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OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVI.
i:‘!mmiclc & f cutiurl.
V I FOCBTA, ti A :
U KIIN KSIIA V MORN I V(. .11XK 30.
The Impeachment of Bullock.—The
Atlanta Constitution announces that the
v.’ rk of impeachment goes bravely on.
Sufficient information hasbien received by
the committee to warrant the statement
that successful impeachment of Qov. If ul
lock is a foregone conclusion.
Wasmkoto; Female Seminary.— At
tention is directed to the advertisement of
this Hsuiiuary, which will bo found in
another column. The institution is uuder
the charge of Rev. .Morgan Callaway,
principal, a gentleman eminently qualified
for the position, and who is assisted by an
able corps of assistants. Superior facili
ties are offered for the education of young
ladies. The Seminary is situated in the
plea-ant town of Washington, well-known
for its heaithfulness and salubrity.
Heaven s Justice. — A correspondent
of the Baltimore Gazette relates an inci
dent of Decoration Day which has just
come to notice. The refusal on that day
to allow the Confederate graves in Arling
ton Cemetery t > be decorated; the removal
arid trampling upon the few flowers drop
ped upon the sleeping ‘Rebels,’ are facts
which are still fresh in the minds of all.
It. will also be remembered that Saturday
evening after the Grand Army of the Re
public bad left Arlington there came on a
overo storm accompanied by thunder and
lightning and torrents of rain. The follow
ing morning was calm and sunny again.
The night and storm had wrought a re
markable change io Arlington Cemetery.
The wind had caught up the flowers which
decked the graves of the Union dead, and
had bestowed them lavishly, tenderly,
upon the neglected resting places of the
dead of the ‘‘Lost Cause.” Knee deep in
•some places lay biautiful flowers, in per
fume and many-colored drifts with rain
drops glistening in the soft petals, like
fresh fallen tears.
The Mill Between McCoole and
Allen. The fight bitween McCoole and
Allen took place on Poster’s Isla id, about
twenty-one miles below St. Louis on the
I.oth. heir “castors” were thrown into
the ring about half-past one, but the fight
ing did not commence until 3 o’clock.
McCoole knocked Allen down tho first
round. The fighting was very severe un
til the ninth and last round, when both
men ware /-low in responding to tho call.
I lie noise and excitement being intense the
referee could not bo hoard—the combat
ants approaching each other and engaging
in terribly close quarters. In a few seconds
they clinched and rolled ovor side by side,
and in close conflict, and while both were
hugging mother earth, Allen placed his
hands in the eyes of McCoole, gouging
them desperately, when the ory of “foul”
was raised from McCoole’s corner, the
ropes were out and tho wildest exeitemeut
prevailed for a few minutes, but tho
crowd soon after dispersed toward the
boat. Tho Referee was afraid to give his
decision, several pistols being presented at
Lis head, but ho refused to deeido the mat
tor until ho reached St. Louis. Allen out
fought McCoole all tho way through, and
to all appearances would have won tho
fight if it had been allowed to proceed.
M cCoole was much blown and badly pun
ished, and was in reality whipped. The
light lasted about twenty minutes. In
tho thirl round McCoole lost control of
liimsif, became angry and fought wildly,
and to the end of the battle was at the
mercy of Allen. Persona who have wit
nessed many fights say they never saw a
man whipped so quick. When tho rope
was cut on Che last round McCoole’s
friends crowded into the ring, and with
pistols and knives drawn, demanded of tho
Referee a decision in the giant’s favor ;
audit is said by some that McKinney de
clared for McCoole, but this is stoutly de
nied, am! ii is-now stated that tho referee
will publish his decision in the St. Louis
papers, and that he was afraid to decide in
tho ring against a foul, for fear of being
killed.
M\position of Texile Fabrics.—Wc
earn from tho Enquirer that a grand ex
position of (exile fabrics, uoder the au
spices if the Woolen Manufacturers’ \s
sooiation of tho Northwest, is aunouocod
to take place at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the
tivo days commencing oa Tuesday, August
3d, and ending on Saturday, August 7th.
The articles to bo placed on exhibition are
tlie products of tho mills of the West and
the South, and the staples of wool, cotton,
■silk, tlix and hemp. The Executive Com
mittee liavo appropriated #5,000 for pre
miums to bo awarded, and the people of
Cincinnati are re‘ponding liberally to calls
for contributions to mako extensive ar
rangements for the exposition. No doubt
they will have everything in readiuess for
one of the finest displays in this branch of
skill and industry ever witnessed anywhere.
We find in tho Cincinnati Enquirer a
long list of the manufacturing establish
ments from whose officers letters have al
ready been received announcing that they
will -cud goods for exhibition. In this
list are tho following Georgia factories :
Macon Manufacturing Company, Hous
ton Factory, South Macon Mills, and
Troup Cotton Factory. We take it for
granted that our Augusta Factory has also
concluded to bo represented at the ex
position. Its goods, we know, will bear
scrutiny and comparison, and the great
uriouficturing advantages and prospects
of our section will be made better known
by the appearance of its representatives
ami iu fairies at such au exposition.
Bout s Express Sales.—Tho Savannah
Weirs says that some gentlemen who lately
bought a lot of unclaimed express parcels
at a sale of such articles by the Adams’
Express Company have held a meeting
and determined to hegiu legal proceedings
to recover the amount paid for the pack
ages. alleging that they were never sent
by express, but were packed up for
swindling purposes. One gentleman paid
sl-" for packages which proved to contain
the merest rubbish.
Macon \ Brunswick Railroad.—The
Macon TV’, mi ph >ays that a letter has
been received Rom No. 6, Atlanta and
Gulf Railrev :. \n Fiore tho roads will inter
sect, which - that the work ou the
Ma. maud 11. .mswick Railroad is progress
ing very far rally and rapidly- The con
tractors expect to have evesything in con
dition lor tr:ii .■> from this point to Bruus
wiek by the f;h ol July, and from here to
Macon bes ore the holding of the State Fair
in Noveoibi r
In reply to au a., u >s ot welcome from
Governor Claflin. -of Massachusetts, Geue
erai Grant said: * “It afford me great
pleasure to visit the capital of a State
which has done so much for my support
and for the support of the Uniou iu the
time of the great rebellion.” Grant s
motto seems to be that of the renowned
Sitnou Suggs—“First, myself; second,
my friend-; and third and lastly, my
kintry.” _______
Negroes in the Charleston Custom
House. —From the Art ct of yesterday, we
learn that on Saturday last Messrs. John
C’udworth, E. W. Cramer, A. Moroso, in
spectors; B. G. Schaffor, general clerk. J.
Irwin, I). O'Leary, night watchmen, were
discharged from the Customhouse, and the
following named holered men appointed :
S. J. Maxwell, F. H. Carmand, L. F.
Wall, day, and S. H. Hare, Thos. M.
Holmes, night inspectors, W. H. Barney,
general clerk, and J. B. Mnshingtoo,
watchman.
An Extra Session or the legislature.
The Atlanta papers give us the informa
! tion that Booby Bullock has decided to
cal! a meeting of the Legislature on the
seventh of next month. For several
good reasons we arc inclined still to doubt
1 whether such be the intention of his Ex
pressleency.
In the first place there are inherent dif
ficulties in Bullock’s way which will have
strong weight in influencing him to keep
quiet just now. These difficulties grow out
of the present status of those so-cabled
members upon whom he would be compel
led to rely in carrying out his revdution
ary views in regard to our situation. If
he could be assured that under his call the
expelled negro members would be admit
ted to scats we do not believe he would
hesitate a moment in issuing his procla
mation. But it is just here that his se
verest difficulties begin. The expelled
negroes are not now members, and any
call which he could lawfully make would
apply solely to those who were the actual
members at the time of the last adjourn
ment. Ho call that body together as
it was constituted, when last in session,
would expose Bullock to the almost
certain hazard of impeachment. The
feeling during the last session was
very decided in favor of such action. That
feeling has been greatly intensified witlu.
the last few months, while the illegal and
disloyal conduct ot Bullock since adjourn
ment has given, in addition, new and just
cause for his prompt and speedy trial.
