Newspaper Page Text
OLD SERIES—VOL. LXUI.
fIEW SERIES —VOL. IIIVHi
TERMS.
THE DAILY CHRONICLE k SENTIXEL, the oldest
n*ra> %\*x ia th** S *uth, i* paoMid daily, *x
r*\A M nJtt. Trffl* : P*r year,slo; six months,
$5; throe raonSha, $2 50.
THE TKI-WEEKLY CUROVICLE k SENTINEL is
p lbU-h'd tt*tf Tu day, Tbarsday and Satur
day. Terim : One y*"*r, $5; s.x months, f‘2 50.
THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE k SENTINEL !§ pub
lish *<l * vry Wednesday. Term*: Ooe year, $2
tix months, sl.
HUBS yHIPTIOSS in all
pao r orjtinned after the expiration of the time
paid for.
RATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII tran-
will be charged at the rite
of $1 p*r for each Insertion for the first
w-ek. Advertisement* in the Tri-Weekly, two
tb rde of the rate* in the Daily; and in the
Weekly, one hair the Daily afc*. Marriage and
Faueral Notk*f, $1 each. Special Notice*, $1
per square for the first pu* licatioc. Special
rate* wil be ma'te for advertisements running j
for a month or longer. *
REMITTANCES ihould be male by Poet Office 1
M ney Order* cr Kiprees. If this cannot lie j
don**, )>r- lection against l**w** by mail may be ;
sheared by forwarding a draft payab’e to the i
Proprietor* of the Cbboxicle a SRSTnntL, or by i
sending the money in a registered letter.
ALL COMMUNICATIONS announcing
for ofßoe— # r >rn County Const■'bie to Member of
Cungr<*A-will be charged for at the rate of
twenty cents per line. All announcements muat j
be paid for iu advance.
Addr*-* WALSH U WRIGHT,
Cffftofcj.E k SEKTittVT.. Angnata. Ga. !
Ctjromcle and Remind.
WEDNESDAY. . OCTOBER 21, 1874.
*
MINOR TOPICS.
In rndianapolin barben? are not allowed to
keep their shops open on Sunday, but the sa
loons are permitted to do buidneea throughout
the day. This statement is not necessary, bat
it will relieve tlioe people who have always
hail a cariosity to know why it is that India
napolis men have bald heads and red noses.
The new colors to he worn this year are the
“Volcano," “Cardinal” and the “Flower of
Sulph r.” “Cardinal” is red or scarlet, after
the fashion of a Cardinal's hat; “Volcano” is
designed to represent as to color the eruption
of a burning mountain, and for “Flower of
Sulphur,” it isn't like anything else ii the
worl 1 but flower of sulphur, or a very pale
canary. It isn’t a good thing to wear “ Flower
of Sulphur” in the daylight, but the gaslight
is a marvellous improver of its tints.
According to the Posen Gazette, the Russian
Government has issued an order of expulsion
against the Jews residing in Warsaw who were
not boro in that city and have no fixed occupa
tion there. The Jewish Chronicle says: “No
less than 12,000 to 15,000 Jews will he effected
by this harsh decree, the truth of which re
quires confirmation. We havo it on good au
thority, however, that the Russian Government
acts in a most arbitrary manner toward the
PoUsh Jews in Western Russia.”
Interesting experiments are in progress at
Cincinnati in the transfusion of lamb's blood
into human blood, particularly in cases of
chronic autemia. Dr. Settle, under direction
of Dr. Dawson, lias made several trials at the
Good Samaritan Hospital. 110 lias also made
use of the expedient outside. In one instance
he transferred eight ounces of blood from a
living lamb to a man. Tlio connection is mado
between the lamb's neck and the patient's arm,
and the blood of the lamb passed through
short tubes—glass in the lamb and silver in the
patient—connected by a rubber tube.
The Now fork Times remarks that tho season
has been an unusually unproductive one to the
burglars, for facilities for placing valuables and
furniture in safe keeping during tho absence
of tho resident have increased of late, and
people have wisely profited by them. The
danger now is, it says, that this harvest time
will merely bo changed from Summer to Win
ter, so that care should be taken, as far as
possible, to guard against sneak thieves and
burglars. Tho duty of tho head of tho house
hold to attend a little to the business of se
curing tho house himself is too often neglected.
The assessed raluo of the real estate in
New York city, as equalized by tho State asses
sors, is $812,700,047. A. T. Stewart’s whole
sale dry g'iods establishment is assessed at
(850,000, retail establishment $1,150,000, and
the Stewart mansion $600,000, the whole pay
ing a tax of $72,000. Tho assessed value of
tho Grand Central depot is $1,500,000 ; Hudson
River depot, $1,500,000 ; Equitable Life In
surance building, $1,100,000 ; Droxel & Co.'s
banking house. $1 000,000; Fifth Avenue
Hotel, $1,100,000 ; Booth's Tlieatie. $400,000 ;
Methodist Book Concern, $475,000 ; Western
Union Telegraph building, $420,000.
John W. Mason declines to he a candidate
for the House’of Delegates of West Virginia.
He prefers to attend to his business at homo.
Stranger still, a gentleman at the North has
declined an offer from his district, wherein his
election was certain, to tho Congress of the
Uuitod States. He gives the absurd reason
that ho prefers to bo independent, and at the
beck and bidding of no man or body of men.
Morton, Butler, Coukl.ng and the old stagers
probably believe that there is a bee in tho bon
net of each of these men—the whole hive per
haps in that of the last. Deelino an election
to Congress! What is tho world coming to ?
When Gen. Sheridan was in Washington at
tending the Sherman wedding, lie. in an inter
view with Attorney-General Williams, told that
officer that to withdraw any of the force now
under his command would tend to cripple him
in his aggressive movements against the
Indians. It was then tacitly agreed that he
should not be called upon for auv of the mili
tary in his department. As already announced
in eur dispatches, however, the agreement has
boon broken by Williams, the desperate for
tunes of tho carpet-bag regime in Alabama re
quiring. in liis opinion, more attention than
the scalps of white men on the froutiors.
Tho area of the German Empire is only 212.-
000 square miles, or scarcely four times that of
Illinois, and on that small space dwell over
42.000.000 people, which exceeds tlio present
population of tho United States, scattered over
twelve times that extent of territory, and Ger
many produces enough breadstuffs and meats
for tho support of her population, and raises a
sufficient quantity of beets from which to
manufacture uearlv all the sugar and molasses
consumed by her inhabitants, wher as the
United States, with their great variety of cli
matb and soil, expend $100,000,000 annually in
the purcliaso of those commodities from tropi
cal countries. Germany grows most of the
tobacco consumed by her people, and they are
inveterate smokers.
The oup of American humiliation ia filled to
the brim. Everybody knows what huge effort
was made during ttie civil war to arrest the
circulation of obscene books among tho Fede
ral heroes on the 1 nes. and that President Lin
coln in person superintended the burning of
tons of them—doubtless determining their fate
by sample. We also kuow. or have heard, of
the efforts of tlio Young Men's Christian Asso
ciations throughout the land in the same di
rection. Hence it is most humiliating that the
actual truth of a Brooklyn church controversy
the hero beiug oue whom thousands worship
is deemed too indecent to be allowed to pass
over tho English wires seeing "that it must in
doing so pass through the hands of a number
of respeciable female clerks.”
