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The Methodist Advocate.
ATLANTA, GA., MAY I, 1872.
E. Q. FULLER, D. D., Editor.
Him K. W. rOFFIN, AHistant.
CORRESPONDING EDITORS!
A. Websteb, D.D., (8. Car. Conference,) Orangeburg, S. C.
Rev. Wm. O. Matton. (N. Car. Conference,) Jamestown, N.C.
Rev. .Tames Mitcheli., (Virginia Conference,) Leesburg, Va.
Rev. O. O. Fishes, ( Washington Conference.) Baltimore, Md.
N. E. Cobleigh, D.D., (Hoiston Conference,) Athens, Term.
Rev. .T. Bbaden, A.M., (Tenn. Couferenco,) Nashville, Term.
Rev. A. 8. Lakin, (Alabama Conference,) Huntsville, Ala.
Rev. James Lynch, (Mias. Conference,) Jackson, Miss.
L. C. Matlaok, U.D., (Louisiana Con.,) New Orleans, La.
Rev. G. W. Honey, (Texas Conference,) Austin, Texas.
The Evils of Schism,
The efforts for the reunion of various
bodies of Methodists ought to impress
the Church with the greatness of the evils
of schism. To say nothing of the ancient
controversies upon this question, or of the
divisions in the Church of former times,
the present is full of instruction and
warning. None can fail to see that if
American Methodism had remained united
in one body as zealous for the truth, as
pure in doctrine and as correct in morals
as it now is as a whole, its power for good
would be vastly augmented and its achieve
ments at this time would have been greater
than have resulted from its various isola
ted movements. If American Methodists,
numbering more than two millions of com
municants and from eight to ten millions
of a supporting population, were banded
together under one government, in one
consolidated body, adorned and vivified
with pure morality, liberal in charities,
educated and fired with a holy purpose
to save sinners and bring the world to
Jesus, what might they not do to hasten
the day of millennial gladness? The
power wasted by parties among us con
tending one against another, can never be
known. We do not presume to intimate
where the guilt for this loss rests, but it
lies somewhere. Multitudes who might
have been saved by this awakening, have
gone down in darkness, while the branches
of Methodism have been striving against
each other instead of uniting their forces
to meet sin, the common enemy. Blame
must attach to some, where such evils are
the result of deliberate action. It is not
enough to say, by way of apology, that
schismatics were honest in their errors,
or that they did not intend harm to men
or to the Church, for while this may ex
cuse in some measure individual mistakes,
it does not justify the wrongs which are
now apparent. Want of forbearance with
one another, at least, was without excuse.
The Church is divided, and through these
divisions vast sums of money have been
necessarily used not to the best advan
tage under other circumstances. Moral
force has been frittered away—thousands
have backslidden from God through con
troversy, and tens of thousands more have
been left in the gall of bitterness and the
bonds of iniquity who might have been
brought to Christ, by the contending
parties. And the end is not yet. It
is vastly more difficult to unite than
to divide. Avery common man, sel
fish, stubborn and ignorant, may divide
a Church, but who shall heal the breach?
Is there wisdom enough, charity enough,
and goodness enough in Methodism
to unite it in one body? Doubtful.
A little fire may kindle great matter, but
who shall quench the blaze? Weak men
have not unfrequently been largely in
strumental in the separations of our Zion,
but where are the strong ones whose hands
shall bind us together again ? Must we
continue through the ages divided, jeal
ous, contending? God forbid. If the
fathers could have foreseen this day, the
freedom, the charity, the activity, the op
portunities of this age—could they have
foreseen the need, the power, the field of
a united American Methodism, they would
have plucked out an eye or severed a hand
or a foot rather than the Church, or than
to have allowed divisions in Methodism.
Some way could, perhaps, have been de
vised to have averted the evils which all
see and admit, if these evils had been ap
prehended as they now appear. How
easy to have saved the Albright move
ment to the M. E. Church, greatly to the
advantage, probably, of the whole Ameri
can people. Had the leaders of the Prot
estant “reform” been more patient and
the fathers more charitable, or the Wes
leyans had more faith in the Church, the
future and in God, these separations
might have been avoided. How deeply
pained the Church now is that the Afri
can M. E. Church was ever a necessity.