He dare not faee the representatives of an
outraged and insulted people so soon after
his recent most vdl liuous and atrocious
conduct.
It may be barely po.-sible that, taking
courage from a seemiug conflict of opinion
in the Democratic press of tho State upon
tho legal effect of the late decision of the
Supreme Court, he may Ire silly enough to
risk the experiment ot a called session.
Were it not that such a call might lead to
intemperate and hasty action on the part
of u me of our friends, we should rejoice to
have it made. It would secure a full
ventilation of the Express Agent’s conduct
since the last session, and, if we are not
greatly mistaken, show him up in a light
which would bo infinitely disgusting, even
to his Radical backers, Butler and Forney.
But we want peace and quiet. The
country needs repose. Our material in
terests require a cessation of political ex
citement, at\d, for these reasons and for
those above, we deprecate an extra session
of’the Legislature.
Another “Sixty Days” Prediction.
W. H. Seward, the great prophet of the
“Late Lamented,” who, in 1861, was to
make the work of “ our Union" boys
sharp, quick and decisive in “conquering
tho rebellion in sixty days,’ has, upon
the eve of his departure on a v.sit to the
green fields and rich pastures of lovely
Alaska, made a prediction in regard to
Grant’s administration.
Tho New York Sun reports him as say
ing “very explicitly, that within a year
there would be a break-up of President
“Grant’s administration, which he pro
“nounced the weakest administration the
“country has ever had; and he assigned
“as one reason for going away that
“he wished to be as far off as possible
“when the break-up takes places.”
The reason given in the latter part of
his opinion for his leaving the country is
so characteristic of the man that it re
quired no formal announcement to satisfy
the American public of its point and truth
fulness.
The Cuban Kevolution In the Spanish
Corter.
A discussion took place in the Cortes of
Spain, May 30th, on Article No. 9 of the
Constitution, which brought up the whole
matter of tho status of Cuba, and tho ex
isting “Rebellion.” The Article reads as
follows: “The Cortes Constitmentes will
reform tho actual system of the Govern
ment of tho provinces of tho Ultramar
when the Deputies from Cuba and Porto
Rieo have taken their seats, to extend to
the same, with the modifications which
may be believed necessary, the rights con
signed in this Constitution.” The promi
nent speeches of the debate were those of
Senor Castelar, and General Serrano.
Senor Castelar (of tho Republican and
minority party), in admitting that his
party had kept silent while “the flag of
insurrection had been raised against the
mother oountry,” their silence should not
bo construed into approbation of the acts of
tfie government. He said ; “I do not ap
prove (how could 1, as a Spaniard) of the
conduct of the Liberals of’Cuba.” Hence
the silence ; but he affirms, “if we have
the right to complain of Cuba—ah Cuba
and Porto IFeo have much more right to
complain of us I” Ho asserted that it was
indispensable that the Spanish Cortes
“should have patriotism enough to
oonsider that Cuba and Porto
Rico cannot oontinue living as a
monstrous exception in the midst of that
great democratic life which is extending
itself all over the American continent—
that there were ‘three great facts’ upon
which tobase anew Colonial policy; ‘the
first is the independence of America, the
second is the Democracy of America, and
the third, the great example England set
us withCanada."
General Serrano, President of the Execu
tive power, replying, on the part of the
Government, affirmed that “the Cuban
insurrection did not obey the revolution
hero as some supposed,” although there
was a eoindeoce as to dates, Cespedes rising
in Cubaonthe 6th, and the Spanish revolu
tioi»oeeuring on the 10th of October, but “it
obeyed the grave motives which were in
reality born of the sudden imposition of
the direct tax. which, with the best desire,
was one of the most imprudent things
that could have been carried to a country
so distant tnd so unprepared for itand
is nourished by some now refugeeing in
New York, who, while he was in Cuba,
as Captain General, were, “my (his)
friends, my (his) counsellors and whose
opinions I (he) followed”—and proposes
that tho Cortes “should await with calm
ness the coming of the Deputies."
There is little doubt that the Cuban
Revolutionists are greatly strengthened
by the fset that the Republican party of
? pain are in the minority with no imme
diate hopes of power, and because of the
proposition entertained to re establish a
Spanish monarchy, however modified or
limited.
We have Utile faith that the Republi
cans of Spain can succeed, Spain being
sandwiched between two monarchical
governments. Republican success is not to
be expected in the face of the opposition
of all monarchical Europe.
The proximity of Cuba to the American
Republic and the consequent influences of
Democratic ideas, is the guaranty for the
success of the Cuban rebels.
Daily, arms and munitions of war, and
I “filibusters” Lave our shores for the rebel
i camps. The rebels hold the table lands,
while the reguiar Spanish forces occupy
the ports and are subject to ’he malarifii
diseases of the tropics. The Spanish
contingent of volunteers, sympathize and
fraternize with Cespides and his adherents,
while the calm dignity of the executive
power exhausts itself—Cespides and Jordan
are surely and effectively working out the
"manifest destiny ’ of the Queen of the
Antilles.
Appleton’s Journal.—The number of
this popular weekly for the presmt week
i contains its usual variety of interesting
( reading matteraada handsomely engraved
and finely drawn cartoon of the “Seasons,
1 by F. O. C. Darley.
FEMINISM.
Speech of General O’Nell.
Grand rally at the city hall.
In accordauie with an announcement in
the Chronicle & Sentinel of 6unday
morning, General O’Neil, the President of
the Fenian organization in America, de
livered an address on “Fenianism” at the
City Hall Monday evening. A large crowd
was present on the occasion and enthusias
tically applauded the talented orator.
Owing to the fact that it was impossible to
obtain the Court room, oa account of a
case then on trial in the Superior
Court, the speaking did not com
mence until nine o’clock, and at
that hour the orator addressed his au
dience from the portico of the building.
Fearful that the previous hour's waiting
had taxed the patience of his hearers,
Gen. O’Neal did not speak but for a very
few minutes, and con -equently did not ex
plain the objects and nature of his organi
zation as fully as might have been desired.
He was introduced to the audience by
Col. Claiborne Snead, and spoke in sub
stance at follows: He expressed Lis regret
at not having been able to obtain the ball,
and at having kept his audience waiting
for so long a time. He waj gratified, how
ever, to think that the fact of their wait
ing proved the interest that they felt in
hi 5 subject—the subject of Irish Liberty.
He would not detain them by dwelling on
the wrongs and sufferings which Ireland
had endured for se long a time. These
were too well known; what he would ex
plain to them now was the means of re
dress. For the last seven hundred years
Ireland had been tyrannized over by Eng
land. England had gained the right
to oppress Ireland by force of
arms, but it is a right which Ireland never
has and never will acknowledge—a right
which Irishmen have fought against since
the time the ancient chieftains flew to
arun.s against Strongbow, the first invader
down to the present time. He declared
the cause of the Fenians to be the cause
of an oppressed nation, and he asked the
citizens of Georgia and of Augusta, if they
knew not the meaning of tyranny and op
pression ?—if they did they could realize
the condition of the Irish people. To re
gain for Ireland her former freedom
was the object of Fenianism, and to ac
complish this he was willing that blood
should flow. He was not like O’Connell in
this respect, who thought that even to gain
liberty blood should not be spilled, but was
willing, for so great a good, that rivers of
blood should flow.
