of- the act establishing the Treasury
Department .are: “And whenever the
same shall be removed from office by the
President of the United States or in any
other case of vacancy in the office the
Assistant shall act.”
. This amounted to a legislative construc
tion of the Constitution, and-it has ever
since been acquiesced in and acted -upon as
a decisive authority in the case. It applies
equally to'every other officer of the Gov
ernment appointed by the' President,
whose term of duration is not especially
declared. It is supported by the weighty
reason that the subordinate officers, in the
Executive Department ought to'hold' afi
the pleasure of the head of the Depart
in' at.-because he is in vested generally with
the Executive authority, and the partici
pation in that authority by the Rebate
was an exception to a general principle
and ought, to be taken strictly. The Presi
dent is the. great responsible officer for the
execution of the laws, and the power of
removal was incidental to that duty, and
might tlften be requisite to fulfill it. Thus
has the important question presented by
this bill been settled, in the language of
the great Daniel Webster, who, while dis
senting from it, admitted that it tvas set
tled by the Constitution, settled by the
practice of the Government, and settled by
statute.
The events of the last war furnished a
practical confirmation of the wisdom of the
Constitution, as it has hitherto been main
tained in many of its parts, including that
which is now the subject of consideration.
When the war broke out, Rebel enemies,
traitors, abettors and sympathisers were
found in every department of the Govern
ment, as well in the'civil service as in the
land and naval and military service. They
were found in Congress and among the
keepers of the Capitol; in foreign missions;
in each and all of the Executive Depart
ments ; in the Judicial service ; In the
Post-office, and among the agents for con
ducting Indian affairs. As upon probable
suspicion they were promptly displaced by
my predecessor, so far as they, held their
offices under Executive authority, and their
duties were confided to new and loyal .suc
cessors, no complaints against that power
or doubts of its wisdom were entertained
in any quarter. I sincerely trust and be
licve-that no such civil war is likely tc
occur again.
I cannot doubt, however, that in what
ever form and on whatever occasion se
dition can raise an effort to hinder or em
barrass or defeat the legitimate action of
this Government, whether by preventing
the collection of revenue, of disturbing the
public peace, or separating the States, or
betraying the country to a foreign enemy,
the power of removal from office by the
Executive, as it has heretofore existed and
been practiced, will be found indispensable
under the circumstances, as a depository,
of the executive policy of the nation. Ido
not feel at liberty to unite with Congress in
reverting it by giving my approval to the
bill.
At the early day when the question was
Settled and indeed at the several periods
when it had subsequently been agitated,
the success of the Constitution of the
United States as anew and peculiar sys
tem ol free representative government,
was held doubtful in other countries and
■was even a subject of patriotic apprehen
sion among the American people them
selves. A trial of nearly eighty years
through the vicissitudes of foreign conflicts
and of civil war is confidently regarded as
having extinguished all such doubts and
apprehensions for the future. During
that eighty years the people of the United
States have enjoyed a measure of security,
peace, prosperity arid happiness never
surpassed by any nation. It cannot be
doubted that the triumphant success of
the Constitution is due to the wonderful
wisdom with which the functions of govern
ment were distributed between the three
principal departments, the Legislative,
the Executive and the Judicial, and to the
■fidelity with which each has conferred it
seif or been conferred by the general voice
of the nation within its peculiar and prop
er sphere, while a just, proper and watch
ful jealously of Executive power constantly
prevails, as it outfit ever to prevail.
Yet it is equally truetiiat an efficient Ex
ecutive, capable, irrthe language of the
oath prescribed to the President, of execu
ting the laws, and within the sphere of ex
ecutive action, of preserving, protecting
and defending the .Constitution of the
United States, is an indispensable security
for that tranquility at home, and peace
honor and safety abroad. Governments
have been erected in many countries upon
our model. If one or many of them have
thus far tailed in fully securing to their
people the benefits which we have derived
from our system, it may be confidently as
serted that their misfortune has resulted
from their unfortunate failure to maintain
the integrity of each of the three great de
pa: talents, v. hue preserving harmony
among them all. Having at ah early pd
nod accepted the Constitution in regard to
t.ie executive office in the sense in which
it was interpreted with the concurrence of
its founders, I have found no sufficient
•grounds u\ the arguments now .opposed to
that construction, or in any assumed ne
cessity of the times for changing those
opinions.