The last report of the Bureau of Statistics
shows that during the past year the commerce '
of the country met that requirement of the <
political economists which is held to be neces- j
B4 ry to a sound prosperity—our exports ex- ]
ceeded our imports. For the year ending ■
June 30, 1874. the foreign imports, less foreign i
exports, were c 572.080.910. while the domestic j
exports, reduced to gold value, were $629,252.- 1
15g an excess of $57,171,246. oraimost exactly j
10 per cent. About $60,000,000 of the exports j
were specie and bullion, which is shore sl3,- |
000,000 less than last year; while of the net ,
imports, #21,524.187 were gold and silver, leav- j
iug a net draiu of the precious metals of S3B.- i
175.499. against one. last year, of #63.227,637. a j
gain, if we so regard it, of $25,052,138, or more ;
than 40 per cent. Compared with the fiscal |
rear of 1873. these figures show a remarkable i
change. The imports have decreased $63.- 1
386.726. while the exports, gold value, have in- j
•reased #49.686.829. making a net difference of j
#113,073.655. The great a: tides of import in :
which there was the greatest falling off during
1564. were iron and steel, wool and woolens,
silk. Unen. lead. tin. tobacco and watches.
Thb New York Times sums up the
Beecheb-Tiltox scandal. “So far as
can be learned there are to be an endless
series of legal actions growing out of
this case, but no one knows when they
are to be commenced. Mr. Tilton lias
brought an action against Mr. Beecher
to recover damages for the wrong al
leged to have been done him; Mr.
Beeches has brought an action against
Mr. Tilton ; a lady has brought an ac
tion against Moulton ; Mr. Bowen has
brought three against the Brooklyn
Eagle; Moulton threatens an action
against Beecbeb ; a lady has brought an
action against the Daily Graphic ; Til
ton has brought an action against the
World and the Tribune; a grand jury
has indicted Tilton and Moulton, and
Mrs. Tilton threatens to publish an
other statement
MASS MEETING.
There will be a grand mass meeting of
Patrons of the State of Georgia Wed
nesday night of the approaching Fair
; week, in the city of Atlanta, Ga.
j Object—“ The Good of the Order” —
j hence, good of the country.
T. J. Smith, M. Ga. S. G.
E. Taylor, Secretary.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
The issue ig made np in South Caro
lina. The Conservatives of the State in
convention assembled have decided that
; it is inexpedient to make a nomination,
and have endorsed the nominees of the
independent Republicans— Greene and
Delaney. This action of the conven
tion seems to have met the hearty ap
proval of the Conservative masses of the
State and of the leaders—such men as
Kershaw, Pebby, Aldrich and Rion—
and there is no dissatisfaction apparent.
To those outside of the State who take
a hasty view of the situation, and who
jndge South Carolina by other States,
there is not much difference between the
two parties and between the two tickets.
Chamberlain is a Republican. Greene
is a Republican. Chamberlain is in fa
vor of the Civil Rights bill; so is
Greene. Chamberlain is running on a
ticket with audus supported by colored
men ; so is Greene. There is so much
of similarity between the nominees and
the parties that many may ask why the
Conservatives, as they have confessed
their weakness by declining to nominate
a candidate, should take any part iu the
contest, or care anything for the result;
why they should attempt to defeat one
Republican with another Republican?
A little knowledge, however, of the situa
tion of affairs in South Carolina will con
vince one that there is a great difference
between the two Republican factions,
and that the Conservatives cannot re
main idle and indifferent spectators of
the struggle. They have admitted, as
we have stated before, that they are
too weak to elect a candidate who fully
reflects their own views and principles.
The next thing, evidently, to be done
was to elect the Republican who would
come nearer representing them. Two
tickets were in the field, and from these
they must make their selection. One of
them was headed by D. H. Chamber
lain the “regular” Republican nominee.
Chamberlain himself is a Northern
man, a carpet-bagger, a man of talents,
of good manners and pleasing address—
an able lawyer and a fine scholar. So
much is conceded by his bitterest oppo
nents. He has not been accused of
descending to the little meannesses or of
perpetrating the petty villainies which
have been proven upon Moses and his
confederates. But there are charges of
the most serious nature made against
him, and we have not seen them refuted
though they have been lustily denied.
It is charged that as Attorney-General
of the State and as a member of the
State Financial Board he was cognizant
of all the frauds committed upon the
treasury of South Carolina; that he was
not a passive spectator of but an active
participant in a series of illegal and dis
honest schemes which rival anything at
tempted by Bullock, Swepson or Lit
tlefield, and which have overwhelmed
the tax payers with a mass of spurious
obligations. All the bond frauds which
reconstruction permitted in South Caro
lina were the work of this Financial
Board and Mr. Chamberlain was the
leading spirit—the brains—of that body.
These frauds are patent, they are ad
mitted and confessed by every Republi
can in the State with sufficient intelli
gence to understand the meaning of
“bonds” and “theft.” Mr. Chamberlain
stands before tho world as particeps
criminis in these dishonest transac
tions and he cannot receive the support
of any man of honor and integrity. So
much for the candidate: now for the
party. Chamberlain is the nominee of
a convention which had among its lead
ing members the worst men cjf the South
Carolina Republicans—thieves and ad
venturers who wished to change the per
sonel but not the spirit of the govern
ment of South Carolina. The open un
blushing knavery of the Scott and
Moses regimes having disgusted and
enraged the Republican party of
the North they discovered that it would
not do to let these conspicuous of
fenders remain in office. Moses was
mado the scape goat, through bribery
consented to the sacrifice, and Northern
indignation was flanked by the nomina
tion of Chamberlain. The business
was to be carried on as usual, but a
false sign was set up to deceive the pub
lic. Moses is the ally and backer of
Chamberlain. So is Scott. So is Pat
terson. Sjo is Kimpton. So is El
liott. So is Lee. So is Bowen. So is
Wkittemore. So is Crews. The Con
servatives could not expect reform from
such a source as this. They very well
kuew that there could only result from
the election of Chamberlain a repeti
tion of the shameful misgovernment of
the past six years. They knew also
that two more years of such an adminis
tration of public affairs would rniu the
State beyond all hope of redemption.
In the ranks of the Republican party
were a number of men who shared the
political opinions of the men whom we
have named, but who were disgusted
with their perfidy and dishonesty, aud
were determined to have a change real
as well as ostensible. They were deter
mined to make an effort to give the
State honest government, to remove the
odium which has rested upon their
party in South Carolina, and which has
made Republicanism in that State the
synonym of infamy. These men de
cided to act independently of their party
after they discovered that the machinery
of party was being to used to de
feat their wishes, and to ask the assis-
tance of the Conservatives. They put
in the field as their standard bearer
Judge John T. Gbeexe. Judge Gkeene
is a native South Carolinian—one who
before the war possessed the confidence
i and respect of his people. He is a man
| fully the equal of his opponent in in
tellectual power, while his personal
j character is above reproach. He has
1 promised if elected to give the State an
| honest government, and no one doubts
j either his ability or his inclination to
! redeem this promise. The Conserva
tives were asked to forego a party nomi
! nation, and to choose between the two
tickets. The question with them was
I not a question of party ascendancy.
It was not a question (of Demo
cracy or Republicanism. The issue pre
sented was one of honest government or
corrupt government, of security or spo
liation, of liberty or oppression—almost
an issue of life or death. Knowing their
own weakness; reduced to despair by
the frightful ordeal of six years of cor
rupt misgovernment; feeling every day
| that t ey were being robbed in order
that scamps might thrive and prosper;
the question with them was not, is
Judge Greene a Republican ? but, is he
honest? Believing that he is, led by
such men as Kershaw, and Perry, and
McGowan, and Aldrich, they have de
termined to give him their support. Mo
such policy has ever been adopted or
even proposed in Georgia, or North
Carolina, or Alabama, or Texas, because
in those States there exists and has ex
isted a very different condition of affairs.
But for this reason we should not hastily
condemn the action of the Carolina Con
servatives. It would be better to elect
a Democrat Governor than a Republi
can, but if they cannot do this they
have acted wisely in preferring an honest
Republican and honest government to a
corrupt Republican controlled by cor
rupt rings, whose motto is spoliation
and whose triumph would be ruin.
WASHINGTON AND THE GEORGIA
RAILROAD.