If any division among American Meth
odists was justifiable this was, and yet
might it not have been possible to have
met the issues which caused this body to
break off, and at the same time to have
held together, vastly for the benefit
of both the white and colored races in
their present relations ? The division in
1844 in the interest of slavery was worst
of all in motive and results. Those who
set up the independent standard, from
opponents, became apologists and finally
defenders of the great American curse
and fell into rebellion against their Gov
ernment and became partakers in war,
bloodshed and the ruin of the country.
The evils of schism in Methodism have
been appalling. No one can dwell upon
them without a shudder. Where is the
remedy? May God mercifully heal the
breaches of His people and give them so
much of love and wisdom that the sin of
schism shall no more be laid to their
charge! _
The Christian who never smiles needs
re-conversion.
The Newnan Convention.
In another column will be found a report of
the proceedings, resolutions and memorial
of this important gathering. This report
shows a maturity of judgment and practical
sense creditable to any body of men. We
do not fear to lay this action and the report
of it (without “editing”) side by side with
any paper coming before the General Con
ference. It is to be borne in mind that
this Convention was a voluntary movement
on the part of our colored brethren. No
white man was consulted nor did any one
assist in arranging for or shaping the action
of the Convention. The only influence that
white men brought to bear upon it was
against the conclusions reached, and mainly
from without the Georgia Conference. The
Convention was more largely attended than
could have been expected. About sixty
delegates (ministers and laymen) took part
in the deliberations of the body, and a large
congregation of members of the Church and
friends (and some leading white citizens,
perhaps not in either of these lists) were in
attendance. It was made up from among
the most experienced, judicious and intelli
gent of our ministers and members, and the
memorial and resolutions represent the ma
tured judgment of our colored people in
Georgia, and we believe generally, where
not manipulated by white influence.
Whether these men should be allowed to
speak in their own behalf, and whether
they are to be trusted with important in
terests of the Church, we leave every one
to judge for himself, from the record which
they have made.
This proceeding has not grown out of
any feeling of unrest or denial of rights on
the part of the colored preachers or people
within this Conference. Here the colored
presiding elders consult with and'are con
sulted by their white brethren in the matter
of the appointments of the preachers with
freedom and without distinction. For the
past three years not a dollar of missionary
money has been appropriated without the
consent and co-operation of the colored
members. This Conference has also a
regularly constituted Church Extension
Board, composed in part of colored men,
and not a dollar has been appropriated from
that fund for three years only in the regu
lar way, and with the approval of the col
ored members of the Board. Can this be
said of any other “mixed” Conference in
the Church? Further, from the organiza
tion of the Conference till this day there
has not been the least feeling of hostility,
or a .jar of the friendship between the two
races in the matter of appointments or in
the use of the funds of the Church ? Why,
then, do these brethren ask for a separate
Conference? They give the true and prin
cipal reasons in their memorial and reso
lutions. Do these reasons justify their
course? They do if men are ever justified
in seeking to (io good to their fellow-men,
because good and this only can result from
J|ieir policy. The first proposition in their
memorial must carry great weight of influ
ence with all reflecting minds. There is no
better method of developing self-reliance
and strength of character than by judi
ciously placing responsibilities upon those
to be benefited. It is this course on the
part of the Georgia Conference with its
colored members that has brought them to
realize the importance of the principle
which they set forth. They know very
well that their position is in advance of the
“mixed Conference” theory. Their second
proposition is, perhaps, equally important
and clear, though it can scarcely be more
so. On the question of “caste” they as
sume ground as easily defended. They
would make white and colored ministers
and members peers in Conference and
Church relations, claiming for both equality
of privilege, order and office. If this be
“castness,” what is freedom?