For these reasons I return the bill to the
Senate, in which House it originated, for
t hefurther consideration of Congress which
the Constitution prescribed, insomuch us
the several parts of the bill which I have
not considered are written chiefly of de
tails, and are based altogether upon the
theory of the Constitution from which I am
obliged to dissent. 1 have not thought it
necessary to examine them with a view to
make them an occasion of distinct and spe
cial objections. Experience, I think, has
shown that i t is the easiest as it is also the
most attractive of studies to frame Consti
tutions for the self-government of free
States a.id nations. But I think experience
has equally shown that it is the most diffi
i cult of ail political labors to preserve and
j maintain such free Constitutions of self
) government when once happily established.
' I know no other way in wlafch they can be
NEW SERIES YOL. XXYL NO. 11.
preserved and maintained except by a
constant adbqpenoe to them through the
various vicissitudes of national existence,
With such adaptations as may become ne
cessary; always to be effected, however,
through the agencies and in tho forms pre
scribed in the original Constitutions them
selves. Whenever Administrations fail,
Or seem to fail, in securing any of the great
ends for which republican government is
established, the proper course seems to be
to renew the original spirit aud forms of
the Constitution itseD.
Andrew Johnson.
From the Xutior.ut IrU 7y - ?v„ v.
The Jfew Constitution The Subversion
Bill.
A majority of the members of tbe present
Congress lnve invited the President to
unite with them in a project for abolishing
the Republic of the United States. We
do not hazard this strong assertion with
out weighing the words and counting on
tiie fingers of reason their cold and terrible
import. Let us contemplate this matter
with a candor and seriousness befitting the
gravity of a theme which may bear such
an introduction to Ataerican-Lrcd readers.
In the first place, what is the Republic ?
It is not soil; it is not inhabitants, it
must be something distinct from both. It
is an organization. A clock is not a hand
ful of wheels and blocks, but a particular
adaptation of parts to each other. That
makes it a clock. So tho organic integrity
of the Republic is what maxes it such. Ls
the timbers which enter into a structure bo
taken apart and something now be built up
out of them, that which is built might be
tTgood thtuglWl'fi G inMnfteuitft'sab :H > ■
It is a destruction of the old, whether it
be or be nol an establishment of tho new,
If the thing be a national organism, this
change might be a good change, blit it is a
revolution ; not the forerunner of a revolu
tion, but a revolution itself, in which the
security of the old would be succeeded by
the terrible uncertainties of the new, be
fore the people could realize that the great
vital change was in progress and the hour
of deliberation had gone .forever. HVro
dares revolutionize this Republic without
consulting the people ? Have they been
consulted whether any of the following
changes shall be made in the organic law,
viz :
1. The clause that gives Congress power
to make ail laws - that may be necessary
and proper to carry into effect any of the
powers vested in the Federal Government,
to be so changed as to include all powers
not so vested, but reserved to the States
respectively; or the people.
2. The fundamental principles that gov
ernments generally, but the Government
of the United States especially, is limited,
and has no powers but what have been
granted by the people, to lie reversed, and
the principle substituted that the Govern
ment may do ail which lias not been ex
pressly forbidden.
3. That even the express prohibitions
against searches and seizures, trial without
indictment or jury, restrictions of freedom
of worship aud tire press, or of bearing
arras, and, above all, the inviolability of
the writ of habeas corpus, .shall be null, in
tho discretion of Congre. - s.
4. That alii parts of the Constitution
and the fundamental principles of free
government that recognize a distinction
between the state of peace and the state
of war bo expunged, and the power given
Congress to apply all war powers and exact
all war sacrifices, when no war exists or is
imminent, or is pretended to exist or im
pend.
5. To add to the Constitution anew
and strange Article, inconsistent with ail
possibility of free government among men,
to wit: that bona jide obedience to law
shall not entitle the citizen to the protec
tion of the law, ii it appear that the pro
tection Was the principal motive of the
obedience : and that a right shall accrue
to whomsoever happens to be in a majority
to prescribe personal sentiment to the
minority, and to make criminal and punish
the natural inability of such minority to
adopt the prescribed motives, notwith
standing they may perfectly and faithfully.'
abide the laws of, the laud.