The meeting called by the citizens of
Washington, Wilkes county, for the pur
pose of reducing the rates for local
freights adopted by the Georgia Rail
road, was held last Monday. It was
stated by Captain Arnold, one of the
speakers, that it was not the intention
of the meeting to war upon the railway ;
but that the people of Wilkes wishes to
have extended to them the same favors
shown Athens, Warrenton and other
points on the line. He stated that on a
car load of cotton ties shipped from St.
Louis the freight to Augusta was SBO,
while from Augusta to Washington the
freight was $67 23. Mr. Phillips, an
other speaker, stated that he paid
eighty cents more freight on a bill of
goods from Augusta to Washington than
from New York to Augusta. The meet
ing appointed a committee to draft
resolutions to be presented by the Rep
resentatives of Wilkes to the General
Assembly, asking the assistance of that
body and protection from such onerous
charges. The commitiee will submit its
report to an adjourned meeting, which
will be held to-morrow.
GLYNN COUNTY.
The indifference of the Democracy in
Glynn enabled the Radicals to carry
that county by more than a hundred
majority, and Blue, colored, is elected
Representative for the third time. After
the votes had been counted and the re
sult ascertained, someone stole the bal
lot box and tally sheets from the Court
House during the night. The mana
gers, however, have sent up a sworn
statement of the count and left the
.question of whether the election is legal
or not to be determined hereafter. We
think the managers have done exactly
right. If the people of Glynn county
see fit to elect a Republican to represent
them he should be permitted to take
his seat in the Legislature. Larceny is
not the proper remedy for negligence.
Blue seems to have been fairly elected
and it would be very', wrong to exclude
him or order anew election because of
an informality occasioned evidently by
the fraud of a member or members of
the other party. We are glad to see
that the Brunswick Appeal condemns
the act and states that it is denounced
by the good citizens of tile county—ir
respective of party#
THE COTTON OUTLOOK.
The Spectator, an English journal of
authority, of the date of the 29th ult.,
has a long and noticeable article on the
“Harvest of 1874.” Of course the sub
ject is looked at from an English stand
point, and through English glasses, but
there is no reason for doubting the cor
rectness of the statements, while the
conclusions drawn from them have an
air of fairness and candor which give
them great weight. After a careful sur
vey of the field at homo and abroad the
Spectator is inclined to believe that the
grain crops of the year will be plentiful,
and that England and the world will eat
cheap bread this Winter. Influenced by
the first report of bad seasons there was
a marked rise iu prices, but when a fa
vorable change took place and continued,
and it was seen that tho supply would
bo large, a reaction took place which
sent the market down more violently
than it had advanced. Tho crops are
reported good in England, good in con
tinental Europe and good in America,
and the chances are that the poor man’s
loaf will cost less in Europe this
year than it has in some time before.
While this intelligence cannot fail to
be very gratifying, it is not pleasant for
us in the South to think of the present
depressed prices of cotton, our chief
staple and almost the only production
which brings in money. Good corn
crops save money; they keep money,
perhaps, in the planter’s pocket, but—
spite of the axiom that a dollar saved is
a dollar made—they put none there.
Cotton is our main-stay, and cotton is
selling in Augusta for thirteen and four
teen cents, and at much lower figures in
the interior. It is hardly necessary to
say that there is no profit in these
prices. Were the farmers out of debt
and with full smoke houses and corn
cribs they might be able to make
something at fourteen cents. They
certainly can not do it when they
are obliged to buy bacon, and are
still struggling under the indebtedness of
a past season. If we thought that the
whole crop of 1874-’5 was to be sold at
ruling quotations we should look for
word to a very hard year upon mer
chants, planters and every other class
of our population. But we do not think
that the market will continue to rule so
low, notwithstanding reports of full
stocks of the raw and manufactured ma
terial and of reduced production iu the
mills. We are told by those whose ex
perience entitles them to full credit that
one of the axioms of trade is : “Cheap
bread means dear cotton, cheap cotton
means dear bread.” The prospects for
cheap bread, as we have before stated,
are excellent. Cotton, Heaven knows,
is cheap enough at present; but will it
continue so? We think not. Every
year the demand for cotton goods is in
creasing all over the world and although
stagnation in trade has caused the ac
cumulation of large stocks in this coun
try and a marked decline in values, still
there is no reason for apprehending that
this condition of affairs will continue.
Trade will soon assume a healthier ap
pearance and cotton must go to some
thing like its value.
We publish in another column this
morning an interesting article upon the
prayer test, which Professor Tyxdal ha 9
so often suggested as the best method
of determining the truth or falsity of
the theories propagated by his school.
The story is a very pretty one, and,
though somewhat ancient, will be new
to people who read romances and who
don’t read history. The article appears
as an editorial, but the editor of the
Whig, in a postscript, states that “this
shaft is from the pen of a young lady—
one of the most accomplished in the
State—and we trust that Mr. Dana is
endowed with heroism enough to bear
the thrust as becomes a true knight.”
The metaphor is a little mixed, but the
fact remains patent enough that there
are delicious and accomplished young
ladies in Virginia who write brilliant
editorials and present them to over
worked or lazy editors. Who would not
edit a paper in the Old Dominion.
There are accomplished young ladies
enough in Georgia God wot, but they
give no assistance to the journalist, and
though some of the State papers may be
edited by old women, these make but
poor substitutes for young ones.
The Savannah Advertiser says the
contest for Governor lies between CoL
Hardeman and Gen. Colquitt. The
Advertiser favors Hardeman, and says
that he will receive the support of the
First Congressional District in his can
didacy.
AUGUSTA. GA.. WEDNESDAY MORNING. OCTOBER 21, 1874.
THE BOGUS BONDS.
The Brunswick Seaport Appeal says,
with the Atlanta Constitution, that it
sees no reason for thinking that the Leg
islature did not adopt just such an
amendment in relation to the bogus
bonds ns'jt wished to adopt. This ques
tion is such a plain one, and has been
already discussed so fully, that we see
no necessity for writing anything more
upon the subject. Those who wish to
believe that the Legislature was opposed
to the payment of any of the fraudulent
bonds disowned by the Legislature of
1871-2, and yet that it intended to adopt
a constitutional amendment which left a
loop-hole for the future recognition of
more than five millions, are welcome to
their belief. They will find but few who
will agree with them in accusing the
General Assembly of such gross incon
sistency. The Appeal goes on to say :
The amendment repudiates and for
ever prohibits the payment of all of the
fraudulent bonds issued by Bullock, to
which every good and honest man says
amen. They would even have it include
all fraudulent bonds, by whomsoever is
sued. But not one iota farther will the
honest men of Georgia endorse any ac
tion which aims to include bonds legally
issued, no matter by whose administra
tion. We hope to see the Legislature,
when it assembles in Jaauary, amend the
amendment prohibiting the payment of
all fraudulent bonds issued by any offi
cials of the State, and pass it unani
mously. This done, we hold it to be
the duty of the Legislature to join in
the appointment of a committee of the
most learned and honest men, whose
duty it shall be to declare which bonds
are legal and which are illegal. The great
State of Georgia cannot afford to do less.
We do not exactly comprehend the
point made by the Appeal when it says
that good and honest men wish all the
fraudulent bonds included iu this
amendment, and yet asks for the ap
pointment of a committee to decide
which bonds are fraudulent; but, as
language to the same effect has been
employed by a Georgia daily which at
one time advocated the compromise ap
proved by the ring, we presume that this
kind of talk foreshadows the line
of policy which the bondholders have
determined to adopt. The Appeal would
have the amendment! include “all
fraudulent bonds,” and it lays such
stress upon these words that one is
tempted to inquire what they mean.
Do they mean that any attempt has
been made, that any proposition has
been suggested, to disown bonds which
were not fraudulently issued? If so,
we confess ignorance of the, fact. All
that the people of Georgia ask is, that
the fraudulent bonds shall be ignored.
