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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Oct. 28, 1874)
010 SERIES—WOL. LHXI. NEW SERIES—VOL XXXVIII. ALfcIVSDKU H. STEPHENS. FULL REPORT OF UIB GREAT BPEECU At Girariley's Opera House, October 151 b, 1874. Ladiex and Oenilemen: For the welcome yon have given me I thank you. In reference to the compli ment paid me by the distinguished gen tleman who introduced me (Judge Twiggs), all I can say is, that., as in my past life, my abilities to their utmost extent have been exerted in the defense of constitutional liberty, so, God will ing, they will contiune to be exerted in the defense of the same great cause of humanity as long as life lasts, and if in these exertions it shall so please the Great Ruler of human events that I shall fall, I feel as if I could consecrate my energies to no more noble work, nor one in which I conld more willingly sacrifice myself. I am giall to see so many out to-night of all classes. Wonld that this hall could have held all the citizens of Au gusta and Richmond county. It is my wish that all, old and youug as well as middle aged, shall hear me for them selves, and not be dependent upon what they may hear by the month of others. I here remark in the outset, as I see gentlemen on both sides of me connect ed with the press, with materials for noting down what I may say, that I earnestly reqnest that they will give to the public no report of my language which is not first submitted to me, I desire that the people shall hear from in my own words, and not what others may imagine to be the import of the words used by me. Words are things. I am in the habit of paying strict atten tion to the import of words. I mean always what I say and I say what I mean. If in the hurry of speech I should, happen to use a word which is not the most appropriate to convey the idea, I wish the opportunity of correcting it before it goes to press. to proceed, then : I am here in the discharge of what 1 conceive to be a duty. lam here in obedience to au in vitation of a number of the citizens of Augusta anil Richmond county, to ud dress them upon the very grave and pub lic questions now agitating the couutry. I am here in the discharge of this duty under the providence of God ; I ro feel it, and with this < onsciousness I feel the weightier responsibility for all that I shall say. Three months ago I never expected to appear again before any audience in this world. I supposed that my <1 iv s on this earth were fast approach ing their end. Under that super-ruling Providence to which I have referred I am, however, still spared. I have some thing more to perform in my mission of life. Whether it shall he for good or ill I know not, hut earnestly trust that it is for the former, and not the latter, I have been spared. It is my intention, it is my resolution, to the utmost extent of the strength given luc, to devote all the energies which are left me to the de fense of those liberties of our country to which the distinguished gentleman referred—to those liberties secured by the Constitution of the United States, ns established by our fathers. [Ap plause. ] I wish I had time to-night to go into a history of those liberties—a history of that Constitution. Wonld that I hud strength—that I had voice to do this, for in their history and its study much profit might be derived. Even in these days, while wo aro suffering so much by a departure from the funda mental principles upon which our whole system of government rests, in the busy walks and pursuits of life, we are prone to forget the sources of what happiness and prosperity wo enjoy in our material interests under bad ad ministration of government, as we are to forget those Idessings which we de rive from on High, without which life would not exist. It would he well there fore for us to reflect upon and study those principles of government which make the United States to-day, even with down trodden Carolina and Louis iana, the most invitable place of refuge from the misruled of all other countries. Rad as is the condition of affairs here at present, by a departure from the prin ciples of our fathers, still the thirty seven States forming our Federal Re public are truly au asylum for the op pressed of all other lauds. In our own beloved Georgia, down trodden us she has been, what is it that makes her to-day one of the most invit ing places on the surface of the globe ? It is the remnant of thoso liberties and institutions which have been rescued and preserved as established by our fathers. We are once more recognized as a coequal member in the Federal Union. It is that constitutional liberty we enjoy. It is that government by which the masses, the laborers, the toil ers, the tillers of the soil, the merchant in his counting house, the blacksmith at iris anvil, the engineer on the railroad, the boatman in the pursuit of his call ing, men of all grades, in every vocation of life, are secured alike iu their right of persou and property. We have no monarchy, uo oligarchy, no aristocracy, but the people—the Democracy—are the rulers through the channels of their or ganic law. The Government of the United States, as originally formed, and as in theory now universally admitted, was formed essentially upon the idea of Democracy. Not a pure Democracy, where all the people in mass make and execute their laws, but a representa tive Democracy, wherein the people first form a fundamental law, known as their constitution, by which their sovereign powers are to be exercised, not by themselves iu person, but by delegation through representatives chosen by themselves, and by which they form chains, as Mr. Jefferson said, not only for their representatives and rulers, but also, as Mr. Madison added, chains for themselves, against those evils which might result from their own temporary excitement and passions. This is the American idea of w ritten con stitutions. There is great truth, my countrymen, iu the sentiment uttered by a distinguished Massachusetts man, that “bonds make free.” Iu this way constitutional liberty is secured through the chauuels, first, of organic law, and then by statute law properly enacted nd administered. Reduced to their original principles in primary analysis, all government may be classed, by prop er generalization, in two divisions: gov ernments of ia.>s and governments of men ; or, as it may bo with equal pro priety stated, governments of law and gov rnments of arms. There can be uo free government where the laws are not regarded as equivalent with the majesty of the Monarch or Kog iu the most un -1 indued despotism. The only sure safe ty, therefore, iu our system, even iu misrule, is to regard as sacred the majes ty of the law as expounded by the Courts. If the laws be bad, let them be executed until a change of rulers can. in a peaceful way aud through the peaceful instrumentalities of the Constitution, be effected at the ballot box. Ia reference to the Government of the United States, I must say a few things, though they be brief. It is peculiar in its character. Nothing like it ever existed before iu the annuls of the world. It is true it is a Federal Republic, a Uuion of separate and distinct States, aud that like Federal Republics in manv respects have existed in Greece aud in Germany, as well as ia other countries ; but in no part of the world, in Greece, or Rome, or Egypt, or Per sia, or Babylon, or in any of the other old' civilizatio s whose ruins have out lived the languages they spoke, nor in modern times in Germany or anywhere else, was there anything like that Fede ral ’Republic whieb under Providence ■was founded by our fathers. Our system s’irnug from colonies; each of these colonies was a separate and distinct bod v politic, ° r political community to itself. Each had the perfect functions of local self-government secured to it by charter from 5 the mother country, and with no political connection whatever with the other colonies. In other words, all Atm rican free institutions sprang from and were founded on the grand, semi nal idea, now struggling for expression and practical enforcement in down trodden Ireland—“ Home Rule.” [Loud applause.] ~ , ~ tSnfliee it here to say that the Revo lution, as it is called, of 1776, was made in maintenance of this idea and this riglp. The Uuion of the colonies, first in 1774, which culminated in the decla ration of their independence, was re sorted to for the establishment of the right of local self-government The colonies entered into thf Union for this purpose. They dropped the name of United Colonies and took that of the Unitetl States of America. They made common cause in their struggle with the mother country for the sole purpose of seeming this right of local seif-government to each for itself. It was for this that their common honor, treasure and blood was pledged. In their ; first Constitution—their Articles of Con ! federation—each State retained its sovereign power to regulate all its inter- I nal and domestic affairs, or polity, as it ; might determine for itself. Each had its i own Executive, its own Legislature aud its own Judiciary. All good govern \ inents, according to all publicists, are | divided into three departments or chan j nels iu their organic law, through which i the sovereign powers of the people are !to be exercised. These are the law making power, the law expounding power and the law executing power.