(j. That, slavery, which was solemnly
abolished by law forever in the United
States, and in all places subject to their
jurisdiction, by the ratification of three
fourths of the Etalas. 4a*st December, shall
on the courts, the Congress, and the Exe
cutive, and exi ting in i'uii integrity in
law, and existing actually \n the States of
Delaware and Kentucky, neither of which
have abolished it, but in both of which it
was abolished by amendment of the Con
stitution of the United States. Must not
this be so? Not only because a freedmau’s
right is nothing- without a freedman's.
remedy, even in the very maxim'of law—
and lie could have no possible remedy in
(lie South against a military person who
should abridge his liberty under this revo
lution bill —but because the three-fourths
of the States, twenty-seven in number,
that ratified the amendment included seven
in the South, and the thirty-one which up
to this time havcM-atilled it include eight
of the ten States outlawed by the bill; and
the whole number of States being thirty
six, all the other Stages, c-vcn including
Colorado and Nebraska —not yet in the
Union —would not be three-fourths of all,
without including several of t liese outlawed
States. This proves that this bill is a for
mal revolution. It is a revolution if it
thus violently restores slavery. It is a
revolution if, claiming slavery to have been
constitutionally abolished, it outlaws the
very States whose sovereign functions
have been the means of ratifying it. It is a
revolution if it assumes that less than
three-fourths of ail-the States may amend
the organic law—an opinion which no pub
lic man believes, no court would tolerate,
and no lawyer would argue, who valued
his professional reputation, no sootier in
Boston than in Charleston.
We have given six points, and wc could
give many more, ia which this bill ordains i
a new Constitution. Really and candidly, j
is there any sophistry, any exaggeration,
any coloring in any one ol these points ?
Read them again. Sincerely, we say to
members of both Houses of Congress and
to the people, (1) that in the existing Con
stitution no power was vested in any do- !
part merit of the Government to apply the j
war powers of Government to a state of j
profound peace;. (2) no power to use re- j
served powers of the people for any pur- 1
pose; (&) -no discretion to obey or not
obey the express prohibitions ; (4) no pow
er to punish for sentiments, disloyal or
otherwise, • but, especially, no power to
provide for the motive—protection—which
alone makes obedience to law rational, and
(5) no power to defeat parts of the Con
stitution, solemnly adopted by the requis
ite number ofStaies, by declaring some of
such State.- impotent and all their action
null.
\\ r e need not say that the existing Con
stitution ordains a representative govern
ment and gives nowhere countenance for
the terra “rebel States,” or any test ol"
personal loyalty but obedience to the laws
of the land; that it is the duty of the !
people to send representatives, and that ,
their exclusion on any but grounds of |
individual disqualification is revolutionary; j
that the provision, “no State shall he de- j
prived of its equal representation in the I
Senate without its consent,” cannot be
read with the proviso, “unless with the
consent of a majority of the other States,”
without manifest absurdity, and therefore,
that the continued exclusion of States is
revolutionary, etc., etc., because these
things have all been said and proved a
thousand times, and show—how conclu
sively must be left to every man’s candor—
onlyl that sor 1 more than "a year and a half
a revolution ha-; been raging in the coun
cils of the nation, tardily, but, it it con
tinue, fatally indulged by tbc people. But
this is not that for which we now b;■ speak
a solemn hearing. The bill now offered to
the people proposes a si/stem. It proposes
to take the adventitious and exorbi
tant abnormities of the last two years, and
mould them into a permanent organic sub
stitute for the Constitution. Hitherto we
have had infractions. Mow we are to have
abrogations of' the organic law. It is tie
difference between a cold affusion over the
whole body, and a cutting off, at a blow,
ofa halfofit. Whence is the p .wer to
abrogate, or even suspend the Constitution,
as-a whole, over the smallest township, or
even the meanest inhabitant in ~the
United States ? To abdicate civil govern
ruent Over one-third the national territory ?
To absolve, on a principle fendimentai
even to British eternal subjection to the
crown, the population of-tan States from
all allegiance to the Union ? To .declare
all pardons, all indictments; all confisca
tions. and. throughout the length and 1
breadth, of the South, all oaths of alle
giance, void absolutely or eke capable. of
surviving a fiat conflict with every principle
known to our jurisprudence, our Ct-hi'cs.
and our common good faith ?