The only complaint which they make
against the amendment adopted by the
Legislature at its last session is, that it
does not place all the fraudulent bonds
beyond tho possibility of recognition.
No one wishes, no one asks, the Legis
lature to go farther than this. No
honest man in Georgia desires to impair
the obligation of a legal debt. There
are but few, we hope, who would like to
see the payment of illegal indebtedness.
The people of the State are opposed to
the payment of any State bond illegally
issued by Rufus B. Bullock, and they
are equally opposed to the recognition
of any railroad bonds illegally endorsed
by Rufus B. Bullock. They are op
posed to the payment or recognition
of any bonds which were investigated
and disowned by the Legislature of 1872,
to-wit: the recognition of the State’s
guaranty upon the bonds of the Bain
bridge, Cuthbert. and Columbus Rail
road; upon the bonds of the Cartersville
and Van Wert Railroad, and also upon
the bonds of the Cherokee Railroad;
upon the bonds of the Brunswick and
Albany Railroad, issued under act of
March, 1869; tho State gold bonds
issued to the Brunswick and Albany
Railroad in exchange for the second
mortgage bonds of that company ; the
quarterly gold bonds which were found
in the hands of Henry Clews & Com
pany ; the currency bonds issued under
the act of August, 1870 ; and the bonds
of the Alabama and Chattanooga Rail
road Company. The constitutional
amendment adopted last February only
excluded the State bonds illegally
issued. We wish a Convention of the
people which will frame an inhibition
against a recognition of the illegal en
dorsements on the railroad bonds as well.
They have all been declared fraudulent,
and the constitutional amendment
should embrace both classes alike. The
Appeal goes on to say :
Men who admit that they failed to
word the amendment as they intended
are certainly not the men to decide the
important question as to which are legal
and which are fraudulent. By all means
let men learned in law and language
settle this important question upon the
broad principles of right, and not in the
interests of passion and prejudice. We
have an abiding confidence that tbis
course will be pursued—and here let the
matter rest for the present.
The “men who admit that they failed
to word the amendment as they intend
ed” have not attempted to decide which
bonds are legal and which fraudulent.
These questions have been already de
cided—decided justly,decided satisfacto
rily. The Legislature only wished to
include all the disowned bonds in the
constitutional amendment, and this,
through palpable mistake, was not done.
The proposition to haye an examina
tion of the bogus securities by “men
learned in the law” is not anew one. It
is the'old cry of the bondholders, the
old suggestion of the advocates of the
compromise. It has that fine flavor of
the “equities” about it to which we
have all grown accustomed. “Equity”
is the shibboleth of the Ring. There is
no necessity for an examination by men
learned or unlearned in “law and lan
guage.” There never was a question
which was examined more thoroughly
and more fairly nor where the decision
arrived at met with such general ap
proval. Over six months was consumed
by the ablest lawyers in the General
Assembly in hearing testimony and
examining the law. Their conclusions
were submitted, fully discussed and
almost unanimously endorsed. We give
the Appeal full credit for honesty of
purpose in the expression of its opinions,
bat we do not think that its sentiments
will meet with the approval of one
tenth of the people of Georgia. We
have answered it at length because its
article appeared to embody the views
and to foreshadow the programme of the
bondholders. The people will not con
sent that the matter shall “rest here for
the present.” We have not the slightest
doubt that the bondholders would like
to have it rest where it is, and trust to
time to give them a Legislature which
can be influenced to yield to their de
mands. They wish their pear to have
time to ripen; but they will not get it.
A Convention will stop the growth of
this poisonous fruit, and when such a
body frames and adops a constitutional
amendment which does cover all of the
fraudulent bonds, then “the matter will’
rest,” but not before.
Another Southern newspaper has suc
cumbed for want of patronage. The
Charleston Sun was forced to snspetid
last Tuesday. The editors of the paper
refused to sell out to the Radicals, and
the Conservative patronage was not suf
ficient for its support. There is some
talk of reviving it as a Republican pa
per, but we are assured that if this is
done its late editorial writers will have
no connection with it.
ILLINOIS AND TENNESSEE.
Every ju3t man will see that- the Gov
ernor of Illinois is right in his demand
upon the Governor of Tennessee for the
men who went from Tennessee into
Illinois on a kidnapping expedition, and
they should be given up to stand a trial
for their unlawful act. Governor Brown
urges that the man whom the Tennes
seeans abducted was guilty of a most
atrocious crime, and was a fugitive from
justice. These statements do not alter
the nature of the case. The law on this
subject is plain and simple enough.
There is no pretense that the State of
Illinois shelters criminals, or that the
Governor of the State has ever refused
to surrender fugitive criminals. There
is no excuse .for the act, and its perpe
trators should receive the punishment
which they deserve. With Georgia and
South Carolina the case is widely dif
ferent. Moses will not give up men who
commit crimes in Georgia and flee to his
State for protection, and in order to pro
tect themselves Georgians have to cross
the river occasionally and bring crimi
nals to justice. But such a course is
only excusable upon the sovereign plea
of necessitv.
THE WAR IN ALABAMA.
The Administration is determined that
Alabama shall go for the Republican
ticket if there be any virtue in force and
violence. Troops have been concen
trated in the State—drawn from the
plain, where women and children are
daily falling victims to the bullet and
scalping knife of the cruel savage in
order to intimidate and destroy
the freedom of elections—and put at the
disposal of unscrupulous political par
tisans. Rendered desperate by the pros
pect of defeat, the Republicans of that
State have determined to employ foul
means for carrying the election, and
their schemes of violence receive the
ready and willing support of the Presi
dent of the United States. Federal
cavalry, prostituted to the service of
party and directed by Radical politicians
in the guise of United States Marshals
and Deputy Marshals, are harrying the
country, depriving citizens of their pro
perty and liberty without authority of
law, and striking terror to the hearts of
delicate women and children. Where
arrests are made the prisoners are taken
a hundred miles from their homes for
examination, and, by the direction of
Attorney-General Williams, are not
permitted to give bail. In fact, as a
Radical leader in the State has .admitted,
there is “war in Alabama.” The
Federal Government is making open war
upon the people of that State at the
bidding of irresponsible and desperate
adventurers, for the purpose of perpetu
ating the power of a political party.
The outrages perpetrated in South Caro
lina two years ago are beiDg repeated in
Alabama. The people will be plundered
and oppressed, the jails will be filled
with innocent prisoners, men will be
forced to fly from their homes and a
reign of terror will be inaugurated. As
soon, however, as the election is over
this violence will suddenly cease. The
cavalry will make no more raids, the
soldiers will be sent back to the frontier,
the prisoners will be discharged without
being prosecuted or tried, the Radical'
politicians will cease to cry for help and
there will be nothing more heard of
“ White Leagues” and “outrages upon
the colored people”—until the next elec
tion. Gen. Grant’s administration, is the
first which lias made use of war to carry
elections and employed the troops of the
Government to intimidate voters, and as it
has been the first to do these things, it
is to be hoped, for the honor of our
country, that it will also be the last.
A GOOD ENOUGH MORGAN.
The Republicans North and South
seem to have adopted the maxim adop
ted by the opponents of Masonry many
years ago in New York, that any dead
body which might be discovered was a
“good enough Morgan until after the
election. ” The report then was that the
Masons had abducted and murdered
Morgan for betraying their secrets, and
the enemies of the Order were running
on the “outrage” schedule. When a
dead body was found which was said to
be that of the missing man some
one who knew Morgan asserted that it
was not at all like him. “Never mind,”
said a veteran politician (Mr. Thuklow
Weed, we think,) “it is a good enough
Morgan until after the election.” The
Radicals are playing the same game in
the South. They, too, are running the
outrage schedule, and there is no story
too wild, absurd or improbable for them
to seize hold of and eagerly repeat and
publish. No matter how palpable the
lie- it is a good enough Morgan until
after the election. The New York organ
publishes a letter from “a prominent
colored man of the Ninth Congressional
District of Georgia,” which commences:
“ I sit this cloudy and rainy night
“ and expect the band of midnight as
sassins at any moment. The colored
“people generally have been warned not
‘‘ to take part in the forthcoming elec
“ tion of this State by the Democrats.