— This division of the exercise of sovereign powers constitute three departments in all good government*. They are separate, distinct and perfectly inde pendent of each other. This constitutes a trinity in unity of good human gov ernments, not unlike that Trinity in Unity which distinguishes the Great Moral Government of the Universe. Under onr system, all political power emanates from the people. The law making power, the judicial power and the executive power are delegated to these functionaries by the people in their organic law. In the delegation nothing is parted with by the people but an exercise of these distinct powers so delegated. Those who are clothed with them in either of the departments hold what powers they are permitted to exercise as trusts, and they are all amenable to the people under their or ganic law for the proper discharge of these high trusts. They, under the system, each constitute a check upon the others. In the organization of the General Government, each State is in itaelf a separate organization; each has its own Legislature, its own Judiciary, its own Executive—all separate atid distinct. In the States this organiza tion was formed by what is known as the Social Compact. The Federal Gov ernment, or the central head, was form ed by the States, not by individuals in one mass or community, hut by sepa rate, distinct States, and by what is known as a Federal Compact. There is a wide distinction recognized by all publicists between a government form ed by what is known as the Social Compact, and one formed by a Federal Compact. The Federal Government derives all its powers directly from the States as separate and distinct political communities or commonwealths. Its powers, as with all' Federal Govern ments, nre defined and limited. That Government can exercise no power which is not expressly delegated by the compact into winch the States entered in forming it. This is the case with all Federal Unions, but the great distinc tive difference between our Union and that of all other Federal Unions pro ceeding it I will now explain in as few words as possible. It is a wonderful difference and from it chiefly sprang that astonishing career which marked its history for seventy years. In all former Federal Unions the common government or conventional State es tablished by the Federal compact had no power to execute what they might determine upon. Their acts had first to bo sent back anil sanctioned by the separate States before they could go in to operation. This was the case in the United States under their first Constitu tion. Whatever measure the Congress of the States resolved upou in the exer cise of their limited, delegated powers, had first to receive the sanction of the several States. For instance, in order to raise money for the common expendi ture, when tho quota of taxation was fixed by the Cougress oi the States for each State, it could not be collected un til each State provided for it. Under that Constitution each State hail also retained the general power to regulate its own commerce with all foreign nations. With Mr. Jefferson originated the idea that a great improvement might be made iu Federal Republics in this particular, without any essential change in the nature of the Federal compact it self. It was, that tho Federal system be so changed that the Congress of tile States should have an additional power delegated to them, by which they would be enabled to execute all the delegated powers for themselves without a report to the sanction of the States, as delay and other inconveniences attended that mode. His idea extended farther. It was not only that this additional power be delegated, but that the conventional State, the General Government, within the range of its limited powers, and with in its appropriate sphere, should bo so changed in its organization as to con form in its outline with the separate State governments ; that all the dele gated powers should be divided as they were in the States; that there should be not only the law-making power —tho Congress of the States— but that there should boa Judici ary power and an Executive power, each separate and distinct iu the Federal Government as they were in the State governments, and that the Federal Government within its limited sphere should exercise all its limited powers within itself. ' This idea was given by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Madison in a letter from Paris in 1786, wheu a call had been made for a general convention of the States, to meet in Philadelphia, for a revision of thair Articles of Union, mainly for the purpose of having the power delegated to the Congress of the States to regulate commerce with for eign nations. This idea was acted upon in the celebrated Convention of 1787. These changes were made in the struc ture of the Federal organization, but no change whatever was made in the new Constitution then formed in the nature or character or fundamental principles on which tho Union was at first formed. I kuow a contrary idea has been at tempted to have been fixed in the popu lar mind, but I assure you all such at tempts ilo violence to the truth of the history of this country. Anew and a grand Constitution, it is true, was then formed—Washington at the head of the Convention—but iu that Constitution but very few additional powers were delegated to the General Government. Among these few was the power dele gated to the Congress of tho States to regulate the commerce of all the States with foreigu countries, and the power to establish uniform laws of bank ruptcy for all the States, and uniform rules of naturalization for all the States ; also, the power to secure to in ventors and writers patent rights and copyrights. Besides these no important power was delegated to the Cougress of ' the States which was not delegated in i the first Constitution or Articles of Con j federation. The wonderful change <f ! tected in the Federal organization by thejuew Constitution of 1787 was sim ply the power to enable tho Federal Government, within its limited, sphere, to ex rcise all its delegated powers iu the collection of taxes, duties aud im ports, anil punishment of crimes or vio lations of Federal laws by its own ma chinery—and to do this, to have its own Judiciary and Executive Departments, i as well as its law making department. This is the simple but grand change which was attended with such astonish ing results. The conventional State or Federal Government, within its restrict ed sphere, was then on the model of the State governments. It then presented the same trinity in unity that the State governments presented. We often now hear people talk about Congress as the “National Legislature.” It is no more a National Legislature now than it was before the new Constitution of 1787. Before that, it was known as the “Con gress of the States.” In the new Con stitution there was no chauge of title. Every act since the new organization went into operation has been and is still prefixed with these words—“Be it en acted by the Senate and House of Rep resentatives of the United States in Con gress Assembled.” The Congress, it is true, under the new organization, was divided into two Houses—the Senate and the House of Representatives—but these two bouses now constitute the same Congress or assemblage of the States in council. Ours, theref >re, is a government of States, instituted with limited powers for specific purposes and objects, which look chiefly to Inter-State and Foreign Affairs, leaving all internal matters re lating to the protection of life, libertv and property chiefly to the States, where these matters belonged of right from the beginning. I have often said that the conception I of such a Federal Government, or Con j volitional State—being itself a perfect ■ State within itself,with all the functions j of a porfect government within its limit j ed powers—was one of the grandest ideas which ever emanated from tbe brain of man. It emanated, as I have said, from the brain of Jefferson, the great Apostle of Liberty on this continent.— Such a system of government as ours, based upon this idea, was never con ceived, as far as I have been able to as certain, by mortal man before. Under it we see presented a number of sepa rate and distinct States, all clothed with the perfect functions of government within their limits. We see them united I also by a common Government, created ! by them for their mutual protection and interest in their Inter-State and Foreign Affairs, with all the powers of perfect government within its limited sphere, and all moving on harmoniously | when there is conformity to the fundamental and organic laws by which the whole system is establish ed. Excase me for repeating here an illustration I have often given before in other places of its natnre anil character. I refer to the vision of Ezekiel. The Bible is a book which constitnted my chief reading when a boy. There is much in it which all may profit by reading and studying. When a boy I was struck with this grand vision of Ezekiel. You will remember, he said he saw a most wonderful spec tacle. It was that of a number of living creatures, or perfect organisms,all alike, all moving together as if under the in fluence of a common spirit, as if by a wheel in the middle of a wheel, and as each of the JiviDg creatures moved all moved. All of them seemed to be mys teriously connected in some way, so ’that whithersoever the common spirit went all went. All seemed to be con nected with a common head, aud when they all moved together the sound of their motion was that of the noise of great waters, even the voice of the Almighty. It is not for me to expound the prophecies ; but this vision of Ezekiel, whether in it he got glimpses of our great Federal Republic, by in spiration, it is not for me to say ; but it does seem to me, and always has, that this vision fits the wonderful institu- tions of onr country. Here the States are all perfect political organisms within themselves. The General Government is also a perfect organism within itself, just as a wheel in the middle of wheels. It embodies the common spirit of all, so that whithersoever the common spirit moves all move. And for seventy years of history, the motion of their joint movement, all being alike, might well be considered like the noise of great waters, or even the voice of the Almighty, as God guides the des tiny of nations as we 1 as that of indi viduals. [Applause.] In this view I have always regarded the Government of the United [States as the grandest system of free institutions ever estab- lished by man. You may regard it as superstition, or faith, or