It is not for the influences of this subver
sion bill on the South that We most of all
deplore it. Evil enough in that quarter,
hardly this cruel and unconscionable meas
ure of bad faith could make their’condi
tion worse than its prolongedand barbarous
incubation has already done. But in what,
we say we address the North. We tell
them, as we have often done before, that,
without their consent, and in contempt of
their sovereignty, the leaders of the Radi
cal party are, step by step, abolishing their
Constitution and aiming at an oligarchy
over them of demagogues, civil and mili
tary, who will make good their power for
the popular abasement by negro bayonets.
These men do not believe tk free government.
They despise, while they vaunt the doctrine
of popular sovereignty, and the secret of
their inextinguishable malevolence toward
Andrew Johnson, is the persistent and un
shaken faith with which that man of the
people, with or without the applause of
the people, confidently relies upon the
people, and sternly upholds against revo
lutionary innovation the great record of
the sovereign will of the people, as they
swore him to do when he took upon him
self, before heaven and earth, the high
duty to “preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States.”
Admission of Nebraska President
Johnson's Proclamation.
Washington, March 1.
By the President of the United-States :
Whereas, The Congress of the United
States did, .by tin act approved on the i 9th
day of April,-ISO4, authorize the people of
the Territory of Nebraska to form a Consti
tution and State Government, and ibr the
admission of such State into the Union on
an equal footing with the original States,
upon certain conditions in said act specified;
and
Whereas, Said people did adopt a Con
stitution conforming to the pro visa ops and
conditions of said act, and ask admi.-sion
into the Union; and whereas the Congress
oi the United States did, on the Sth and
9th days of February, I SOT, in the mode
prescribed by the Constitution, pass a iur-
Nebraska, in which last named act it wag
provided that it should not take effect ex
cept upon like fund.-: mental conditions, that
within the State of Nebraska there should
be no denial of the elective franchise or of
any other right to any person by reason of
race or color, excepting Indians not taxed,
;• nd upon this further fundamental condi
tion, that the Legislature of said State,
by a solemn public aet, should declare the
assent of.such State to the said fundament
al conditions, and should transmit to
the President of the United States an au
thenticated copy of which act of the Legis
lature of said State, upon the receipt
whereof the President should by procla
mation forthwith announce the fact;
whereupon said fundamental conditions
should be held as a part of the organic
law of the State, and thereupon, and with
out any further proceeding on the part of
Congress, the admission of said State into
the Union should be considered as com
plete ; and whereas, within the time pre
scribed by said aet of Congress of the Sth
and yth of February, IS(>7, the Legislature
of the State, of Nebraska did pass an act
ratifying the said act of Congress of tho
Bth and 9th of February, J SC>7, and de
claring that the aforesaid provisions of tho
3d section of the -last named act of Con
gress should be a part of the organic law
of the State of Nebraska; and whereas, a
duly authenticated copy of said act of the
Legislature of the State of Nebraska has
been received by me:
Now, therefore, I, Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States of America,
do, in accordance with the provisions of the
act of Congress last hercinnamcd, declare
and proclaim the fact that the fundamen
tal conditions imposed by Congress on the
State of Nebraska, to entitle that State to
admission to the Union, have been ratified
and accepted, and that the admission of
the Stdte into the Union is now complete.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto
set my hand and have caused the seal of
the United States to be affixed.
Done at the" city of Washington on this
first day of March, in the" year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-seven, and of the Independence of
the United States of America the ninety
first.
By the President:
Andrew Johnson.
Wm. 11. Seward, Secretary of State.
SohtU Carolina Items.
Death. —The Witmsboro Ivors notices
the death of Mist Mfodio Boyce Du!lose,
in that town.! Mrs. Dußose was the (laugh
ter, of Hon. W. W.-Boyce, .and a lady of
the most charming qualities, both of head
and heart.
day morning, Mrs. Deeniia C. tluyward,
widow-of the late James H. Heyward, of
South Carolina.
.Punishment Commute] i.rUPei-ry Dur
ham, who lias been under sentence of
death for the murder of Cnl. Thomas
Miller, has had his punishment commuted
by Governor Orr to imprisonment in the
peniteutiary for life.