“ They state as their reasons that ‘there
“ will be fighting on that day,’ and if
“ they are there 'they will be killed.’ I
“am teaching a country school and
“conld inform you of many facts. I
“ can say- to you that ro colored man
“ breathes the air of his Divine maker
“ without feeling himself a debtor to
“ the Ku-Klnx for life long enough so
“ to do.”
Every one who knows anything of
Georgia knows very well that there is no
prominent colored man in the Ninth
District; that there are very few colored
men of any kind in it; that there are no
Ku-Klux in it, and that there was no in
timidation practiced before or daring
the recent election. But no matter how
flagrant the falsehood it is “a good
enough Morgan until after the elec
tion.” Some other Radical paper says
that the negroes in Richmond were pre
vented from voting—a statement which
every colored man in the county will
pronounce a falsehood. Another one
states that outrages on Republicans
in Augusta have stagnated trade
to such an extent that the Street
Railroad has been compelled to discon
tinue running its usual number of cars.
The North Carolina Radical organ
gravely asserts that the Democrats kill
a hundred negroes daily in Georgia.
The Chicago Inter-Ocean instructs its
Louisiana correspondent to give it ac
counts of outrages. The Secretary of
the Republican Central Committee sends
circulars to all the Radical papers of the
conntry, asking them to give special
prominence in their columns to South
ern outrages—until after the election.
This is the key note of the campaign.
Alabama, Tennessee, Georgia, Louis
iana, Texas, Arkansas, are all jepresent
ed to be in a state of almost open revolt.
The triumph of Democracy means mas
sacife and ruin. The Republicans, only,
can save the Union and the country.
The people are to be frightened with
raw heads and bloody bones into the
support of Republican candidates. Any
thing, no matter what, is a good enough
Morgan; anything, or nothing, will do
for an outrage—until after the election.
Frost.— There was a white frost in
the vicinity of Augusta last Monday
night Potato vines and other tender
plants were nipped.
MORE RECONSTRUCTION.
A Washington dispatch to the New
York World states that there are un
mistakable indications that a plot is on
foot, farthered by the most influential
Republicans, “to adopt bolder, more
Radical and sweeping measures of vin
dictive reconstruction at the South than
those embodied in the acts of 1867 and
the so-called Ku-Klnx or Enforcement
statutes of 1870 and 1871.” The Wash
ington Chronicle and several other Re
publican journals have recently pub
lished articles declaring that recon
struction is a failure, that the “ char
acter of the white population of the
South renders them unfit, for a share in
the government of the United States,
and that Congress must guarantee
them a Republican form of government ”
The National Republican, which is
more peculiarly the organ of the Ad
ministration, censures | Kellogg for
making any terms with MoEneky, and
declares that Federal power must estab
lish a Republican government in Louisi
ana pending an election. The speeches
of Dawes and Butler in the East, and
of Morton ia the West have the same
tone. The Republican party is losing
power so fast in the South that it must
be strengthened by another course
of reconstruction. The army is to
be increased, and a military oc
cupation of the South ordered,
which will intimidate the whites
and prevent them from, voting. Presi
dent Grant is said to favor the move
ment because ho thinks it will strength
en his third' term scheme. He thinks
that the Southern people are sick of re
construction and carpet-bag government,
and will bo glad to accept an empire or
its equivalent of military government
instead. We have no doubt that the
more ultra men of the Republican party
will attempt a second reconstruction of
the South when Congress assembles,
and we have no doubt that General
Grant will give his influence and his
support to this policy, j But we do not
believe that it will be successful. We
think that the masses of the North and
West are as sick of reconstruction as
the people of this section, and that they
will refuse to follow their leaders in a
new crusade against the South. They
have commenced to discover that trouble
in the South means trouble at the North,
and that when ourprosperity is destroyed
theirs vanishes also. They are growing
sick of the negro question, sick of mili
tary government, and, we hope, sick of
military Presidents. We need not fear
any further reconstruction, though we
may expect it to be attempted.
Some people complain of the Jenkins
ism displayed by the newspaper corres
pondents who gave such lengthly ac
counts of the Fitoh-Bherman wedding.
The Baltimore American very properly
suggests that if any persons are to
be blamed they should be the bride’s
relatives and not the correspondents.
Does any one suppose that the reporters
could have gotten, unassisted, the faith
ful description which they gave of the
decorations, the dresses, the bride’s
trousseaux and her presents ? Where
could they have seen the letter convey
ing the papal benediction, and the letter
containing the congratulations of Lady
Herbert, the English peeress, unless the
papers were furnished them by General
or Mrs. Sherman?! Jenkins is a dis
gusting fellow, but he is not always to
blame. There are people who ask • the
assistance of his pen to give themselves
and their families notoriety.
Ths sooner Count Yon Arnim gives up
the official documents which he has
secreted the sooner; he will regain his
liberty. Bismarck has wonderful de
termination, and will never yield until
his point is carried; Of the nature of
the papers two stories are told. One
account says that when Yon Arnim was
ambassador to France he assisted in the
overthrow of Thiers and the elevation
of MaoMahon. His conduct was dis
approved by the 'Berlin Government,
and Bismarck explained the reason of
his disapproval ip several long dis
patches, which are ; now said to be miss
ing. Another report says the stolen
papers relate to the establishment of a
new government in France, and to Ger
man interference in Spanish affairs.
Though che Democracy carried nearly
every county of the first Congressional
District in the recent election for mem
bers of the General Assembly, the Re
publicans have not givon up all hope of
carrying it in November. They are
working industriously, and the Demo
crats will have to; bestir themselves in
order to avoid defeat. The Savannah
Advertiser gives publicity to a simple
scheme which Bryant has concocted for
carrying Chatham county. A posse of
two hundred Deputy Marshals will be
be placed on duty at the polls the day
of election, with instruction's to bring on
a collision if possible. When this oc
curs the colored voters will retire in a
body, declare that they were prevented
from voting, and Bryant will contest
the election on the ground of “force and
fraud,” etc.
The usual tactics are being resorted to
by the Radicals in Louisiana. Because
the conduct of Kellogg and his band
of plunderers has disgusted the colored
people to such an extent that they re
fuse to give him support he tries to
make it appear that the Democrats are
practicing intimidation and calls for
assistance. Why not get landaulet Wil
liams to issue an order declaring that
all colored men shall register whether
they wish to or not, and shall vote the
Republican ticket despite any objection
which they may have to endorsing theft
and corruption by their ballots ? This
is the simplest plan for carrying the
election.
A few weeks since the city of Macon
voted to assist the Street Railroad Com
pany by endorsing twenty thousand dol
lars of its bonds. Last Saturday some
of the citizens applied for an injunction
to prevent the contemplated loan of
credit. The Jndge granted a temporary
order restraining the issuing of the
bonds until the Supreme Court can pass
upon the question.
The Louisville Courier-Journal is
complaining that s. man in that State
who murdered his mother-in-law was
only sentenced to live years’ imprison
ment in the penitentiary. If the editor
of the Courier-Journal were a married
man he might think that this punish
ment, instead of being too light, is un
reasonably severe.
The result of the contest at Creed
moor between the muzzle-loading and
breech-loading rifles has established the
superiority of the former as a long range
target weapon. The trouble with the
breech-loaders seems to be that they
foul too easily.
The Conservatives have made two
splendid nominations in South Carolina:
General J. Bj Kebshaw is their nominee
for Congress in one District, and Gen.