what you please, but I have ever believed, and do now believe, that there is a super-ruliu® Providence that guides the destinies of nations, and I believe that in the forma tion of our Government that Providence guided the thoughts anil actions of our statesmen—the Fathers of 1787—in giv ing the world the most perfect model of government for neighboring free States ever before conceived of. We are in deed a nation, and a nation of tlie high est type. The Conventional State form ed by the separate States of this Union is indeed a nation—a nation of the high est order—a Nation of Nations. But, from tho beginning, there has ever been a strife between the friends and enemies of the system, ns there has been a like strife and struggle between error and right in the moral universe. There was, in the beginning, in our Government, a class who did not believe in the rigiit or expediency of self-gov ernment by man. Our whole system, you see, rests upon the principle that man is capable of self-government. This is the foundation upon which the whole fabric is reared. It is true it was an ex periment at first, and it is still an ex periment in the process of development. Many in the beginning thought it would boa failure. They were for what they called a strong government, for a Monarchy in some form or other. The struggle lias ever since been be tween Centralismjand Constitutionalism, between Democracy under constitutional restraints and an unlimited central im perialism. In other words, between the friends of constitutional liberty and the advocates of consolidation, centraliza tion and empire. Two antagonistic par ties of these principles soon sprang into existence. The one party wanted cen tralization, they wuuted the States done away with, they wanted no Federal Union of States, but one, single, Con solidated Republic, as they called it. The other party was for adhering strict ly to tho principles of the Federal Union ns established by their fathers. At the head of the latter stood Jefferson, the author of the Declaration Indepen dence—not of America, as some assert —but of the independence of each of the original States. He was truly the great apostle of American liberty. He was the great leader of the Democracy in the flist great struggle that came up between these parties during the admin istration of the elder Adams. On the passage of the famous, or, rather, infa mous Alien and Seudition acts at that time the bruut of the contest fell upon Jefferson almost alone. But two States, Virginia and Kentucky, with their Sena tors, stood by him, and not over thirty members of the House of Representa tives in Congress. The tendency was strongly towards Centralism and Empire at that time. An overwhelming majori ty of the intellect and property of the country at that time was against him and his doctrines touching the rights and capacity of the people for self-gov ernment. Out of the two hundred po litical newspapers published at that day in the United States all were opposed to him save twenty. The Alien aud Sedition acts, so de cidedly centralizing in their tendency, so utterly without constitutional au thority, so directly subversive of public liberty, were resisted by violence in many plac, s. Jefferson opposed all vio lent measures. He urged as a proper remedy that an appeal be made to the masses, to the liberty-loving men in the valleys and on the hill tops, to seek re dress at the ballot box. His advice, in substance, was a grand rally of the people, who valued tlio great right of self-governmeut, to the polls. Mobs to rescue prisoners immured in dun geons for violation of the infamous acts of Congress were raised in many places. Jefferson’s advice was that there be no violent resistance to tho judgment of the Courts, but that the true and safe remedy was at the ballot box. At the same time a distinguished son of South Carolina, whose sympathies were entirely with tho victims of oppression, told the people that “The price of liberty is obedience to the law.” These wise counsels finally pre vailed. The masses of the people every where were thoroughly aroused. They stood shoulder to shoulder in the fierce contest then waged between Centralism and Constitutionalism. The result was the ever memorable revolution of 1800, under the lead of Jefferson. Such a civic victory was never before achieved in the annais of any country. The cen tralists were completely routed, and were hurled from power under a popular condemnation, as we read the evil geniuses who raised discord about the throne of the Almighty were hurled from the battlements of Heaven to those depths of infamy to which they were nine days falling, and from which they have ever since been attempting to re cover. The conflict still, however, went on, but for sixty years Constitutionalism was triumphant in every conflict. It is not my purpose now to speak of the late war or the causes which led to it. I may be permitted, however, to say that in 1860 I did not think that the remedy of secession was a proper one for the partial success of the Centralists in the election of that year. It will be recollected by many of you, perhaps, that I addressed the citizens of Augusta at the City Hall, in September of that year, when I was almost as feeble as I now am. It was before the election, but from my knowledge of the nature of the contest, and the issues presented, and the divisions of the friends of Constitu tionalism in the contest then fiercely waged, I gave it to you, or those of you who Still survive, as my serious appre hension that the country would be in volved iu civil war in less than six months. For uttering this sentiment I was thought by many of my best friends to be crazy. They said the energies of my mind were giving way with the ener gies of the body. Many of the most dis tinguished of my friends who then con ferred with mo have passed away, but their memories linger on my mind to-night. Some I see here whom I met on that occasion. They will well reeolleot how I differed with them then in judgment as to the proper course which'the friends of Constitution alism should pursue in that perilous time of our history. The full extent of dangers threatening, I then thoroughly realized, and I tell you all to-night that this country is now—l mean constitu tionalism is now—in my judgment in as imminent danger as it was then. In the conflict of arms which then ensued, as it seemed to me at the time to be quite probable, Centralism was rampant for years, and I greatly feared that in the struggle our whole system of Govern ment with its liberties would be lost *You all know that my judgment was against tbe withdrawal of the States as AUGUSTA. GA.. WEDNESDAY MORNING. OCTOBER 28, 1874. a remedy against any success that the Centralists might obtaio in the then contemplated election. I do not now propose to disenss the propriety or cor rectness of that judgment. Others for whom I then and now entertain the highest respect, thought differently. The j adgment of posterity r. ust decide between us. I thought onr fort was in the Constitution. I knew we had abundant cause to withdraw from the Union. I knew that nearly half of the Northern States had proved themselves faithless to their obligations under the Constitu tion, yet I did not despair of a rectifica tion of these wrongs in the Union. Much of the trouble of onr then sitnation came from a division, and an unfortu nate division, too, of the real friends of the Constitution throughout the United States. Bnt I will say that, in mr judgment, those who differed with me as to the policy of immediately with drawing, or attempting to withdraw, were inflnenced ty no desire to with draw from the constitutional principles of our fathers. It was only because they thought those principles were endan gered by the partial success of the Cen tralists in the elections of that year. Their object in withdrawing from the Union was to save the principles of the Constitution. Their main object was to rescue and preserve the ark of the cove nant of their fathers. It was no disloy alty on their part to the principles of the Government of their fathers. No one, therefore, can justly charge any Southern man who favored secession with being a traitor. [Loud and con tinued applause.] What constitutes loyalty in this coun try ? It is fidelity and devotion to tlie principles of the Constitution. The Constitution was formed, as I have said, for the purpose of securing to each State the right of self-government or home rule. If there were any traitors in the late, unhappy war between the States, they belonged to that class who openly ignored the obligations of the Constitution, and professed to be gov erned by a higher law. [Applause.] When I read the resolution of the Federal Congress, passed in 1863, iu which it was declared to be their intent “for the most vigorous prosecution of the war, until the Constitution and laws shall be enforced and obeyed in all parts of the United States,” I could but think that if this resolution had been strictly carried out perhaps most of those who had voted for it would have been the first subjects of slaughter under it.— Many of them, at least for years before the withdrawal of the Southern States, had openly declared that they would not recognize the obligations of the Consti tution. It violated their consciences.