The speaker then spoke of the origin of
the Canada campaign of 1866 and the mo
tives which induced it as follows:
In February, 1866, a few Fenians as
sembled in Pittsburg, Penn., and determin
ed to invade Canada, from the United
States. And, by the wav, I’ll meet right
here the objection so often urged that we
had no right to invade Canada, because
her people had never interfered with us.
I admit tlpit they never interfered with
us. Neither have the masses of the people
ofEngland, whom I consider more abject
slaves than were the negroes in South
Carolina ten years ago, and I would gladly
aid them in throwing off the yoke of their
tyrants. I contend that wherever the
English flag floats we have a right to
go and pull it down and smite those who
standready to defend it. The flag is the
representative of England’s tyranny,,
which for tho last seven hundred years has
oppressed our beloved country, and caused
thousands upon thousands of her citizens
to die of starvation. We have a right to
tear down that flag wherever it floats, and
to trampleit in the dust. And besides, in
Canada the people claim to be the subjects
of Great Britain, aad those whom we met
irf our brush there, in 1866, and made
scamper, had rallied to stfyport that
emblem of tyranny.
As I have said, we determined in Feb
ruary, 1866, to invade Canada. Then
we had not one cent in the treasury, no
muskets and no military stores. We in
vaded Canada with a small force —the re
mainder were prevented by the United
States from going over. Had that first
party been thoroughly successful, nothing
would have prevented thousands from
rushing over andjoining their compatriots.
In proof of my statement I call your at
tention to the report of General Meade, of
the United States Army, to the President
in May, 1866, in which he states that the
“Fenian organization numbers thirty
seven thousand,the finest men I ever saw.”
The speaker again called the attention
of the audience to the beneficial results the
Fenians had caused —had made England
grant Ireland rights never before listened
•to ; had systematized rebellion ; had
awakened tho attention and enlisted the
sympathies of the civilized world to
the sufferings and wrongs of op
pressed Ireland ; and concluded with an
other earnest appeal to his hearers to be
stir themselves in behalf of Fenianism,
which, as he asserted, would exist as long
as Ireland had a wrong to be redressed,
and would be disorganized when the green
flag floated iu the free air of the dree old
Emerald Isle.
In the speaker’s remarks about Canada,
(the capture of which by the Fenians, he
argued, would be a fatal blow to the com
merce ofEngland by fittiug out privateers
to prey upon it, aiodthis would occasion a
suspension of manufacturing establish
ments, throwing out of employment thou
sands who would engage iu bread riots,and
demand and make England grant to
Ireland the liberty her sons battled for),
be said that there was much talk amoDg
the Southern people about the Irish hav
ing fought on the side of the oppressors of
«he South, depriving her of the very
rights which the Fenians were now urged
to contend for in their own country. Said
the General: “It is well known that the
Irish are true to the people they live
among.” The Irish living North fought
as zealously in the Union ranks—where I
fought myself—as did the Irishmeu for
the “Lost Cause.” If the North had its
Corcoran, the South had its gallant Pat
Cleburne. Had there been more Irishmen
iq the Southern army there would have
been more fighting, for you know “where
an Irishman is there is fighting.”
Near the close of his address the speak
er aliuded to the recant action of a small
clique of men, who, pretending to speak
for the whole body oflrishmen in America,
had declared that the Fenians must accept
the doctrines of Charles Sumner as em
bodied in the Alabama speech and ally
themselves with the Radiea! pjrty. He
emphatically denied the right which these
men had assumed to speak for the Fenian
organization, and said the men themselves
might have Irish names but certainly they
were not Irishmen. He stigmatized
them as mere place hunters, whp, while
loud-mouthed in their protestations of de
votion to the cause of Irish Liberty, had,
in reality, no object at heart save self
aggrandizement. As President of the
Fenian Brotherhood, he would state that
the organization spurned these men from
its ranks.
Burglary and Attempted Rape.—
We learn from the Charleston Xeics that
at two o'clock yesterday .morning an able
bodied negro man entered a residence in
street, and made his way to the apart
ments, where he robbed the clothing of the
sleeping inmates of pocket books contain
ing money. Not content with the crime,
he went to an adjoining room where a
daughter of the gentleman, a young girl
about fourteen years old, was sleeping, and
attempted to gratify his hellish lusts. She
screamed, which aroused her father, who
instantly repaired to the scene, but before
he could apprehend the fiend, he leaped
Irom the second story window to a lot be
low and made his escape.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 3(>, 1569
Where are the Ku-htox?
General Terry was selected and sent to
this State by Grant in response to the
Radical clamor for military protection to
loil men here who Bullock and his minions
declared were being slain daily in cold
bleed by the horrid Ku-klux. Radical
letter-writers and Radical presses again
and again insisted that the civil officers
either could not or would not make arrests
for these cruel outrages upon loil people.
They insisted that, unless military force
was sent here underthe command of an of
ficer who would not hesitate to use it on all
occasions when it might be necessary,
the Radical party would be driven from
the State or its members butchered on the
highways.
Loil men were said to be flocking in great
numbers to Atlanta a3 a place of refuge
from Ku-klux barbarities, and. a long list
of Radical members of the Legislature was
published, who were prevented from return
ing to t heir homes and families by this gs ng
of outlaws.
Terry comes, and with him andunier
the protection of his shoulder straps,came
sneaking back one R. B. Bullock, who, to
keep up the appearance of truthfulness in
the reports which he had caused to be cir
culated, had, for months been squandering
the State’s money in the dens and hells of
Washington and New York to the great
relief of the people of Georgia, al though
tbeir own hard earnings were misapplied
to his support in “foreign lands.”
IVell, Terry and Bullock have been here
nearly or quite two months. What have
they done for the protection o: loil citizens?
Have the exiled Radical members ot
the Legislature been returned -to their
homes under Federal guards and Federal
protection ? Have the alleged murderers
of the thousand and one reposed vic
tims of Ku-klux outrages been arrested ?
Have the parties who killed tho loil men
on the cars at Barnett (and who the
Radicals themselves know were never kill:
ed) been brought to justice ? Has there,
in fact, been a single arrest made yet for
the scores of murders which Bullock said
had been committed in various parts of
the State ?
Terry is here yet. Why does he wait ?
Why does he permit this daily killing of
loil citizens to go on in his Department
without showing his teeth ?
The truth is, the great humbug has
been exploded. The mask has been tom
from Booby Bullock, and he stands before
General Terry and the world a woful and
malignant falsifier of the people of the
State. How an honest man, like Terry is
said to be, must loathe and despise this
bloated slanderer of honest people?
In noticing the present condition of af
fairs here the Louisville Courier makes
the following very pertinent and sensible
comment:
“Wc all know how violently the Radical
organs denounced the civil authorities of
Georgia for failing to arrest the authors of
two or three murders recently committed
in that State. They proclaimed that the
murderers were known ; that they neither
denied their guilt nor made any attempt to
conceal themselves—that they moved about
in public, bold and defiant, glorying in
what they had done. At length the Grant
administration, as if not knowing that this
was all “humbug,” ordered the military
forces in Georgia to give vigorous aid in
bringing the bloody criir inals to justice.
As these criminals were said to be notori
ous, tbeir immediate arrest might have
been considered a thing of course. But
weeks have gone by, a month is drawing
to its close, and not only are arrests not
made, but they ceased to be. palled for.
They arc no longer even talked about-
The Radical letter-writers, who pretended
to know everything, now claim to know
nothing. What was palpable to all eyes
has suddenly become inscrutible. The
sharp cry of vengeance is turned to a mere
vague noise. It is a fact that, since Gen
eral Terry and the officers and soldiers of
his command were instructed from Wash
ington to use all tbeir resources in bring
ing to justice the Georgia murderers who
wore said to fill the roads nightly with the
bodies of dead negroes, not an arrest has
been reported. The orders to Terry and
his troops turn out to have been a political
blunder. There should be a full under
standing between the Federal administra
tion and the Georgia scalawags. Let there
be no more bungling.”