Samuel McGowan in another. We sin
cerely hope that both of them will be
elected.
The Republican Convention of the
Third District of New York passed reso
lutions unalterably opposing the third
term.
CRUSHING OUT LOUISIANA.
A GRIME FOR WHICH GRANT DE
SERVES IMPEACHMENT.
The Facts of the Louisiana Conspiracy
The President, the Attorney-Geu
eral and Congressmen Acting with
the Conspirators.
[From tho New York Tribune.]
The documents captured in Mr. Kel
logg’s office at New Orleans have made
it as clear as noonday that the installa
tion of Kellogg was tho result of a con
spiracy iu which local politicians, offi
cers of the Federal Government, and
members of Congress were equally im
plicated. That there were frauds in the
election of McEnery we have unfortu
nately no room to doubt; nevertheless,
McEnery was elected. The lawful Re
turning Board properly awarded him the
office, and the close of November, 1872,
saw the Administration threatened with
the loss of Louisiana. A Bcbeme was
then contrived by Wm. Pitt Kellogg, S.
B. Packard and J. F. Casey, aided by
certain high functionaries in Washing
ton, to reverse the verdict of the elec
tion. The first step was to engage Judge
Durell to put in motion the machinery
of the United States Court for the pur
pose of ousting the Returning Board
and setting up in its stead a fraudulent
and collusive body which should count
in Kellogg and an Administration
Legislature. The next was to procure
troops to execute Durell’s expected de
crees. Accordingly, on the 3d of De
cember, at a time when there was no
disturbance, nor threat of any, the At
torney-General launched this dispatch
to Marshal Packard like a thunderbolt
out of a clear sky: “You are to enforce
the decrees and mandates of the United
States Courts, no matter by whom re
sisted, and Gen. Emory will furnish you
with all necessary troops for that pur
pose.” Two companies of the First Ar
tillery were ordered from Florida to New
Orleans. They arrived on the night of
the sth. Judge Durell immediately ap
plied to himself at his own iodgings,
shortly before midnight, without the
presence of the counsel on either side,
for an order in the case of Kellogg
against Warmoth, commanding the Mar
shal to take possession of the State
House. <
marching on thb state housh.
Armed with this void mandate, Mr.
Packard, who happened, of course by
the merest accident, to be present when
the Judge moved himself to grant it,
marched the soldiers to the State House
at two o’clock in the morning, prevent
ed the Legislature from assembling, and
gave time for his illegal Returning
Board, assisted by further void orders
from Judge Durell, to set up a pretend
ed Legislature in its place. The pre
tended Legislature, resembling under
protection of the Federal bayonets, re
moved Gov. Warmoth by a pretended
process of impeachment, rushed
through contrary to law in the course
of two or three hours; installed Pinch-
back, aud then waited for a response
from Washington.
“The decree, if enforced,” telegrapLed
Casey to the President, “will save the
Republican majority, and give Louisiana
a Republican Legislature and State
Government.” “Our members are poor
and adversaries arc rich. There is dan
ger that they will break our quorum.
If requisition of Legislature (for troops)
is complied with, all difficulty will be
dissipated, the party saved, and every
thing go on smoothly.” “Democratic
members of Legislature taking their
seats. Important that you immediately
recognize Gov. Pinch back’s Legislature
in some manner.” So the next day At
torney-General Williams, who had
meanwhile been in telegraphio commu
nication with Marshal Packard, sent a
dispatch to Pinch back: “Let it be un
derstood that you are recognized by the
President as the lawful Executive of
Louisiana, and that body assembled at
Mechanics’ Institute is the lawful Leg
islature of the State.” To a committee
of citizens, asking to be heard in behalf
of the legitimate authorty thms out
raged, Mr. Williams replied: “Your
visit with a hundred citizens will be un
availing, so far as the President is con
cerned. His decision is made anti will
not be changed.”
hiding congressmen.
The plotters in New Orleans and the
plotters in Washington having thus per
formed their respective parts, it resulted
that Kellogg was thrust into the Gover
norship, and there were two Legislatures
and two persons claiming admission to
the United States Senate. This threw
the controversy into Congress, and it
became important for Mr. Kellogg to
make sure of friends in that body with
out a moment’s delay. One of the most
important persons at the capital, owing
to his official relations with the Admin
istration party, was William E. Chand
ler, Secretary of the National Republi
can Executive Committee. Kellogg
hired Mr. Chandler’s services, and paid
for them without any circumlocution,
giving him at the start a retaining fee of
SI,OOO, with the understanding that he
should have more whon he he had earn
ed it. Chandler exerted himself zeal
ously among the Republican Senators
and Representatives. The Attorney-
General took care of the Executive
branch of the Government. “Chandler
has worked with us nobly,” writes Kel
logg’s lawyer, Mr. Billings, “and more
effectually than any one, except Wil
liams. ”
Kellogg did not trust, however, entire
ly to the influence of Chandler, His op
ponents had applied to the United States
Supreme Court for a writ of prohibition
to check the outrageous orders of Judge
Durell. It was not an alarming move
ment, for repeated declarations of the
Court had settled the point that an ap
plication of that sort oould not be grant
ed. Nevertheless it afforded Kellogg
an opportunity to retain several persons
of influence. Caleb Cushing received
$2,000, one-half of which he “found it
desirable to deliver to Mr. Chandler,”
leaving certainly a generous fee for his
own easy service. Mr. Carpenter, the
most important man in the Senate after
Morton (whom Kellogg had already) was
retained at the suspicious and wholly
disproportionate price—he says of $3,-
000, though Congressman Sypher calls
it $4,500; and at the other end of the
Capitol Kellogg purchased the services
of Mr. Benjamin F. Butler. After these
investments Kellogg remained undis
turbed through the whole of the session.
There were several resolutions in the
House of Representatives for the inves
tigation of Louisiana affairs, but they
never came to anything, Mr. Butler
staving off action on the plea that he
intended to bring in a. bill for anew
election, which he failed to do. The
Judiciary Committee took the case into
consideration, but Mr. Butler was the
most influential member of that commit
tee (practically its Chairman) and it
made no report. In the Senate, how
ever, there was more trouble—and this
brings us to the most remarkable chap
ter in the whole story.
kellooq’s great blundhb.
Kellogg made one great blunder. He
was not good pay. Mr. Chandler, for
instance, was highly dissatisfied with his
compensation, and wrote to the Gov
ernor in a strain of menace : “ I have
learned what you have done for other
counsel here during my absence, and am
very much gratified that you were able
to respond to their demands. You must
not now forget or neglect me, but must
make me a remittance, and it ought to
be as large as you send or have sent to
anybody else.” “Candler wished me
to write to you about his fee,” says Bil
lings. “I would arrange the matter
with him at the earliest moment possi
ble.” There was the same difficulty with
Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Carpenter received
half his demand on account. At first,
when the Louisiana case came into the
Senate, he stoutly defended the usurpa
tion, taking precisely the same stand as
Senator Morton. Then the matter was
referred to a committee of which he was
a member. With his claim against Kel
logg still unsettled, he made his cele
brated reporta month afterward, recom
mending anew election and the re
establishment of the defunct Warmoth
administration ad interim ; but as if un
willing to push his client too far, he con
sented to an amendment which virtually
recognized the Kellogg government. The
bill was lost.
Even after this warning Mr. Kellogg
did not pay. Three months afterward
Mr. Carpenter went to New Orleans and
made a curious speech to the people—a
speech which Senator Morton declared
he could not understand, because it
must offend both sides. But we are
tempted to conclude that Kellogg under
stood it, for the same day he paid Mr.
Carpenter SSOO, and two days afterward
he paid him SSOO more. Mr. Chandler
had good reason to write to Kellogg in
December, 1873: “I have learned what
you have done for other counsel here.