— If, then, the war had been waged until the Constitution, with all its obligations, had been “enforced and obeyed iu all parts of the United States,” what would have become of them ? They had wan tonly, avowedly and contemptously trampled under foot that glorious Con stitution of our common ancestors, which they had solemnly sworn by kiss ing the Book to sustain and support. They did but add perfidy to their trea son ! [Applause.] During the conflict of arms, I repeat, I was greatly apprehensive that the whole frame work of our constitutional liberty would be destroyed—that our whole system of free institutions would come to an end; that Centralization, Consolidation and Empire would be the final result. Wheu it was over, how ever, when the Southern States aband oned secession as a remedy against the encroachments of Centralism; when a restoration of the Union was proposed by a return of the seceding States to their “proper relations to the Union;” •when this proposition was acceded to, and all the Southern States iu good faith had re-assumed their obligations under the Union in expectation of re ceiving and enjoying ail the rights un der it., my hopes for the future were en couraged. These Southern States, of their own volition, as a result of the war hail abolished that peculiar institution whicli characterized their internal policy, known as slavery, and which had long been a thorn in the general system. I here take occasion to say that" the colored race in the Southern States never occu pied that position known as slaves un der tlie Justinian Code or the laws of nations, and in the general European sense of the word. They were recog nized by the laws of the States and the Constitution of the United States as persons. Their’s was a position of legal subordination. I do not pro pose to defend it as a perfect institution. There were attending it many defects and errors, as there are evils attending all human institutions. Many of these had already been corrected, and many more would have been corrected but for the improper interference of the Central ists. Under the system this whole sub ject was left for the humane management of thephilautiiropicstatesmanshipof each State under the Jeffersonian principles of Democracy on which the whole fabric rested. The colored man, or the slave, so-called, had the same rights of life anil limb, aud the same security for their protection under the law that the master had. The property in his labor was not dissimilar in principle to the property of others bound to service, except that in liia case it was for life, and not for a term of years. I repeat, that the system was not as perfect as it might'have been, and, in my judgment, ought to have been, and would have been but for ex ternal interference. I believed it was a great error and a defect that education was denied them. Long before ihe war I proclaimed to you and to the people of Georgia that the system was intended to be the best for both races, politically, in tellectu dly and morally, anil that if it was not and could not bo made so, in all these respects, it ought to be abol ished. The interference of the Central ists on this subject I thought of great injury and mischief to both races. The abolition of the system, however, was agreed to by all the Southern Stases iu good faith as the result of the war. I will take this occasion and this connec tion to say to the colored people present, and I regret that every one iu Georgia cannot hear me for myself as you do to night, that I have uo prejudice against you on account of race or color, or pre vious condition of servitude, and never had. I have defended aud saved the lives of more colored persons than per haps any other man in Georgia. This I have voluntarily done on many occasions when I thought justice was not other wise likely to be meted out to them. On one occasion in Sparta, in 1864, I put forth voluntarily all my energies to save the lives of quite a number who were about to be the victims of au excited multitude without a judicial trial. Thir ty-five colored men had been arrested under most exciting reports of an in tended insurrection, the threats of an indiscriminate slaughter, killing, burn ing and laying waste the town, and were likely to be taken out and hung in this excitement within a few hours. I made a speech in their behalf of an hour aud a half in length. It was an hour before I could temper the minds of the multi tTide to entertain a suggestion that in this case, as in all other like ones, the true course was to maintain the majesty of the law. The suggestion was finally made, and my resolution to stand by the majesty of the law in this case was finally unani mously adopted. Amongst those whose lives were thus saved was that of Wil liam Henry Harrison, whom I see an nounced by the papers of this morning as my competitor for Congress in this oanvass. [Great applause.] Ido no not allude to this with a view of implying that he is under any obligation to me for what I did for him and others on that occasion, or that he acts improperly in any way in becoming my opponent for Congress. Iu what I did I simply discharged what 1 deemed to be my duty iu the vindication of law and order and the maintenance of that justice which has been the object of my life towards all men, high or low, rich or poor, white or black. My object is not to influence tbe votes of any one in this election. If any colored man in the district thinks that his rights or interests will be safer in the hands of William Henry Harrison as a member of Congress than in mine let him so vote. [Laughter.] But to return. I have said that I be lieved our general system of constitu tional liberties, as established by our fathers, are in more danger now than they were even daring the war. This apprehension grows oat of the present absorbing issue before the people—that issue df Centralism against Constitu tionalism presented in what is known as the Civil Rights bill. This is now the absorbing issue and upon its decision, as I view it, looking ■ to its momentous consequences, depends the future character of our Government. Upon this point I wish specially to ad dress the colored people present as well as the white. It is known to you that a bill was introduced into the last Con gress and is still pending purporting to secure civil rights to the colored popula tion in the United States, The title to this bill is but a deception. Every colored man in Georgia, now, has the same civil rights that I have. What are civil rights ? They are the right to con tract and be contracted with, to sue and be sued aud to stand equal before the law in the protection of their lives, liberties and property. These rights are now secured to the colored people, as well as to the white, by the laws of Geor gia. If not, show me wherein and I pledge all my energies to remedy the de fect. This bill proposes to carry out, or to enforce the provisions of the Four teenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Suffice it here to say, that neither of these Amendments confers any civil rights upon either black or white. The Fourteenth Amendment, it is true, confers citizenship on the colored popu lation, but it leaves with the States the conferring of all civil rights to both races within the limits of the States respective ly. It barely declares that no discrimi nation in conferring civil rights shall be made on account of race, color or pre vious condition of servitude. The Fifteenth Amendment confers no right whatever. It contains noibing but a prohibition against the States exercising any discrimination whatever on account of race, color or previous con dition of servitude in their conferring the right of suffrage on their citizens. No civil right whatever is conferred upon anybody, white or black, by either of these Amendments, not even the right of suffrage. Neither of these Amend ments, therefore, contain any power by which the General Government is au thorized to interfere with the civil rights of the people of the States. The bill, therefore, upon its very face beam the bold assumption of open usurpation. It brings in direct conflict the great prin ciples of Centralism and Constitutional ism, which have been at war with each other from the beginning of the Govern ment. Should Centralism prevail in this conflict it would be but the precursor of other more rapid strides to ultimate Consolidation and Empire. I am, there fore, my colored friends, opposed to this bill because it is in utter violation of that Constitution upon which your lib erties, as well as those of the whites, de pend. But while this bill purports upon its face to have the object I have stated, yet in its details its leading feature is only to compel tlie States to make all their public schools mixed schools; that is, to have the colored and white chil dren go to the same* school. To this I am opposed, and I believe you too are likewise opposed. What you want, and what I am for, and what the State of Georgia has provided for, is for the col ored people to have an equal proportion ate share of the educational fund. But it suits you best, and the whites best, to have separate schools. You do not wish your children lo go to the same school with the whites. This suits neither your taste nor theirs. This is no civil right—it is a social privilege which can not and ought not to be regulated by law. As to so much of the bill as re lates to railroads aud public inns, I will only say that by the laws of Georgia now you have a perfect right to as good a seat in a car as a white man, where you pay the same amount of money. If you buy a ticket for a first class car you are entitled to a seat in a first class car; but this does not give you tho right of a seat in the same car with white crowds. That would be no civil right, but a so cial privilege, which, as I have said, ought not to be attempted to be regu lated by law. Social intercourse is a matter that should be left to men to regulate for themselves, according to their own likings and tastes. If any railroad company in Georgia sell to a colored man a first class ticket and deny him a right to a seat in a first class car that company by law is now liable for damages ; and if any colored man who may be so damaged or wronged will come to me I will see that he is righted by a proper suit at law. This right, however, to a first class seat does not carry with it the right to go into any other than such a first class car as may be .assigned to the holder. So also with public inn keepers ; by law, bv the com mon law in force iu Georgia" they are required to providesuitable accommoda tion for all well-behaved persons of all classes who may ask* entertainment Upon their paying for the same. They