History of a Consummate Scoundrel.
“Detective Farley, of the Central Office,
yesterday arrested one Andrew J. Rogers,
an ex-Confederate Colonel, on a charge of
a fraud. Several weeks ago the prisoner
came to this city, and circulated a report
that he owned the whcle of Morris Island,
S. C., and was anxious to dispose of it. Ho
afterward went to Providence, R. 1., and
while there obtained $3,500 on a draft
signed by himself from a real estate agent
named Frank G. Alien, alleging that he
had valuable property to give as security.
Rogers also stated that he was authorized
to recruit for the Cuban expeditionary
forces about to leave from this port. Soon
after procuring the money, Rogers came
again to the city, and it was afterward as
certained that his representations were
false. Hence his arrest by Detective Far
ley. The accused was taken before Justice
Hogan,and consenting to go back to Provi
dence, he was given into the custody of
officer Slocum, of the Providence Police,
and departed last evening with that officer. ’ ’
The notorious individual alluded to in
the above extract, from the New York
Tribune , was never a Colonel in the Con
federate service. He enlisted as a private
in Company G, 3d Georgia Regiment, in
this city, under the name of Andrew J.
Livingston, in the Spring of 1861, and went
to Norfolk, Va., in that Regiment.
Shortly after reaching Virginia he de
serted, and in attempting to make his way
back to Georgia was arrested by General
(then Col.) Daniel, who, with his regi
ment, was at the time stationed at Suf
folk. He was tried for desertion, convict
ed, and sentenced to be shot; but, by some
unaccountable accident, the proceedings
and decision of the Court was lost or mis
laid in Richmond, and Rogers alias Liv
ingston was kept in close confinement until
the Spring of 1862, when he was, by di
rection of the Secretary of War, drummed
ou: of the service.
After the battles around Richmond,
when Lee’s army had gone on its march
into Maryland, Rogers, by some sort of
rascality, procured a Captain’s commis
sion, and raised a small company of caval
ry for service on the York and lower James
rivers, and around Richmond. This com
mand soon became a terror to all good peo
ple on account of their robberies and other
lawless acts committed on the people.
Rogers kept his headquarters and an office
in Richmond, where he also car
ried on the substitute business. With
a half dozen worthless scoundrels in
his employment he was constantly
furnishing substitutes who wouli serve a
day or two, desert, return to Rogers, offer
themselves again, and again after pocketing
the money, desert. This business Rogers
and ids band of thieves kept up until the fall
of Richmond, when he retired with an
escort of thirty or forty mounted men and
a wagon train large enough for an army
corps. This train of wagons, ambulances
and teams was taken from him by the
writer of this notice by direction of General
Breckinridge, then Secretary of War, on
the 14th or loth of April* 1865, at Greens
boro, N. C.
Rogers then made his way back to Geor
gia, and on the way managed to steal a
large number of mules and horses. He
reached this city about the time of the
great riot, and with his band of robbers
figured largely in that affair, providing
himself, as it afterward was discovered,
with large amounts of clothing, provisions,
horses, whiskey, Ac.
With these ha travelled through south ■
era Georgia, selling out his stock and pro-
visions and often stealing them again the
day after making his sales. Hundreds of
the people in Emanuel, Montgomery, Tel
fair, Appling, and the tier of counties
below these will long remember the exploits
of this m ost inveterate scoundrel. *■
The next we hear of Rogers he had
gone on to New l'ork in the latter part of
the Summer of 1865, taking with him
forged railroad receipts for a large number
of bales of cotton along the line of the Gulf
Railroad below Doctor Town. Arrive!
with these bogus receipts he plunged into
Wall street, wf.ere he soon sold a large
amount of the cotton, which he pretended
to have receipts for, and transferred the
latter to the several purchasers. Getting
the money in his possession he returned to
Savannah, accompanied by an agent of
the parties to whom he had soli the cotton
and to whom he was to make the deliveries.
A steamer was duly chartered iu Savan
nah to go round to Darien and thence up
the river to DdctorTown, where the cotton
was to be brought up by rail and shipped
to Savannah. Everything was got ready
for the trip—the steamer fired up—a num
ber of invited guests were otf board to enjoy
•he excursion—the ch am pag ne and ice and
segars were duly stared—this ship's stores
all on hoard, when Rogers, just as the
boat was about to cut loose from the wharf,
suddenly ascertained that he had left
some important"papers at £he hotel- He
would not detain the boat, it could go on,
and lie with his 2-40 horse and fine buggy,
would cut across the neck and intercept
the boat at Thunderbolt, only four miles
by land, while it was distant by water
some sixteen or eighteen miles.
The boat left and so did Rogers, When
the steamer reached Thunderbolt, Rogers
was not there. They waited a couple of
hours and then concluded that Rogers
might have been delayed longer than he
anticipated, and that he would go on across
the country and meet the party at Doctor
Town. Thither the boat started, but from
that day to this, Rogers has not been
found.
It is needless to say that no cotton was
procured on that trip.
The State Press on the Eligibility Decis
ion of the Supreme Court.
We give below the opinions of the Geor
gia papers, so far as they have been ex
pressed, on the recent decision of the Su
preme Court, which declares negroes
eligible to office in this State. The Macon
Telegraph thinks that the present Legis
lature, under this decision, has no right to
exclude the negro members from their
seats in that body. On this subject it
speaks as follows :
“The Constitution,it is true, makes each
House the judge of the qualification of its
own members, but only in subordination to
law • The Legislature is the creature of
the Constitution, and tho subject of law.
It is not endowed with judicial powers of
any kind. The Constitution, on the con
trary, vests judicial powers exclusively in
the Courts. True, it declares that “each
House shall bo the judge of the election re
turns and qualifications of its members,
and shall have power to punish them,”
etc., etc., but this merely arms them with
the power of self-protection against fraud,
illegality, and disorder ; and it is no more
intended to make the Legislative Depart
ment superior to law, than the Executive
or the Judicial.
“All are co-ordinate, and no one of them
more independent of law than the other.
All are subordinate to the Constitution
and laws made in pursuance thereof, and
if either can trample upon the rights of
the citizen in defiance of law, so can all;
and if one can do it in one particular, all
can do it in all particulars. Any interpre
tation of law which mate its creature ir
responsible and lawless, is bound to be
false, and to lead to the most absurd and
disorganizing conclusions. Consequently,
it is plain to our minds that the Legisla
ture of Georgia is legally and properly the
subject of this decision and any attempt to
assert independen e' of it, will be as illo
gical as unavailing.
“What theNorthernßidicals claimed to
be law in Georgia is now made so. The
expulsion of the negroes they called a
second act of rebellion against law by the
Georgia rebels, and they have by no means
yet abandoned the idea of punishing it by
putting the State in the hands of a dicta
tor. Indeed, Mr. Forney in one of his laie
occasional 'bulletins proclaims Georgia as
hopelessly lost to the Radicals, unless she
can be again run through the Congress
ional crucible and purged by disqualifica
tion and disfranchisement.
“No well-informed man can have a doubt
that the Federal Government is determin
ed to reseat the negroes in the Legislature
at all hazards, and that all our opposition
will be futile. The refusal of the Legisla
ture to respect this decision of the Supreme
Court, will only bring ahout a legislative
purgation by bayonets; but we should care
less for that, than to see the Legislature
assume an indefensible and untenable po
sition, against an authoritative, though un
satisfactory,exposition of the law; or adopt
any temporary expedients which would be
practically unavailing against the dominant
despotism. In the midst of all our troubles
let us preserve a respect for law. Let us
arm ourselves with patience and look for
ward in hope to better days.”