The largest demand, whether reason
able or not, it was expedient for you to
meet, as yon did. M**h wcli have
been saved if it had been responded to
a year ago, according to my request.”
Whereupon Kellogg sent Carpenter an
other check for 8500. Mr. Butler was
put off with $1,000; and when the next
session of Congress opened in Decem
ber, 1873, Mr. Kellogg, a year after his
intrusion into office, was still beset with
troubles.
THE PRESIDENT STANDS WITH THEM.
The prospect at first, however, was
not discouraging. Mr. Butler forced the
admission of the Kellogg claimants to
the House of Representatives by a vigor
ous use of tho party lash. “It was a
strict party vote,” wrote Billings, “and
meant a determination to recognize at
all hazards your government.” ' “There
is no possible chance of a decision
which cun be adverse to our interests,”
exclaimed vigorous Congressman Sy
pher. “The case is dead—dead as hell,
and the man who attempts to raise it is
damned.” Mr. Morton, fortified by
briefs from Chandler and Billings, was
working for the admission of Pinchback
to the Senate. The Attorney-Generai
was zealous in the same cause, aud
though there had beeu rumors that Gen.
Grant was weakening, Senator West (to
whom Kellogg sent during this month a
check for $1,000) wrote: “I had a very
pleasant and liberal conversation with
the President; ho stands square up to
us.”
For the use of Messrs. Chandler and
Morton, in the vhnv, Iw-fetre the Senate,
Kellogg had sent to Washington the ex-
State Register of Voters, B. P. Blanch
ard, who had confessed to the perpetra
tion of gross frauds in the interest of
tho Fnsionists (and to whom, by a sin
gular coincidence, Kellogg’s check book
showed four payments of money), and
the conspirators had their choice of sub
mitting this man’s testimony to the Sen
ate Committee, or trusting to decisions
of the Louisiana Supreme Court, which
had been manufactured by wholesale
ever since Kellogg’s installation. “Wil
liams had no doubt,” writes Billings,
“the examination of Blanchard might
turn out badly, so I have prepared a
brief solely on the decision of the Su
premo Court, so as to be ready-to sub
mit the case on that point alone at first
if Morton finds the temper of tho com
mittee will allow. I think if the matter
is pushed to an immediate vote, on just
enough of a case, we shall win.” As for
Mr. Carpenter, “he is not with us,”
writes Kellogg’s Assistant Attorney-Gen
eral, “though is willing to be convinc
ed.” It was a few days after this that
Kellogg sent Carpenter the third check
for SSOO. Senator Morton carried out
the plan agreed upon in concert with
the Attorney-General, and made his ar
gument entirely upon legal grounds, ig
noring Blanchard and his budget of
frauds.
A CURIOUS CHANGE.
But suddenly, about the middle of
January, a curious change occurred in
the position of affairs. Tho President,
as the Tribune dispatches of that date
revealed, became earnest for anew elec
tion, and the President’s friends changed
their course. Mr. Mortou stopped ac
tion in the case of Pinchback. General
Butler became clamorous for the im
peachment of Durell. “Butler says he
had instructions from the White House
to make the move,” writes Congressman
Darrall. At that time General Grant
had gone so far as to prepare a special
message recommending anew election.
Why ? Was ho at last convinced of the
knavery of his Louisiana friends ? Was
he satisfied that the people had beeu
wronged ? No; the disclosures of the
investigation had not moved him; but
he wanted his brother-in-law Casey in
the United States Senate, and to get him
there he was ready to overturn the
entire government which he himself
had set up in Louisiana, to dismiss the
Legislature he had called into existence
and give the New Orleans Custom
House the chance to manufacture anew
one 1 “The President is quiet,” whites
Darrall, “but not letting down. If
Pinchback is not seated I judge we will
have a message, or at least to fight the
influence of the Administration. You
have heard what has probably changed
the President’s mind. I have it from
the very best autority that in caso of a
new election Casey would come to the
Senate and you can see if there is, as
seeme to me, a move for the third term.
The President would like to have him
there. Then yon know the family influ
ence. * * Bring any aud all in
fluence to bear on the President you can
think of at once. Can’t you get up a
solemn protest from merchants and
others, and get the Harwigs to urge on
Casey a change of tack ?”
BAYONET RULE.
Whether the influence which Kellogg
was able to wield changed the Presi
dent’s purpose wo can only conjecture,
but for some reason the scheme was laid
aside, and tho mesage, after beiug con
sidered in Cabinet, was suppressed.
Whatever the cause there came a great
calm in the Louisiana trouble. All pro
jects for a change were quietly post
poned. Tho session rolled by ; the com
mittees kept on considering; and when
thf’s adjournment came Durell had not
been impeached, Pinchback had been
neither admitted nor rejected, and Kel
logg still ruled at New Orleans—by the
aid of bayonets and check books.
In all this disgraceful history—dis
graceful to no one more than the Presi
dent of the United States, who seems to
think it his privilege to set up and over
turn governments as may best suit the
caprices of his ambition —the one ray of
light is the belief of the conspirators that
the majority of the members of Congress
of both parties were too honest to take
part in the fraud, if they only knew
what it meant. Grant, Williams, Kel
logg, Morton, Butler, Chandler, all ap
pear from first to last in the attitude of
hoodwinking Cougress. Is it too much
to hope that their successes to that line
are at an end, and that when Congress
next assembles a searching inquiry will
be made into the scandal and a prompt
redress found for the cruelly outraged
State of Louisiana ?
THE RAILROAD WAR.
The Port Royal and Street Railroads.
Some time since the Port Royal Rail
road Company purchased the property
between Washington and Twiggs streets,
known as the Metcalf warehouse. Mon
day a track extending from the Cen
tral Railroad track on Washington
street, between Taylor and Hale streets,
into this lot, was completed by the com
pany, and an engine run into the yard.
Soon after the completion of the track
notice was sent to Capt. Fleming, Super
intendent of the Port Royal Railroad,
by Maj. Geo. T. Jackson, President of
the Augusta and Summerville Railroad,
directing him not to drive another spike
in the track. The “last spike,” how
ever, had already been driven.
A reporter of the Chronicle and Sen
tinel called on Major Jackson, Presi
dent of the Street Railroad, yesterday
to obtain the facts In regard to the mat
ter. Major Jackson stated that the ac
tion referred to above had been taken
for the reason that the Port Royal Rail
road had no right to effect a connection
with the track on Washington street,
which belongs to the Augusta and Sum
merville Railroad, without first making
some arrangement with the latter. This
arrangement, satisfactory to both par
ties, would probably be effected imme
diately, and the Compress Company
would obtain the right to haul cotton to
its warehouse from any of the depots, at
six cents per bale, the same price being
also charged for hauling it out.
Major Jackson further stated that he
might be compelled to carry the “war
into Africa,” and institute suit against
every member of Council who voted for
the “Hillyer Ordinance” in April last.
He did not desire to do this, but if the
opposition to the rights of the Street
Railroad was carried much farther he
would be compelled to adopt such a
course. It was clear that that ordi
nance had greatly endamaged the Street
Railroad. After its passage both the
Georgia Railroad and the Charlotte,
Columbia and Augusta Railroad refused
to make aisy further payments to the
Street Railroad under their contracts,
and the stock of the road had been
greatly depreciated, as was evidenced by
the fact that it had twice been offered
for sale at public outcry at the Market
House, and found not a single bidder.
The members of Council who voted
for the ordinance are Messrs. Meyer,
Thompson, Sibley, Barrett, Evans, Hill
yer, Bennett, Doris, Jones and Car wile.
Messrs. Philip and Poumelle voted
against it.
If these suits are instituted a lively
time may be expected.
Constantinople, October 13.—The
Government has withdrawn its prohibi
tion in regard to the transmission of
cypher messages on the Kligh lines in
Tiukey.
NUMBER 43.
STEER HUNTING ON BROADWAY.