are liable for damages if they do not But this does not require of them to place their guests of different characters or classes either in the same room or at the same table. It requires only that suitable accommodations shall be pro vided for all who demean themselves properly. Civil rights, and social priv ileges are totally different. The chief object of all good govern ments should be to secure what is known properly as civil rights to every indi vidual human being within their juris diction; to mete out to all perfect jus tice. Social position comes not from government or the law. Men may stand perfectly equal before the. law when oc cupying vastly different positions. The remedy for all violations of right is the perfect administration of justice. In their right to justice all men are created equal. Many of you, perhaps, heard me when I spoke in this place on St. Patrick’s Day of last year. I said that tho simple remedy for all the troubles in Ireland was tlie administration of justice. This was what j reduced harmony in States as the simple law of gravity in the ma terial universe around us. It is this simple principle of gravity that forms the dew drop, that shapes the world and directs the. planets and all the celestial orbs in their motion. So justice regulates in peace and concord all the constituent elements of States and commonwealths. While all iu every State are equal in their rights to justice, yet they differ iu many other particulars. They differ in size, in intelligence, in moral worth, as weil as iu race and color. These dif ferences are not unlike those we see iu other natural objects about us. God made all the races of men. He made them different. He made differ ences throughout nature. You see it below, above, everywhere. Why God made these differences we know not. Why He made one star to differ from another star iu magnitude aud glory, we kuow not. But we know that these dif ferences or inequalities, so far from working discord, all unite in producing that general harmony iu nature that per vades all space. So the differences among men in race or color, or other inequalities, marking social position and regulating, social relations are no cause for discord in communities or States. They will, with equal justice to all, according to position or merit, work out a like harmonious result. It was in the face of these indisputable differ ences among men of the same race as well as of different races among men that Jefferson, the great founder of American Democracy, proclaimed the great truth that “ail men are created equal.” He meant by it what I have said, that notwithstanding ail the ap parent differences and inequalities, yet all are equal in their right to justice. Good governments are instituted, not to make men equal in those things wherein God made them unequal or different, bnt all good government will secure perfect justice, as far as human instiumentaiities can, to all within its bounds. American Democracy, there fore, is a3 broad as the world,"as catho- lie as Christianity. It embraces within the scope of its objects men of every clime, of every race and of every color who are fit for it. As in Christianity all who are within the limits of its teachings and partakers of its blessings to a limit ed extent are not fit for full communion or membership of the church so with Jeffersonian Democracy. The idea I cannot elaborate, I barely present it. Two things, however, in this connec tion just here I wish to note in reference to the views, or professions rather, of the Centralists, at this time known as ex treme Radicals, upon the subject of free dom and free government generally. They profess, par excellence, to be the peculiar friends of freedom at this time, and would hold up the Jeffersonian De mocracy, to whom the continent is in debted for all our free institutions, as the real enemies of liberty. Iu their war against the Constitution, after the war for the restoration of the Union was over, ihey seemed to entertain the same idea of free government which a man in Lexington, Ky., once expressed, accord ing to an anecdote which Jndge McKin ley, of the Supreme Court Bench, used to tell with a great deal of point and force. As Judge McKinley told the story, Mr. Pope (I believe it was), tbe Representative in Congress from’ that District, on some subject gave a vote that was very unpopular in Lexington. An indignation meeting was called at night. Arrangements were made to car ry the figure of the Representative out to the suburbs and there hang their Member in effigy. As the procession was moving along the streets with torchlights and music, beating the rogue’s march, and performing such other suitable or gies for such an occasion, or Saturnalian exhibition, some friend of she Member, standing on the sidewalk, said the pro ceedings was a— shame. The epithet I need not state, you will all understand it [Laughter]. One of the more infuriated of the crowd overheard him, stepped up to him, seized him by the collar, thrust him upon the pavement, remarking: “What is that yon said, sir ? I’ll let you know that this is a free country, and we will do as we please and you shan’t say noth ing.” [Laughter.] So with these ex treme Radicals in their reconstruction policy towards ten of the Stales of this Union, after they had done everything which entitled them to their positions as coequal members of the Union. Not one of them had uttered even an offen sive word to the infuriated spirits who had voted so unanimously for the vigo rous prosecution of the ‘war, until the Constitution and laws of the United States should be enforced in all parts of the country. It was then, however, that they, unprovoked, seized these States aud throttled them, and overturned their Constitutions anil internal polity, reply ing in effect to all protests against this unheard-of wrong that this is a free country, we will do as we please and you shall say nothing. This is not the idea of the Jeftersonian Democracy. Their idea is that the freedom of States depends upon the right of leaving each one to govern itself iu its domestic af fairs as the wisdom, virtue and patriot ism, as well as the philanthropy, of its own statesmen may think best for its own welfare, looking to the best in terests of all classes of society. Accord ing to the idea of the Jeffersonian De mocracy, also, duo fitness is required for membership in the State as in the Church. While the Jeffersonian princi ples of government, as I have said, em brace all of every race and clime in giving equal protection to. all, yet none are admitted into full fellowship until they are fit for it. A minor is not allowed membership; The most intelli gent foreigners are not allowed full membership until after a probation of four years. The Radical idea seems to have been far different. This is the second point in reference to their views on this subject that I wish to note, and theirideasin relation to it seem to be very similar to tlio e entertained by John Crowell, once quite distinguished in this btate and Alabama, ns to the proper fitness for church membership. The wife of Mr. Crowell, as the anecdote was told, was a very devout Methodist, while he made no pretensions to re ligion of any sort. The church which his wife attended was some ten or twelve miles distant. He was a man of great wealth and much devoted to his wife, but felt great annoyance at the loss of time in going so far to attend preaching. He told the circuit rider that this inconvenience must be reme died. He would build a church on his own premises, so that she could attend without traveling so far. He was told there was something necessary besides a house to worship in. There must be a sufficient number of communicants to constitute a society or church. “How many,” he asked, “does this require?” He was told there must be at least six. “Oh, well,” said he, “that difficulty can easily be gotten over.” “How?” said the preacher. “Why,” said Crowell, “my wife will be one, Susan Patterson, just over the way, is now a member; she will make two ; John Smith, about two miles off, is now a member—he will make three ; Hick Jones can also move his membership to this place.” “That,” said the preacher, “is only four!” “Well,” said Crowell, after pausing a little while, “I’ll jine, and make Tom, the carriage driver, jine; and that’ll make six, the required number.” [Laughter.] The Radical idea of fitness for State membership, and how that fitness is to be effected, i3 quite like Crowell’s idea of church membership, and how it is to be effected. [Laughter.] Jeffersonian Democracy aims at the pro tection of all alike, and the admission into State membership of all as soon as they are fit for it. It’s aims are as I have stated, what ought to be the ob jects of all good government, that is, the protection of the weak against the strong. No man on earth has a right to unjustly hurt another. The object of good government is to prevent and punish wrongs. Under good govern ment every man, woman and child, by night and by day, whether in a palace or a thatched hut, even under a bark shed, should feel perfectly secure and safe from molestation of any kind, or from any quarter, so long as he pr she abstains from doing wrong to others. This is now the character of the govern ment of tlie State of Georgia, under the principles of the Jeffersonian Demo cracy. This is the object of our laws. If any wrongs exist they spring not from our laws, but from the evil passions of men which ne laws, human or divine, have yet been able to prevent. If, how ever, any defect in the iawu shall be discovered by which the rights of the colored people are not equallv protected with those of the whites, I "know that Mr. Walsh, and Mr. Black and Mr. Clark will see to it that the defect, if pointed out to them, shall be remedied by appropriate additional legislation. I see it stated that the Chattanooga Convention have joined issue with me as to my views touching the wishes of the colored people of this State upon the subject of mixed schools. lam