The Savannah Republican, without ex
pressing any opinion of its own with regard
to the decision, thus presents two opposing
views of the question:
“It is contended by some that the de
cision ju»t announced can have no bearing
upon the matter under consideration. That
question has been settled by the only
courts having jurisdiction of it—that is by
each house of the Geueral Assembly. They
alone have constitutional jurisdiction of
the subject, so far as tbeir respective bodies
are concerned. They have decided, so far
as this Legislature is concerned. Their
decision, when rendered, is a judicial de
cision, which cannot be reversed by aDy
other branch of the government. All that
could come of such a decision of the Su
preme Court, in the future, so far as re
lates to holding the office of legislator,
would be to use it as an argument in the
next Legislature, if the question should
again come up in either house. It could
not bind the Legislature; for, by the Con
stitution, each house is the sole judge of
the election and qualification of its mem
bers. No other court can control that
judicial judgment in the matter, and, not
withstanding the decision of the Supreme
Court, the Legislature must and will stand
as at present constituted.
“In opposition to this there are two con
siderations that may be offered, one in
volving the law, and the other the policy,
of the case.
“It is admitted that the Constitution
makes each branch of the Legislature the
exclusive judges of the election and quali
fications of its own members; but it may
be asked, is this a power given without any
implied limitation, and with the under
standing that the two houses can use 4 it ar
bitrarily, according to the will of the ma
jority and without any restraint whatever ?
Are they not bound to exercise the discre
tion thus granted according to the Consti
tution of the State as authoritatively
expounded? Is it possible in reason that
the Legislature can be invested with a pow
er to violate the Constitution ? Could they
expel a member just because they happen
not to like his society, and when no crime
or improper conduct is alleged? The two
houses are authorized to determine for
themselves exclusively two things, first the
election of a member, or whether he re
ceived a majority of the legal votes cast;
secondly, whether he be qualified as a
Senator cr Representative or net—that is,
whether he possesses is himself those
qualities which toe Constitution and laws
make necessary in order to constitute him
a member of the Legislature. If these
conditions have been determined by the
supreme interpreter ot the Constitution
and laws of the State, are the Legislature
at liberty to set aside such decision ?
“In the second place, it may be contend
ed that as the Legislature voted to refer
the question of eligibility of negroes under
the Constitution to the Supreme Court,
notwithstanding the failure of the measure
through Executive Interposition, are they
not morally, as well as legally, bound to
accept its decision as final
“And still another point may be raised.
In view of the doubtful relations of the
State to the Federal Government, and in
deed of the Government of the State to its
own people, would it not be wise and pru
dent, without contest, to allow the negro
me mbers to occupy their seats for the only
remaining session of the present Legisla
ture—and it may be made a very brief one
—thereby submitting to a temporary evil
—and everything indicates that it will be
only temporary —lather than embark in a
local and national strife, the end of which
no man can foretell.”
The Albany News thinks the people of
Georgia should stand by the law as ex
pounded by the Supreme Court
“The Supreme Court of Georgia has ren
dered its decision in the important case of
Clement vs. White. The Court determin
ed, after able argument on both sides, that
negroes are eligible to office in Georgia.
However contrary to our own convictions
of the law, or, to the convictions of the
mass of our people and a majority of the
Legislature, it is the decision of the State
Supreme Court—the tribunal to which it
properly belonged, and to which We ap
pealed whilst our enemies were urging
Congress to usurp our Government and
destroy our rights and property, and the
people of Georgia will stand by it in good
faith. We trust that Congress and the
peo le of the United States, will recognize
in the action of our people the wrongs
which they have done us, and will hasten
to restore our State to its proper relations
to the Government, and our people to
that peace and prosperity which they have
so long sought.”
The Maeon Journal & Messenger takes
a hopeful view of the situation:
“The law must stand,for the present, at
least. Whether it will be of any great
practical detriment to us remains to be
seen. We incline to the opinion that it
will not. But whether it does or not, Dot
many years will elapse before we will be
able, if we wish, to make, it entirely harm
less. The people of Georgia will find the
way tc get rid of it whenever any exigency
arises calculated to create the suspicion
that their political supremacy is in jeopar
dy. They are not to be scared into excess
es by any panic about negro domination.
That ghost nas been laid, for good and all,
in Georgia. We suppose the expelled ne
groes will be rc-seated in the Legislature,
and in all other offices where they have
been thrust at the point of the bayonet,
but that don’t amount to a great deal.
The great question ot white supremacy has
been fixed as firm and sure as fate itself,
so tar as Georgia is concerned. °
The Americus Republican does not be
lieve that this decision will reseat the negro
members of the Legislature: •
“ Besides evidence of the inevitable
downfall of this mongrel party, we behold
other good which must surely come out of
this adversity. This judgment does not,
as we understand, reinstate the negro
members who were expelled from the
Legislature. In this ease of White, the
courts were invoked as umpire in the mat
ter, and have thus determined the issue
submitted; upon the question of qualifica
tion as legislator, the Assembly of Georgia
is the constitutional and sole judge, and its
voice has pronounced adversely to the
eligibility of negroes as members of the
body. The Assembly has determined the
question by a decision which can only be
revoked by the power which delivered it,
and reconsideration on the part of its mem
bers can hardly be expected.
“This then leaves only the other offices of
the State open to negroes ; and from this
with the great evil, may wo not anticipate
material benefit? Without a lengthy
elaboration of the proposition, we suggest
that this may force upon us the selection
of more competent, more efficient and more
worthy men to occupy the position of trust
and importance with the gift of the people.
It is notorious that a vast number of men
in office are eminently unqualified for the
duties of their respective positions; and
through their unfitness and incompetency
the State, the county, the community, and
each citizen, sutler harm and losses and
injury. By the adoption of the rule for
the exclusion of all incompetent persons
from official posts nearly all negroes will
be excluded and as far as the voice of the
people is to be heard in elections, the evil
can be remedied.”
UNNECESSARY.
“We beg to respectfully suggested our
cotemporariesof the Augusta Constitution
alist and SavanDah Republican that their
invocations to the people to respect and
obey the law as laid down by the Supreme
Court, in its recent decision at Atlanta,
are not only, in our humble opinion,
wholly unnecessary, but somewhat unwise.
We do not suppose any man in the State
has the remotest intention of doing any
thing else, but our enemies abroad may
pretend to find in such appeals a corrobora
tion of thoir infamous charges of lawless
ness against the people. ‘See here,’ they
may say, ‘these Democratic papers are
afraid their friends will resiso this law just
as they do other laws, and are counselling
them against such a course beforehand.’
We are sure there will be no resistance
made to the enforcement of tho law any
where, and any doubts on that pent sug
gested by appeals, of tho character we re
fer to, do the people injustice.”— Journal
& Messenger.
Can’t Stand the Nigger.
The white bricklayers of Washington
city have refused to permit negroes to
work with them on the same job, and the
Bricklayers’ Union, at a meeting held on
last Saturday, expelled six of its refractory
white members who continued to work in
the Navy Yard alter the introduction of
negroes there by the order of Borie.
These bricklayers who thus refuse to
permit a negro to “handle bricks and
mortar” on the same job with themselves
are nearly all Radicals. They vote to sus
tain the Radical party and cheerfully en
dorse its efforts to force negroes into all
the offices in the South, yet they refupe to
permit the same class to work with them.
Their Caucasian blood revolts at the con
tact on the builder's scaffold with loil
blacks, yet they think them marvellously
proper persons to sit in our Legislative
Halls, to preside in our courts of justice, to
serve on our juries, to sit on the same
bench with our children in the school
house, and with our wives and daughters
in our churches and places of amusement.