Applications for passage to Liberia have
been received by the American Coloniza
tion Society, from 042 colored- people in ■
Soutn Carolina ; and other companies are
known to be forming, 'who will swell the
list to up ward-of. 1,200.
Relief for the South—Progress in
a Good 'Work. — Including thirty-two
thousand bushels to leave this day liy the
U. S. steamship Memphis, Henry JL
Corringo, commander, the Southern Relief
Commission has sent forward forty-seven
thousand four hundred bushels of corn, t o
tiie starving communities of the South. Os
this amount fourteen thousand four hun
dred bushels go to Alabama, fourteen
thousand to Georgia, sixteen thousand to
South Carolina, and three thousand to
North Carolina. The distribution of the
corn wiiUne made under the .joint direction
ol tho United£states district,commanders
and the Governors of the different States,'
all of whom have given the Commission
their personal assurances of pains-taking
endeavor to make the distribution a source
of relief to the largest number, without
respect of race of opinion.
I his forty-seven thousand four hundred
bushels of corn is only a small part of what
the famine-smitten districts need to give
bread to tho famishing and to provide the
seed and labor % anew harvest. . But
the treasury of the Commission must bo
replenished before further purchases can
be made. It is now drawn down to the
last dollar, and even beyond it We hope
speedily to hear that enough to buy a
second cargo of corn ia at the disposal of
the Executive Committee. No object can
have stronger claims bn the beneficence of
our Northern people. —New York Times.
Swindling the Dollar Savings
Base: of Pittsburg, Pa. — Relative to
I the embezzlement of some $15,000 com
; initted by A. \. IT. Eider, general book
| keeper of the Dollar Savings Bank at
j Pittsburg, the Cost of that city has the
i following:
I The occasion of the discovery of the fraud
! was as follows: —A gentleman, whose name
| we forbear making public, received a small
j patrimony, amounting to .some STOP, which
| he deposited, in the Dollar Savings Bank
for safe keeping. The sum was correctly
entered upon the depositor’:; bankbook,
‘ but upon the credit book in the bank it
was set down S2OO, the bookkeeper pocket
ing the other $.500. In a short time the
depositor wished to check for S2OO, where
upon the teller asked him if he would not
! have his account balanced. He replied in
the negative, stating that lie still had some
SSOO on deposit, when he was requested to
leave his. book for .settlement. This was
done. The discrepancy was discovered
and suspicion aroused. The directors were
informed, other puss books were sent for
and accounts settled, in which similar
errors were found to exist. A thorough
! investigation took place, and deficits to the
i above amount were found.
j ■
j State Bank op Massachusetts.—
i Boston, March 2, 1.467. —There was con
| sideralje excitement in State street this
j morning, occasioned by the development
; of the irregularities in transactions of the
j e; shier of the State Bank in regard to ccr
| tificates of checks a s “good” bearing the
; name of Mcllen, Ward & Cos., brokers,
; who suspended payment yesterday. These
checks were presented at the Clearing
!" House at the .wording settlement by the
various banks holding the same and were
j thrown oat by the State Bank, on which
| cerJhoutcs v*rc nindc. The, Directors of
the m.-.tituhon declare tnat they never
i entered mto, or agreed to any arrangement
i niane with the city bunks for the ccrtilica-
I Uon of eiietKS. and such net ion of their
feibicf-was by Ja m.
u.o sum involved m those transactions is
| upwards of half a million' dollars.' Other
parties besides those mentioned are also
; implicated in these difficulties.
1 First National Bank of Newton,
j Mass.'— Button, March 1857. —There is
| great trouble in financial circles here. E.
j Porter Dyer, Jr., the Cashier of the First
, National Bank of Newton, Massachusetts.
I is short” SIIO,OOO. The President of the
i hank gave nbtiee that the Cashier came to
( Boston yesterday at cloven o'clock and has
| not since been heard ofi
I The pai l isl capital of the bank is omy
1 $l5O 000, but it has authority to increase
i sts stack to $300,000. 11 redeems in New
York at the National Park Bank.
War-age, Belgium, is a healthy place.
Tiierc has not been a single death lor six
months, and the doctors have Jell the
town. This may account for the general
good health.