willing to submit this matter, not only to all the colored persons present but to all in this District. I have never yet put the question to a colored mau in this State, whether he wanted the colored children to go to the same schools with the white children, who did not answer with an emphatic “no.” All you want, my colored friends, on this subject, I repeat, is an equal participation in the educational fund of this State. This yon now have, as you know. You also know that you never got a clime for educa tional purposes until the Democracy came into power, although about $250,- 000 of taxes for this purpose were col lected. Yet neither you nor the whites received a cent of it. It was all squandered by those who were in power. I also state to you that I do no not believe that you, or the other colored people of the State, desire any social privileges enforced by law. Why then should there be any discord bet ween the two races because of those differences and inequalities which were made by our common Creator? All human societies are organized upon the principle of reciprocal services. Each and all are servants in some way of others. The men engaged in the most learned professions are in daily toil of mind aa well as of body in ren dering services even to the humblest. The teacher is the Servant of the black smith who sends his children to school. The blacksmith is the servant of the teacher or lawyer, or physician, or banker, or merchant for whom he labors, for whom they all render service of some sort in return. So of all other busi nesses in life. All classes and all grades, without reference to race or color, daily perform reciprocal services for each other. The honor of the service de pends, not so much upon its character as upon the manner of its execution. “Honor and shame from no condition rise, Act well your pr-t. there all the honor lies.” This is as applicable to the colored man as to the white. It is as applicable to the- mau who brings in my coal as to the physician who attends me. If the physician fails in the proper discharge of his duty more dishonor attends him than the coal bearer in the neglect of his duty, for the responsibility resting upon him is far greater. Why then should there be any discord ? There is no longer any controversy about the freedom of the colored people. I know there are those who would en deavor to impress upon their minds that i the Democracy are enemies to their free dom. This, my colored friends, I assure you, i3 not the case. Whatever may have been thought of the propriety of your emancipation at the time, no opin ion is now entertained of ever changing it. I have told you that your emancipa tion was granted by the State of Geor gia as one of the results of the war. It was granted in good faith. You are in debted for it, not to the Centralists or Radicals, but to the contingencies of war, under the providence of God. They waged the war avowedly for the sole pur pose cf restoring the Union; that is, of compelling the Southern States to return to the Union. The Proclamation of Emancipation by Mr.Lincoln during the war was only a war measure, and had the Southern States then ceased from the conflict, the Proclamation would have ceased with the extant to which its operation had then gone. Had ten Southern States refused to grant your emancipation it could not have been effected, for they constituted more than one-fourth of the States of the Union and it required three-fourths of the then thirty-seven States to amend the Con stitution of the United States providing for universal emancipation in all the States. This is the fact of the case, and while I admit freely that emancipation was granted by the ten Southern States as the result of the war, yet it was grant ed by them in good faith, and whether it will prove a boon to you depends mainly upon yourselves. I hope and trust that it will. I shall do all in my power towards that end. Why then should there be any discord between the races ? The interests of tho white man and the colored man, with all their differences, fit as tongue and groove, as do all the other differences made by the same great common Creator. If any one approaches you with the idea of race an tagonism, treat him and look upon him as a guileful tempter—as deceitful and as mischievous in his machinations as his great prot type in the Garden of Eden. Let us all, then, white and black, move'on harmoniously in the discharge of our reciprocal duties, in our appro priate sphere. When we look upon the material world, where like difference* ex ist, what harmony prevails below and above. “Tlie spacious firmament on high,' With all the blue etheral sky And spangled heavens—a shining frame— Their Great Original proclaim.” Thesun and the moon. Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Neptune, with their sattellites, with the distant stare, with all their brilliant constellations, and the milky way, rolling in their grand rounds, “In reason’s ear they all rejoice, And utter forth their glonous voioe, Forever singing as they shine The Hand that made ua is divine." [Applause.] This is the music of tlie spheres ! Why should not the same harmony pre vail among different classes and races of men where like differences and inequali ties exist, formed by tho same Divine Hand ? The first discord that ever was raised in the moral universe sprang from those who were indisposed to recognize those differences which the same Divine Hand had created, among those who sur rounded the Throne of the Almighty Himself. Iu Heaven there are differ- ences from Archangel down. Notwithstanding the dangers which now threaten our institutions to which I have alluded,- and upon which I shall say something more presently, 1 can but trust that now since the Temple of our Liberties has survived the shoek of war, with all its pillars and arches unimpair ed, and with only a few breaches in the outer wall—now that slavery, so-called, no longer exists in any one of the States— now that this thorn in tho body politic is removed forever—now that all the States are perfectly alike, even as to this matter of the subordination of the col ored race, that we may enter upon anew and higher career of civilization and re nown. I can but hope and trust that under Providence the vision of Ezekiel will be more fully fulfilled in its appli cation to the wonderful institutions of this continent than ever before. The great danger which now threat ens, to which I have alluded, is the ap prehension that the Civil Rights bill may pass, and that if it does resistance to its execution, ending in violence and blood shed, will arise in the South to such an extent that the land will again be occu pied by Federal forces, and that another war will ensue, which may ultimately terminate in an entire overthrow of the State governments and the subversion of the whole fabric of onr institutions. It is evidently the intention of the extreme Centralists and Radicals to pass this bill, and, as I apprehend, for this very purpose. Constitutional liberty they have no desire for. Consolidation and Empire are what they have ever been aiming at. Notwithstanding all their professions of devotion to the liberty of the colored race, they in fact have no attachment for the liberties of either race. And I say to my colored friends that in case of the result now so se riously apprehended by me, their liber ties, as well as those of the whites, will go in a common ruin. Until recently I felt almost assured that the next House of.Representatives would be Democratic, and that this danger might bo thus averted. For the first time in ten years the issue presented by the Radicals on the Civil Rights bill gave the Democracy a decided advantage before the people in the Congressional elections. This mea sure is almost as unpopular North with the masses as it is at the South. This was the state of things when the Louisiana embroglio broke out. The prospect of a Demo cratic triumph was never more favorable. It was then, as I believe, that the ex treme Radicals North appealed to their ally, Warmoth in Louisiana—who is the master spirit there, and who is in per fect sympathy with them in their ob jects of consolidation and empire—and cried out, “Help, Cassius, or we sink.” And who was Warmotli ? I would not intentionally do him any injustice. I don’t know the man, but I understand he was dismissed from the army by General Grant for stealing. Hence his hatred for Grant. He was the fir.->t Governor of Louisiana under the Reconstruction Acts, and by his corruption in that office made for himself not less than four mil lion of dollars. Bullock, as I under stand the case, was a saint to him. He is, however, a mau of great talents and of a high order of intellect, but a thor ough Centralist in his politics. It was at this time referred to, when the Cen tralists found themselves without their needed political pabulum, that I believe, tbisLouisiana outbreak wasconcocted by Warmoth, with a view of aiding the ex treme Radicals in getting up anew war ex citement, which is the only pabulum upon which they had fed for the last six years. How the result of these pending elections will be with this aid and comfort to the Radicals from this Louisiana affair I cannot venture an opinion. The sequel must show. I still can but hope that it will fail. If it, however, should suc ceed and a majority of the extreme Radicals should be returned to the next House, and this measure now pending shall be passed at the next session of the present House, should we, therefore, despair and give up the straggle be tween Centralism and Constitutionalism? I trust not. But the only sure hope for the future will depend upon the South eru people. Will they be patient and still look to a redress of grievances through the peaceful instrumentalities of the Constitution and not to violence ? If they do, all may yet be well. To be candid with you, I fear they will not. Hence our condition, as I view it, is so analogous to the condition of affairs in 1860. Hence the imminent perils