Verily the day of tho wrath of an offend
ed Deity must be near at hand for these
Radical freedom sebriekers!
More Ratification.
Florida, which like the other rebel
States is blesse i with a very carpetbag
ish Legislature, has “ratified” the negro
roting Fifteenth Amendment. The inter
esting Legislature in question convened
last week in extra session, ostensibly to
act on the project for selling western
Florida to Alabama ; and the members
have taken advantage of the chancato kill
two birds with one stone, by seizing this
time to “ratify” the amendment. That
makes, we believe, 23 States—if such
questionable action as the no-quorum Leg
islature of Indiana be accepted as the valid
action of the State. But it is useless to
begin with specifying one State, when
there are so many more whose recorded
action on this subject has been so mani
festly against the sentiments of their peo
ple. The whole proceeding is but one
gigantic fraud. We suppose it will not be
difficult to get, by hook or crook, the re
maining four States necessary to make up
the three-quarters of the happy family.,
There are ways to do it. Radicalism is not
fastidious. Wendell Phillips has found
time, amidst his other pressing duties in
counseling the Western Indians to murder
all the whites they can, to stop a moment
and declare, in a “resolution,” that if the
Amendment cannot be carried in any other
way, Congress must carve up Texas into
four States ; taking it for granted that
their Legislatures—beiDg, of course, of the
loyal carpetbag strtpe which so well ex
presses the sentiments of the people con
cern^ —wiil immediately “ratify.” These
Radicals, who rule Congress, are making
of our American experiment of self-gov
rnent a monstrous farce and mockery.
And they mean to end it, as soon as they
conveniently can, as effectually as the
Mussulman ruler’s agents and the subjects
of their experiments, with a bowstring,
that makes the subjects’ eyes and tongue
hang out.— Hartford Times.
Bullock and the Legislature.-— The
Atlanta Constitution asks if Governor
Bullock wants to call an extra session of
the Legislature, why don’t he do so? This
thing of writing a Proclamation, convening
the Legislature, and then laying it up to
dry, is not exactly the clean thing— out
with it, Governor. Bea man —be bold.
What if they do impeach you? Your bet
ters have experienced a worse fate and you
ought not to grumble. Take courage, old
chap, and let slip that proclamation. Yonr
thirteen hungry democratic organs are ex
ceedingly anxious to proclaim.
Status of the Expelled Negro Members
of the Legislature.
The editor cf the Macon Telegraph mis
takes, unintentionally, no doubt, the posi
tion of this paper in regard to the effect of
the late decision of the Supreme Court
upon the eligibility of negroes to hold of
fice.
We have never “taken exeeptions to
the position of the Telegraph and others,
that the Legislature should respect the
ruling of the Supreme Court in relation to
the eligibility of negroes as members of
that body.” Wo have insisted, and con
tinue to insist, that the decision can have
no effect ifpon the status of those negroes
who had been declared ineligible to seats
in the present Legislature before the de
cision was rendered.
We said that the cases of the expelled
members had been heard and decided by
the only tribunal known to the laws of the
State which ha3 jurisdiction in the matter
—that the question was as to these,
res adjudicata.
The Telegraph thinks that our logic is
“all based on the false assumption that tho
Legislature is a Court of ultimate arbitra
ment upon any of the rights of the citizens
under the Constitution.” Agaio, our con
temporary says : “It (the Legislature) is
no Court at all. The Constitution restricts
the judicial power to the Courts, as strict
ly as it does the Legislative power to the
General Assembly. The •General Assem
bly can no more make the Constitutional
rights of tho citizen res adjudicata than the
Courts can enact a statute.”
Unfortunately for this view of tho 7cl"-
grapli, it is in palpable opposition to the
first paragraph of Section 4 of the 2nd ar
ticle of the State Constitution, which
is a literal copy of a like provision of the
sth Section of the first article of the Con
stitution ot the United States, and which
is as follows : “Each House shall be the
judge of the electiea returns and qualifica'
tions of its members, &c.” Here, then, is
the power expressly given to each House
to judge of the qualifications of its members.
The present Legislature has already exer
cised this power of judging the qualifica
tions of certain of its members, and its
judgment thus rendered, is final and con
elusive of that question. Neither the
Supreme Court of Georgia or of the United
S ates has any jurisdiction over this sub
jeet. Neither is it true that the Supreme
Court has decided that the expelled
negroes were entitled to seats in the Legis
lature—if it had, it would have been mere
ly brulem fulmen. The decision of the
Supreme Court i?, that under the Consti
tution and Code of tho State, negroes are
eligible to hold offiee. Tho Court has not
dared to say that the Legislature shall ad
mit negroes to seats in that body.
Each branch of tho Legislature is a
court, and tho only competent court to
hear and determine the qualifications of its
own members. We do not say that they
would be justified or authorized in deciding
upon a question of qualification, right in
the teeth of a judicial decision made by
the highest judicial tribunal known to our
laws, upon a like question in another case.
Precedents are valuable, and when author
itatively made should, as a general rule, be
acquiesced in by each branch of tho Gov
ernment ; but no decision made by any
Court or other body having authority to
make it, can be so construed as to apply to
and set aside decisions or judgments which
have been previously mado upon the same
issues, and from which no appeal has been
taken. Right or wrong, such decisions
must stand.
But the main point now made by tho
Telegraph is that tho decision of the Leg
islature has not the weight, force or dig
nity of a judicial decision. Here our con
temporary is again at fault, or the states
men and jurists of thi3 country for the last
half century have failed to comprehend
the power granted under the clause of the
Constitution wo have quoted.
Mr. Justice Story, in commenting upon
this clause of the Constitution, says: “It
is obvious that a power must be lodged
somewhere to judge of the election returns
and qualifications of each House com
prising the Legislature; for otherwise
there could be no certainty as to who were
legitimately chosen members, and any in
truder, or usurper, might claim a seat,
and thus trample upon the rights and
privileges, and liberties of the people. In
deed, elections would become, under such
circumstances, a mere mockery; and
legislation the exercise of sovereignty by
any self constituted body. The only pos
sible question on such a subject is, as to
the body in which such a power shall be
lodged. If lodged in any other than the
legislative body itself, its independ
ence, its purity, and even its existence and
action may be destroyed or put into im
minent danger. No o’her body, but itself,
can have the same motives to pieserve and
perpetuate these attributes ; n- other
body can be so perpetually wa* chful to
vindicate its own character, and to. pre
serve the rights and sustain the free choice
of its constituent;. Accordingly power has
always been lodged in the Legislative body
by theuniform practice of England and
America. —Story on the Constitution vol.
1. 576.
It will be seen from the above extract
that the position of the Telegraph is
wholly untenable. It is fully shown that
for all the purposes of a legal find full de
cision upon the qualifications of its mem
bers that the Legislature is not only acourt
but the only court that can exercise juris
in in such matters.
The only Ctfurt having jurisdiction in
the- matter having decided that the indi
vidual negroes returned to the present
Legislature were ineligible, that question is
forever decided —it is res-adjudicata. It
may be true, indeed we know it. is so, that
the principle involved in that decision has
been by the Supreme Court of the State
decided quite differently. Whether the
Legislature will in future cases which may
arise, conform their action to this decision
of the Supreme Court is quite another
question We have no hesitation in de
claring that while we do not believe that
they would be legally bound to do so, we
think that, in view of the relative powers
and duties of these two branches of the
government, they would be morally bound
to accept this judgment of the Court in
the case of White as decisive of the right
of negroes to hold seat? in the Legislature.
Several months since the Chronicle &
Sentinel urged that a case should be
made and taken to the Supreme Court in
order to test this right claimed by the Scala
wags for the negroes to hold office under
our laws. We then said, and we_now re
peat it, “that it would become the duty of
all good citizens to yield cheerful obedience
to such decision when made, and we doubt
not that all portions of our people will accept
such a decision a3 the law of the land.”