A Sunday of Terror In New York Tho
roughfares.
{Prom the New York Tribune, October 5.]
While a small drove of Texas cattle
were quietly plodding through Bleeoker
street between Broadway and the Bow
ery last evening, about 7 o’clock, Officer
Wayne, of the Fourteenth precinct, on
post at the corner of Elizabeth and
Bleecker street, observed that they were
without a driver. At the corner of
Elizabeth street something startled the
steers, and two of them ran down Eliza
beth street. Immediately a crowd of
men and boys started in pursuit of them,
shouting and gesticulating violently.
Others made similar demonstrations to
ward the rest of the herd, who had con
tinued their way toward the Bowery,
and they, too, became excited and wild.
At the Bowery, where another noisy
demonstration met them, they scattered
in all directions, each pursuing his ca
reer with uplifted tail, plunging head,
and fiery eyes. The crowds increased
behind each one as his antics became
more exciting. Policemen and privato
citizens with an armory of weapons
sprang at once to the front and began
plyiug the luckless steers with lead and
steel. Some persons even attacked them
with bayonets and swords. But their
tough hides appeared to be impervious
to such onslaughts, and thoroughly
maddened by so vigorous and unpro
voked an attack they began tossing and
goring all who opposed them, and for a
time rendered the precincts which they
invaded remarkably lively. Two took
their way up the Boweryandinto Fourth
avenue, being smartly chased by a
demonstrative crowd; one turned on'his
pursuers about Fourteenth street, and
after receiving four shots from Officer
Broderick rushed toward East river.
Two others turned out at East Houston
street, dashed through that narrow
thoroughfare to East river, broke through
the gate of the Williamsburg ferry house,
plunged together off the pier, find were
drowned.
At the corner of Reade street one of
the animals tossed Officer Byan, of the
Fourth precinct, who was trying to shoot
him. The other, in chargiug up Centre
street, knocked Irving Orace, an orderly
of Park Hospital, down into the base
ment of a lager beer saloon under the
Staats Zeitung office, breaking his arm
and thigh. Ann Gallagher, an old woman,
was khocked down and bruised in the
head by a kick at the corner of Elm and
Worth streets. At Grand and Baxter
streets Morris McGonnigle, aged twen
ty-four, of No. 135 Baxter street, was
gored iu the neck, receiving a severe
wound, and Eugene O’Hara, aged four
toen, of No. 472 Pearl street, was severe
ly injured by the same animal. Another
of the infuriated brutes, alter spending
an hour on the pasturage of the City
Hall Park, continued his mad course to
ward West Broadway, and was killed in
West street by Officer Henchy, of the
Twenth-seventh precinct. On the route
he badly bruised Alice Crawford, aged
fifty, of Albany street, and John Quinn,
of No. 272 West Tenth street. Robert
W. Foster, while in pursuit of him, was
shot in the hip by a ball intended for
the steer. Officer Donavan, of the Sec
ond precinct, recklessly attempted to
take one of the bulls by the horns, and
was tossed high in the air and severely
injured, but Sergeant Maloney, who had
chased the bull from the Bowery, suc
ceeded in cutting his hamstrings, and
subsequently killing him. The Sergeant
was knocked down and run over.
Ten bulls altogether were shot. The
series of scenes produced by the chaso
after these wild animals wherever they
appeared were very stirring. Tbe
crowds of men and boys, with the ex
ception of the policemen and occasion
ally a daring citizen, kept well out of
reach of the threatening steers, but kept
up a cheering, evidently enjoying the
fun. The street cars would be stopped
by the crowd, and the drivers, conduc
tors and outside passengers usually
crowded themselves rapidly inside. Ouo
passenger in a Third avenue car, having
a little girl with him, was dreadfully ex
cited at his danger, and seeing a church
door open ran there for safety. An
other passenger opened fire on a passing
bull, and was warmly berated by passen
gers for his temerity. In many instances
the daring citizens who volunteered to
empty their revolvers into the bulls’
hides emptied them instead into the
crowd. Between tw'enty and thirty per
sons were injured, a few severely, al
though none have died. Tbe list in
cludes policemen, citizens and women.
DISTRESSING CASUALTY.
A Shocking Accident to Senator Perry
—Amputation Necessary—The Sad
Surroundings—llis Affianced Bride.
[Macon Telegraph aDd Messenger.]
The writer, an old friend of this un
fortunate gentleman, was summoned to
his bedside last night by a special mes
senger, who informed him that he had
been run over by a locomotive in the
car-shed, and terribly if not fatally hurt.
Hastening at once to the Brown House
we found the sufferer providentially un
der the care of skillful and experienced
surgeons, who had already successfully
amputated the left leg just below the
knee. Dr. Mettauer operated, assisted
by Dr. Holmes and Dr. Buchan, of East
man. Their patient exhibited the most
heroic fortitude, and submitted to the
terrible ordeal without a groan or com
plaint. We found him calm and cheer
ful, and from his own lips received the
following account of the catastrophe:
Mr. Perry was on his way to Savannah
to claim as his bride on Thursday next
Miss Anna Harrison, the charming
daughter of Gen. George P. Harrison,
one of the best and most influential citi
zens of Chatham county.
At the time that the accident occur
red he was engaged in earnest conversa
tion with a friend at the depot, when
suddenly the Savannah train moved off.
He followed as fast as possible in the
hope of overtaking it, and when run
ning rapidly and blinded by the glare
of the lights, encountered the locomo
tive of the Augusta train as it entered
the depot. When too late to escape, ho
had the presence of mind to throw his
body as far as possible from the track,
but alas, one leg was caught beneath
the ponderous wheels and crushed al
most to atoms. The physicians, as
stated, decided that immediate amputa
tion was necessary, and the operation
was speedily and skillfully performed.
At his request General Harrison was
telegraphed for, and it is probable both
he and the affianced of Mr. Perry will
arrive to-day. Seldom have we been
called upon to record a sadder incident.
When we left Mr. Parry he was quite
cheerful, but insisted, as his injuries
might prove fatal, that his constituents
should be informed that it was and is
his intention, should he be permitted to
take his seat in the Georgia Senate, to
vote for the constitutional amendment
forbidding the payment of the bogus
bonds, and is the warm advocate, also,
of any additional legislation that may
be needed on the subject. It was really
affecting to see how anxious he was to
vindicate his fair name from the asper
sions which had been cast upon it by
his opponents during the late canvass.
Meeting of Railroad Directors.
The regular bi-monthiy meeting of the
Directors of the Georgia Railroad was
held at the Company’s Bank in this city
yesterday morning, at eleven o’clock.
Only one Director was absent. The
business transacted was of a private na
ture. The following resolution of re
spect to the memory of Judge Eugenius
L. King, late book-keeper at the bank,
was unanimously adopted :
Resolved by this Board, That we have
heard with much regret of the death of
late our book-keeper, Eugenius L. King,
whose faithful services to this company
and pleasant intercourse with this Board
endeared him to us all.
Before an election to fill the vacancy
was entered into the Board resolved to
reduce the salary from SI,BOO to $1,500
per annum. Five members of the Board
voted against a reduction. The election
was then proceeded with. There were
several applicants for the position. Mr.
Charles H. Ballard, of Madison, Ga.,
book-keeper at the National Exchange
Bank, was elected. He is in every way
qualified for the position.
Meeting of the Peabody Trustees.
New Yore., October 14.—The annual
meeting of the trustees of the Peabody
educational funds was begun to-day.
Among members present were ex-Gov.
Clifford, of Massachusetts; ex-Governor
Graham, of North Carolina; ex-Govemor
Aiken, of South Carolina; Wm. M.
Evarts. Judge S. Watson, of Nashville;
Hamilton Fish, and Surgeon-General
Barnes, U. S. A. The meeting was se
cret. The annual statement will not be
given the press until the close of the
session.