by which we are now surrounded. My ad vice to you, now in advance, is not to resort to violence, but to the peaceful modes of the Constitution for a rectifi cation of the great wrong that will be done even in case this assault upon the Constitution by the Centralists shall be successful. If there be no violence, no mobs, no cause for sending troops and bayonets among us, but an appeal made to the Courts, my own opinion is that Constitutionalism will still triumph be-, fore those tribunals. I cannot entertain the idea that the Supreme Court of the United States will ever hold it to be constitutional for Congress to force mixed schools upon the States. In that case all that will be necessary to rescue the liberties of the country will be to arouse the Democracy from Maine to California, and from the Gulf to the Lakes, and rally them in a united effort and in a common cause, as they were aroused by Jefferson in 1799. What might have been achieved, and what I still hope may be achieved in the ap proaching elections for Congress may have to be postponed with patience un til the election of 1876. This will be the year of the grand Centennial of American Free Institutions, the facts and memories of which will be a power ful adjunct for such a rally of the Demo cracy if they will but avail them selves of it. In this connection I must say I greatly regret the tone of many of our leading journals and public men in reference to the grand Centennial cele bration of 1876. The disposition of many of these seem to be that the peo ple of the South will stand aloof from this celebration, and leave it entirely to the Centralists. For myself, I regard this eminently as a Southern day. Im mortality was given to it chiefly by Southern men. I would have the South, therefore, to go np to Philadelphia in all their might and strength. I would have them to call for the reading of the records. It should be such a time as that in Jerusalem, when the people on their return from Babylonish captivity assembled in the Temple newly con structed, to hear read those Oracles of God which had been neglected by them for four hundred years, and from their departure from which had sprung all their grievances and troubles. Ezra opened the books and read from morn ing to eve, while the people listened and wept. Not getting through the first day he continued so to read and the people so to listen and weep for an entire week, and when he was through they all again renewed their vows to adhere, for the future, to the covenants of their fathers. So I would have it at Philadelphia. All visitants from foreign nations should know the truth as to the history of this country. Tho Centralists may have made breaches in the outer walls of our Constitution. They may have desolated our land, demolished our cities, laid waste our beautiful couutry and deluged it in blood in their attempt to under mine and overthrow the principles unon which the liberties of the continent rest, bnt Iprotest against onr allowing them iu silenc) to rob us of the glorias and me mories of the 4th of July, 1776. [Loud applause. ] I must say something farther about the Louisiana troubles, especially as what I have said on this subject else where Beems to be so little understood by many. I have said that I do not think that censure should be cast ou General Grant for these troubles. A friend to day called my attention to the fact that the bogus Chattanooga Convention now in session had taken the same position, and that I and they are iu accord upon that subject. To all such I have simply to reply that Ido not permit any one to make political issues for me, anil above all I do not belong to that class of men who fight au issue simply because it is presented by a political adversary.— Nothing is so important in political di 8- cussion as to look well to the issue in volved. Some men’s politics are gov erned solely upon tlie principle of" an tagonism. They remind me of an incident which occurred on my going to Elbert oounty to make a speech on a certain occasion. I crossed Broad river at Bullard’s Ferry. Jl was to speak the next day at Elberton—eleven miles off. After Mr. Bullard had ferried me over the river I asked him if he was go ing up to town the next day, “No,” said lie, “ I understand Alec' 'Stephens’ is to speak there to-morrow, and all I want to know is on which side he stands and I always go against him.” [Laugh ter.] “Tliat, Mr. Bullard,” said I, “is the reason you are always beaten. You give him choice of sides and of course he always takes the best.” [Laughter.] “I am Alec Stephens, so you better go up to-morrow and hear me, aud seo whether I am right or not, and if yon find me to be right then you may be sure I shall succeed, and that you ought to support and not oppose the right.” This reply seemed to strike him. Next day I saw him in the crowd. After the speech was over he came up and said that lie believed I was right, and that he should support me, and from that day onward I never had a faster friend in the District. Those who permit them selves to bo governed simply from the fact of the position of their adverseries are not unlike the monkey in another story I heard related once by my old friend, Judge Jones, of Paulding. The monkey picked up a fiddle and made his escape with it to to the cone of the house. There he commenced experi menting with his stolen trophy. As he drew the bow across the strings, startled at the music, he jumped backwards a step; then drew it again and took an other backward step, and so repeating until he got to the end of the roof; not heeding his whereabouts, mnde a leap backwards, which brought him and the fiddle to the ground, but with his neck broken. [Laughter.] Now 1 1 don’t belong to that class of people who leap backwards from the music of my adver saries without regard to the character and truth of their positions. Nothing is so essential to the success of any party as the truth. I don’t care what the Chattanooga Convention may do or say, their object is mischief; but if they happen to utter a truth I shall not join issue with them on that. My object in what I have said about General Grant’s conduct in Louisiana is to keep the Democracy and the friends of constitu tional liberty everywhere from making a false issue and one on which they must be defeated, in my opinion, upon a full and just hearing of the case. Nothing can contribute more towards Grant’s ro noinination or can render him more popular with the people than unfounded or unjust charges against him. The world lias not gold enough in it nor hu manity honors to confer high enough to tempt me to seek or to gain either the one or the other or both by pandering to the passions, ignorance or prejudice of the people, even by withholding the expression of my opinion on any subject which by any may be deemed to be in volved in the contest. [Lend applause]. I stand upon the truth, as I understand it, without regard to whom it may help or hurt. When my Democratic friends charged upon Gen. Grant the troubles in Louisiana I thought it due to truth to tell them I thought it was a mistake. These troubles all sprung from and were due to the abominable reconstruc tion policy of Congress, against which it was well known that Grant was op posed. He was denounced by Sumner and other centralists for his celebrated report favoring immediate restoration. This was called by them “a whitewash ing report.” This matter of the con duct of Gen. Grant in the Louisiana af fair is a minor one, in my opinion, in the present contest. I have been charged in expressing the views I have upon this subject with defending. General Grant. The fact is I have only been defending the truth, as I under stood it, and with a view of preventing the friends of constitutional liberty from being diverted from the great and real principles involved in this contest to this minor and false issue. The strength of our cause is in maintaining truth in all matters and in doing perfect justice to all parties. Truth is the foundation upon which onr cause rests. It may be trodden down under foot for a while, but “ Truth crushed to earth will rise again, The eternal years of God are hors, 15ut error wounded writhes in pain, And dies amidst her worshippers.” Now, General Grant in this matter lias done nothing from the beginning in 1872, as far as I have seen, but enforco judi cial process. It has been stated that he has decided that Kellogg has been duly elected when be was not, and that he had installed him as Governor of the State by • Federal bayonets. This was certainly a gross usurpation if it be true, but as I understand the facts it is not true. I speak of the facts—the truth of the facts as I understand them. General Grant did not decide that Kel logg was duly elected ; but,, on the con trary, refused so to do. Two very emi nent jurists in the United States, the Hon. Reverdy Johnson and Mr. Charles O’Conor, have recently entered the lists of those who thus charge General Grant and blame him for all these troubles. They both set out with the assumption that Grant had decided in the first in stance that Kellogg was “duly elected.” These mighty “Bulls of Baslian,” however, soon got to goring them selves worse than they did the object of their common assault.