We have seen no reason why we should
now change that opinion. We still think,
in future—or, more properly speaking—in
all cases which have not been already au
thoritatively decided the principles involved
in the late decision should be enforced.
We go further and say that we believe
that it would be the duty of the present
Legislature to carry out those principles in
all cases which may hereafter come before
it. What we mean is this. If the vacan
cy created in the Senate by the death of
Adkins should be filled by the return of a
negro and if a negro should also be return
ed to the House in the place of Ayer, that
such negroes should be admitted to their
seats. These cases have not been decid
ed. But if Alex Stone, negro member
from Jefferson county,should present him
self and demand the seat Irom which he
had been ejected, that such demand would
be untenable —his case has been decided.
The Supreme Court have no ■ power to
NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVIII. NO. 26
overrule a decision made by the Legisla
ture upon the qualifications of its individual
members. Ike Legislature has no right
to decide that negroes are ineligible to of
fice. Each department is supreme and in
dependent in its own proper sphere of the
interference of the other. The Supreme
Court decides principles, the Legislature
decides the special qualifications of its own
members.
If a negro should hereafter be elected
a Justice of the Peace or Ordinary, or to
any other civil office in the State aDd his
commission be withheld or the Courts re
fuse to recognize his right to the office, he
has his remedy before the Supreme Court,
and its decision must be obeyed. But if a
negro should be elected to the Legislature
there is no power in the Supreme Court
which can compel them to admit the De
gro to his’seat. The Legislature is a
co-ordinate branch of the Government and
within its own sphere entirely independent
of the judiciary. As we have already said
we believe such a refusal would be wrong ,
but we do not admit that that body can be
compelled by the judicial branch of the
Government to do right.
As far back as the first, of January last,
the Chicago Republican , a Radical organ,
in commenting upon this very question
took the true and safe constitutional view
of the matter. It said:
"In organizing the State Government of
Georgia, the qualifications for members of
the Legislature were so obscurely set forth
in the Constitution that the white majority
in each branch of the body felt warranted
in excluding all the members who were
known not to be of pure white blood. The
Constitution of the State gave to each
House the exclusive right to decide upon
the elections and qualifications of its own
members; these Houses acted in the man
ner we have stated, and, while we believe
the decision was wroDg, and was in deroga
tion of truth, law and justice, still, having
the authority to make the decision, the
remedy is at the ballot-box. The House
of Representatives in the National Con
gress has the same exclusive right, and
has repeatedly reversed its own previous
decisions in contested cases. Last Spring
the present House most unjustly excluded
General Morgan, of Ohio, giving the seat
to his opponent. The excluded member
appealed to the people, and.the people re
versed the decision of-4he political majori
ty in the House.”
We can add nothing to the force of this
argument. We commend its careful
perusal to the editor of the Telegraph.
We do not wish to be misunderstood.
YV e have not said, and do not say, that the
recent decision of the Supreme Court is not
an authoritative and binding exposition of
the right of the negro to hold office in this
State. We have simply protested against
an improper and illegal application of
that decision to the status of the expelled
memhers ot the Legislature.
Religious Intolerance.
The fiftieth annual convention of the
Swedenbo’rgian Society was held in New
York last week. There were in attendance
delegates from most of the Eastern and
Middle Stateß and quite a number from
tho South and West. The annual election
of officers was held on the last day of the
session (Saturday), when Governor 11. V.
Johnson, of this State, who had been, we
believe, for several years a member of the
“Executive Committee,” was defeated for
re-election on the ground that he was a
“Rebel.”
We quote from the Herald's account of
the affair:
The time having arrived—sloven a in. —
to proceed with the election of officers for
the coming year, the ballots were received
and the result announced in the course of
the afternoon as follows :
President—Rev Thomas Worcester.
Vice President—Mr J Young Scammon.
Secretary—Rev T B Hayward.
Second Secretary—Mr Thomas Hitch
cock.
Treasurer —Mr Robert L Smith.
Executive Committee—Rev J R Hib
bard. Illinois; Oliver Gerrish, Maine; D
L. Webster, Massachusetts; Sampson
Reed, Massachusetts; Rev W H Hinkley,
Mrryland; E Laihle, Miohigan; Rev J P
Stuart, Missouri; Rev C Giles, New York;
Lyman S. Burnham, New Yolk; Milo G
Williams, Ohio; Kev W II Benade, Penn
sylvania; B F Glenn, Pennsylvania; John
Hitz, Washington, DC; Glendy Burke,
New Orleans; C T Dunham. South Caro
lina; Jacob L Wayne, of Ohio.
During the progress of the election it
was perceived that from the printed bal
lots, as distributed, the name of Herschel
V Johnson, of Georgia, nominated for a
member of the Executive Committee, was
left out and that of Glendy Burke, of New
Orleans, substituted. The cause for this
was privately rumored to have been that
Herschel V Johnson, known as tho Vice
Presidential candidate on the Douglas
ticket in 1860, was a “rebel,” while Glendy
Burke was vouched for as a Union man,
and though this was not stated publicly
Johnson’s standing in the Church was only
arraigned. To overcome the difficulty,
Rev Mr Hibbard, of Church, moved to
increase the number of the Executive Com
mittee to twenty-one, which was adopted,
yet Johnson only received twelve votes out
of seventy-eight.
Even the attempt made by Mr. Hibbard
to save Governor Johnson by increasing
the number of the committee so as to let
in tiie "truly loil" Glendy Burke, result
ed in defeat.
Even the Herald thinks this action of
the Convention “ slightly unchristian in
spirit." We give tho comments of that
paper in its own words:
ThcChurch was evidently divided during
the election for members of the different
executive committees for the ensuing year
on the question of “rebel” and “Union”
men —a point which, to say tho least, ap
pears slightly unchristian in spirit, particu
larly when urged at a period of time so loDg
subsequent to the close of the war. The ad
journment was voted in excellent harmo
ny and the members separated each per
haps convinced of his election to grace in
the words of the expiring Swedenborg. “I
have written nothing but the truth, as
you will have it confirmed hereafter all the
days of your life, provided you always
keep close to the Lord. ’ ’
Supreme Eourt— Evening Session.
Bep-irted Expressly for The Constitution.
Tuesday, June 22, 1869. — The evening
session was consumed by . General G. J.
Wright in finishing his argument in the
case of Clark et al , vs. Bell, No. 17,
Southwestern Circuit, and the reply of B.
11. Hill to him.
W. A. Hawkins will conclude for plain
tiffin error to-morrow morning.
The Supreme Court of New York has
decided that if a passenger on a railway
train cannot find a seat and gets injured
while standing, in consequence, upon the
platform, hq is not to be blamed for n gli
gence; but that the negligenoo must be
imputed to the conductor. It is the lat
ter’s business to find a seat for the passen
ger, not the passenger’s business to look
for one. This is a righteous decision.
From the N. O. Picayune, June 15,
Southern Historical Society.
There was a regular meeting of this So
ciety last evening, in the offiee of the How
ard Association, which was well attended,
and important business transacted. Gen.
Braxton Bragg officiated as President, in
the absence of Dr. Palmer,
The permanent constitution and by-laws
were read, adopted and ordered to be pub
lished.
Letters were read from a number of the
Vice-Presidents elected at a previous meet
ing.
We append an official list of the officers
of the society:
OFFICERS OF PARENT SOCIETY, NEW OR
LEANS, LA.
Rev B M Palmer, D D, President; Gen
Braxton Bragg, Vice President; Joseph
Jones, M D, Secretary and Treasurer.
ADVISORY COMMITEEE.
President, Vice President and Secretary ;
ex officio, J Dickson Bruns, M D, Hon j
Thomas J Semrnes, W S Pike, Gen Harry
T Hays.
* VICE PRESIDENTS OF STATES.
Gen R E Lee, Virginia; Hon S Teakle I
Wallis, Maryland; Gen D H Hill, North j
Carolina; Gen Wade Hampton, South
Carolina; Hon Alex H Stephens, Georgia;
Admiral R Semmes, Alabama; Gov Isham
G Harris, Tennessee; Gov BG Humphreys,
Mississippi; Col Ashbel Smith, Texas;
Gen J C Breckinridge, Kentucky; Gen
Trusten Polk, Missouri; Hon A H Garland,
Arkansas; Hon S R Mallory, Florida.
The following able address was read by
the Secretary and Treasurer, Dr. Joseph
Jones, and unanimously adopted. It very
I'uliy explains the objects and scope of the
society :
OFFICIAL CIRCCLAE.
On the Ist of May, 1869, after several
preliminary meetings, a number of gentle
men in the city of New Orleans formed
themselves into a permanent association,
under the style of the “Southern Histori
cal Society,” with the following general
outline:
A parent society, to hold its seat and its
archives in the city of New Orleans, with
affiliating societies to be organized in all
the States favorable to the object pro
posed, these in their turn branching into
local organizations in the different town
ships—forming thus a wide fellowship of
closely co-ordinated societies, with a com
mon centre in the parent association in this
city.
Toe object proposed to be accomplished
is the collection, classification, preserva
tion, and final publication, in some form to
be hereafter determined, of all the docu
ments and facts bearing upon the eventful
history of the few years, illustrating the
nature of the struggle from which the
country has just emerged, defining and
vindicating the principles which lay be
neath it, and marking the stages through
which it was conducted to its issue. It is
not understood that this association shall
be purely sectional, nor that its labors shall
be of a partisan character.
Everything which relates to this critical
period of our national history, pending the
conflicts, antecedent or subsequent to it,
from the point of view of either, or of both
the contestants; everything, in short,
which shall vindicate the truth of history is
to be industriously collated and filed ; and
all parties, in every section of the continent,
who shall desire to co-operate in the at
tainment of these ends, will bo welcomed
to a share in our councils and our toils.
It is doubtless true, that au accepted
history can never be written in the midst
of the stormy events of which that'history
is comprised, nor by the agents through
whose efficiency they were wrought. The
stroog passions which are evoked in every
human conflict disturb the vision and warp
the judgment, iu the scales of whose criti
cism the necessary facts are to be weighed;
even the relative importauoe of these"facts
cannot be measured by those who are in too
close proximity. Scope must be afforded
for the development of their remote issues
before they can bo brought under the
raDge of a philosophic apprehension; and
the secret thread be discovered, running
through all history, upon which its single
facts crystalize iu the unity of some great
providential plan.
The generations of the disinterested must 1
succeed the generations of the prejudiced
before history, properly termed such, can
be written. This, precisely, is the work
we now attempt to construct, the archives
in which shall be collected these.memoirs
to serve for future history.
It is believed that invaluable documents
arc scattered over the whole land, in loose
sheets, perhaps, lying in the portfolios of
private gentlemen, and only preserved as
souvenirs of their own parts in the historic
drama. 1
Existing in forms so perishable, regard
ed, it may be, only so much waste paper,
by those into whose hands they must fall,
no delay should be suffered in their col
lection and preservation-
There is, doubtless, too much that is yet
unwritten floating only in the memories of
the living, which if not speedily rescued,
will be swallowed iu the oblivion of the
grave, but which, if reduced to record, and
collated, would afford the key to many a
cipher, in a little while to become unintel
ligible for want of interpretation.
All this various material, gathered front
every section, will need to be industriously
classified and arranged, and finally deposit
ed in the central archives of the society,
under the care of appropriate guardians.
To this task of collection, we invita the
immediate attention and co-operation of
our oopatriots throughout the South, to
facilitate which, we propose the organiza
tion of State and district associations, that’
our whole people may be brought into
harmony of action to this important
matter.
The rapid changes through which the
institutions of the country are now passing,
and the still more stupendous revolutions
in the opinions of men, remind us that wo
stand to-day upon the outer verge of a
great historic cycle, within which a com
pleted past will shortly be enclosed. An
other cycle may touch its circumference ;
but the events it shall embrace will be
gathered around another historic centre
and the future historian will pronounce
that in stepping from the one to the other
he has entered upon another and separate
volume of the nation’s record.
Let. us, who are soon to be in that past
to which we properly belong, see that there
are no gaps in the reoord.
Thus shall we discharge a duty to the
fathers, whose principles we inherit, to the
children, who will then know whether to
honor or to dishonor the sires that begot
them; and above all, to the dead heroes
sleeping on the vast battle-plains, from
Manassas to Vicksburg, whose epitaph
history yet waits to engrave upon their
tombs.
The funds raised by initiation fees, as
sessments, donations and lectures, after de
fraying the current expenses, will be ap
propriated to the rent or purchase of a
suitible fire-proof building for the safe
keeping of the archives.
For- the accomplishment of these ends
contributions jre respectfully solicited from
all parties interested in the establishment
and prosperity of the Southern Historical
Society.
Contributions to the archives and libra
ry of the society are respectfully and
earnestly solicited under the following
specific divisions:
1. The histories and historical 'Collec
tions of tho individual States, from the
earliest periods to the present time, in
cluding travels, journals ani maps.
2. Complete files of the newspapers,
periodicals, literary , scientific and medical
journals of the Southern States, from the
earliest times to the present day, includ
ing, especially, the period of the American
ciyil war.
3. Geological, topographical, agricultur
al, manufacturing and commercial reports,
illustrating the statistics, climate, soil, re
sources, products and commerce of the
Southern States.
4. Works, speeches, sermons and dis
courses relating to the recent conflict and
political changes, Congressional and State
reports, during the recent war.
5. Official reports and descriptions, by
officers and privates and newspaper cor
respondents aod eye-witnesses of cam
paigns, military operations, battles and
sieges.
6. Military maps.
7. lie ports upon the munitions, arms
and equipment, organization, numbers and
losses of the various branches of the South
ern armies—infantry, artillery, cavalry,
ordinance and commissary and quarter
master departmeDtk
8. Koports of the adjutant general of
the late C. S. A., and of the adjutant gen
eral of the armies, departments, districts
and States, showing the resources of tho
individual States, the available fighting
population, the number, organization and
losses of the forces called into actual ser
vice.
9. Naval operations of the Confederate
Stales.
10. Operations of the Nitre and Mining
Bureau.
11 Commercial operations.
12. Foreign relations, diplomatic corre
spondence, etc.
13 Currency.
14 Medical statistics and medical re
ports.
Id Names of all officers, soldiers and
sad irs in the military and naval service of
the Confederate States who were killed in
battle, or died of disease and wounds.
16. Names of all wounded officers, sol
diers and sailors. The nature ofthe wounds
should be attached to each name, also the
loss of one or more limbs should be care
fully noted.
17. Published reports and manuscripts
relating to oivil prisoners held during the
war. ... , ,
18. All matters, published or unpub
lished, relating to the treatment, diseases,
mortality, and exchange of prisoners of
war.
19. The conduct of the hostile armies in
the Southern States. Private and public
losses during the war. Treatment of citi
zens by hostile.forces.
20. Number, occupation, condition, and
conduct of colored population. Effects of
emancipation upon the and upon
the material prosperity of the South.
21. Southern poetry, ballads, songs, etc.
All communications, works and reports
mutft be (by mail or express,
prepaid), to Dr. Joseph Jones, Secretary
and Treasurer ofthe Southern Historical
Society, New Orleans, La.
After some further business, the meet
ing adjourned.