— With this controversy between them I have nothing to say, except that in my opinion the jurist of Baltimore got the best of the fight with his antagonist of New York on the points raised be tween themselves. They boih being in error in their common premise, of course made a botch in their conclusions. The New York Tribune comes out in an article stating that Gen. Grant ought to be im peached. The answer to the editor of the Tribune which Gen. Grant would probably make is what he is reported to have replied to Mr. Trnrnbuli’s speech against him in New York in 1872. Some friend, greatly outraged at that attack of the Illinois Senator upon him, went to Grant, supposing that he would be equally outraged at it, and asked if he had seen Trumbull’s speech. “Yes,” replied the impertnrable Grant, “but I do not know why Mr. Trumbull abuses me so, for I have done nothing but exe cute his own laws.” I have a word for this editor of the Tribune. For what, I would inquire of him, ought Gen. Grant to be impeached ? I repeat, lam no de fender of Gen. Grant farther than being a defender of the truth may render me so. If lam in error as to the truth of the facts, then I am willing to be cor rected. lam for simple justice to Gen, Grant, as I am towards every other human being iu the land. Fiat justitia cesium mat is the motto with me to wards the highest as well as the lowest. In this Louisiana matter Gen. Grant held at the beginning that the question of who was duly elected to the office of Governor and legislators of that State was not one that he had any right to de cide, but that it was a judicial question under the Enforcement act; and it was not until after Kellogg had instituted his proceedings to establish his right to the office, and had obtained a judicial de cree which was resisted by Warmoth, that Gen. Grant gave orders for the due enforcement of the judicial process un der the authority of the acts of Con gress of 1805 as well as that of the En forcement acts of 1870. It was under these judicial proceedings thus com menced and thus prosecuted that Kel logg became installed as Governor. Similar questions involving Kellogg’s right to this office were raised in the State Courts, and finally decided by the Supreme Court of the State of Louis iana a3 they had been decided by the Federal Judge. It is not for me, on this occasion, to say anything of the cor rectness of any or either of these de- NUMBER 44. cisions. Afterwards, on the 25th day of February, 1873, Gen. Grant sent a spe cial message to Congress on the sub ject of Louisiana affairs. He stated expressly to them that there were two parties in the State claiming to be Gov ernor, and two sets of men claiming to be the Legislature of that State, and that he had declined to interfere in any way farther than to enforce the judicial process. Ho urged upon Con gress to. take such action in the matter as they might think right and proper under all the circumstances. He said, among other things, that disclosures had been made showing “frauds and forgeries” on both sides to such an ex tent as to render it doubtful whether either of the contending parties had re ceived a majority of the votes actually cast at that election, and wound up his message by saying that it was due that he should inform them that if they should adjourn without making any provision for the anomalous stato of things in Louisiana, ho should feel it to be his official duty to recognize and sup port that government in Louisiana which was recognized and upheld by the Courts of the State. Is there anything in this which would justify impeachment or even censure? In the same message he distinctly declared that in his judgment he had no “right to review the judgment of the Court upon the jurisdictional or other questions arising in the case” in stituted by Kellogg iu the Federal Court. Was there any error iu this ?If so, I confess I dou’t see it. lam defending the truth only. For what then would the man of the Tribune have Grant impeached ? Was it be cause be declared he would sustain that government in Louisiana which was recognized and upheld by the Courts of that State ? If these Courts were cor rupt, whence did they originate ? All know they sprung from those monstrous acts of iniquity and wrong, known as the Reconstruction Acts, of which, if I am not mistaken, the man of the Tri bune was a most zealous advocate. If he and Warmoth aud others are aghast at this or any other one of those great evils, from which the people of Louisiana are now suffering so much, they should remember they are but tlio legitimate fruits of their own policy. Their position is not unlike that of tlio great arch-fiend, who when he reached the confines of hell, on his way to Eden, stood affrighted at the hideous monster, Sin. “Whence aud what art thou, exo crable shape,” he exclaimed. This seems to be tlio condition of the 'Tribune man. He is aghast at the hide ous features of his own offspring, and would now shamefully get rid of it by laying it at the door of Gen. Grant. With reference to the third term, all I have to say is that I am not President making. lam for iuculeatiug, teaching and impressing upon the minds of the people those great truths of Jeffersonian Democracy—that Democracy from which all our liberties sprang aud upon the maintenance of which they can alone bo preserved. On this third term question I liavo simply to say wlmt I have often said before, that there is no constitutional prohibition against it, aud with me it would not boa matter of any concern how long a man held office, but how he discharged his duties. The question should be, not who gov erns, bat how he governs—not how long or for how many terms a man should fill an office to which he is constitutionally eligible, but in what manner he will perform the high trusts confided to him. Presidents are elected for four years, Senators for six years, Members for two years, and there is no more rational ob jection to a third term or a twelfth term for a President than for a Senator or a Member. Now a few words in conclusion as to the future. If the present elections for Congress in the States result as I hope they may, in a Democratic triumph, tlieu all will be hopeful and bright for the future. The Centralists will have been hurled from the representative branch of the Government in 1800. No fears need bo entertained as to tho Civil Rights bill, even if it should be passed at the next session of Congress. This great contest between Centralism and Constitutionalism being decided in favor of the right, all- will go well if you will but be patient and appeal to tho peace ful instrumentalities of the Constitution for the future. But in ease the friends of the Constitution are defeated in this contest, then I urge you not even theii to despair of liberty. Let there be still another grand rally of the Jeffersonian Democracy in 1876. And if the leaders, as well as the masses, will in that contest do as they did under Jefferson in 1799, in my judgment, an equally glorious triumph will at tend their efforts. . I will then probably be dead and gone. How long 1 may re main on this earth I know not. My days are evidently fast drawing to a close. But I am, under the providence of God, permitted to he here to-night to proclaim these sentiments, and if I knew this was the last time I should ever ad dress an audience of my countrymen, nothing would be more consonant with my feelings that to give forth as my dying words, “Come weal or come woe,” ad hero to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy now and forever. Under tliat banner make a grand rally of the friends of constitutional liberty in all the States in 1876, and in God trust for the result. ' MORE RADICAL DEVILTRY. Merchants of Shreveport to be Ar rested. New Yoke, October 20.—A special to the Times from Shreveport reports ex citemeut from the prospect of the arrest of seventy prominent merchants and freeholders. The arrests are grounded upon the following : ‘ ‘Shbevepoiit, October 16. “We, the undersigned, merchants of the city of-Shreveport, in obedience to a request of the Shreveport Campaign Chib, agree to use every endeavor to get our employees to vote the People’s ticket at the ensuing election, and in the event of their refusal so to do, or iu case they vote the Radical ticket, to refuse to employ them at the expiration of their present contracts.” This was signed by sixty-nine of the leading merchants of the city. If war rants of arrest aro issued, there is a general determination on the part of the younger merchants who are implicated to mount their horses and take to the woods. This might end in guerilla war fare. A. B. Cevisse, formerly District Judge, and candidate for tho Legisla ture on the Radical ticket, is the United States Commissioner before whom the affidavits were made, and whose duty it is to issue the warrants of arrest. New Hampshire Ku-Klux- Nashua, October 20.—Last night six masked men entered the room of the cashier of the Souhegan National Bank at Milford, gagged him, put a rope around his neck, shut his wife, four children and servant in a closet, dragged him to the bank and made him open the vault,which they robbed of about $4,500 iu currency, $15,000 to $20,000 in bonds, mostly Government, anil some other se curities. Then led lum back to tho house, tied him to the bed post and left. The family forced open the closet about 4 o’clock and gave the alarm, but no trace of the robbers could be discovered. Boston, October 20.-The robbery of Milford Bank was undoubtedly the work of professionals. Mr. Sawyer, cashier, had been in the habit of leav ing the key of the bank at the post of fice, in order to guard against such a scheme as that followed out by the rob bers. The robbers were aware of this, and after placing a cord around Mr. Sawyer’s neck to prevent any outcry, forced him to accompany them by threat ening to kill his babe In ease he refused to comply with their demands. Arriv ing at the post office, the robbers effect ed an entrance by removing a pane of glass with a diamond. From New York. New Yobk, October 21.--Papers in the case of Bishop Seymour are lost. The [sexton thinks the page mislaid them. John Campbell and Moses Dedman, colored, who waylaid Francis McNabb and robbed him of fifty cents, pleaded guilty to an attempt at highway rob bery in the General Sessions to-day, aud were each sentenced to ten years in the State’s prison at hard labor. A negro named James Horn alias Charles° Williams was sentenced to 20 years in the State’s prison to-day for highway robbery. A letter from Havana, dated October 15, says Lorenzo Jimiuez, who had been condemned to death, but claimed American citizenship aud had his sen tence commuted, leaves to-day for Spain. Major Hurtt moves his disbursing of fice from Vicksburg to New Orleans,