We thank these brethren for their cor
dial approval of the course of The Meth
odist Advocate. This indorsement is as
voluntary on the part of those who give it
as was the sacrifice of our blessed Master
for sinners. We have not done so much as
to lift a finger to gain it except by faith
fully pursuing the course approved. Con
scious of being in the right, we have not
sought the indorsement of any man or men,
but trusted to the enlightened judgment of
the Church and to the future for a vindica
tion of our positions. Still, the hearty ap
probation of so large and judicious a body
of men is highly gratifying at any time.
This Convention will result in great good,
even though its primary objects be not im
mediately secured. For the first time in
the history of our Southern work, the col
ored people of the Methodist Episcopal
Church in a Gulf State have met, delib
erated, and acted in their own behalf, inde
pendent of white control or influence. In
Georgia they have thus become more ac
quainted with each other and better har
monized as a body. This Convention has
been worth to them as much as six sessions
of a “mixed” Annual Conference in this
respect. With loyalty to the Church un
surpassed by any, and uninfluenced by per
sonal ambition, they have assumed a posi
tion of independence, dignity and manhood
which will add greatly to their force and
usefulness. They have proved themselves
men. We were never more hopeful than
now of our colored work.
THE METHODIST ADVOCATE. MAY 1, 1872.
The Land Scrip.
The grant of land to the State of Georgia
from the General Government for an agri
cultural college or colleges has been given
by Governor Smith to the State Univers
ity, at Athens. The grant was intended
for the people, without distinction of race
or color, and the Government will certainly
see that it is so disposed of as to be within
the reach of all. As might be expected,
the colored people are asking admission to
the State University, and the doors of that
institution must necessarily be opened to
them if the grant is retained by it. This
gentle knocking at the door of the Univers
ity has startled some of the politicians.
The Newnan Herald in alarm says:
The Atlanta Sun says, at a Radical meet
ing held in Atlanta, Tuesday night, it was
resolved to send fifteen negroes to the Col
lege of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, at
Athens, when it opens in May, and demand
their admission to the privileges of the
same. The Southern negro will have to be
taught a lesson yet, such a lesson that he
will remember, and one that will forever
obliterate his desire for equality with the
whites. All such acts as the proposed con
duct of the fifteen are only piling up wrath
against the day of wrath.
The colored people are learning rapidly,
being “taught a lesson” frequently by their
Southern “friends.” Some of these
“friends,” however, seem incapable of
learning even by experience. So long as
it was supposed that this grant could be
monopolized by a few of the former aris
tocracy of the State, the course of Gov.
Smith met with general approbation from
the party in power; but the possibility of
a colored man’s entrance into this old and
honored institution changes the aspect of
the case. But why blame these fifteen col
ored students? Was not the grant given
by the Government for all of the people of
the State? The bestowment of it upon,
and the acceptance by this institution,
must be taken as evidence that the authori
ties of the State either prefer to provide for
colored students in the State University
rather than out of it, or that they deliber
ate!} 7 intended to rob them of their rights
in this grant. In either case they do wisely
to claim justice in their behalf. Why was
not the fund divided, and half of it given
for the use of the colored people? Why
the wrath of the Herald , and the “day of
wrath” so often threatened ? We see noth
ing to be so terribly wrathy about, unless it
be in this deliberate theft from the colored
people, if they are to be excluded from the
State University. The Herald should re
member that the colored people of America
can not be robbed with impunity, as in the
days of the “peculiar institution.” The
fair and honest and wise course to take in
the case is to divide the fund or provide
equal facilities for the colored students by
legislative appropriation. One of these
methods will have to be adopted or the
“day of wrath” may not be unmixed in its
visitations. That day need not be, and
will not, unless provoked by politicians of
the Herald stripe. We copy the following
from the Atlanta Whig as just and timely :
Ihe questions involved in this unfortu
nate disposition of the Educational fund
are very serious. They affect every citizen
of Georgia. The object of the munificent
donation by Congress was, the establish
ment and maintenance of Agricultural and
Mechanical Colleges in the State. These
were to be open to the people of the State,
without regard to class or previous condi
tion. The act of Congress whereby the
donation was made, is general in its appli
cation to all the States of the Union ; and
yet it is so peculiarly worded as to be spec
ially applicable to the condition and cir
cumstances of each individual State. In
the smaller States, one college of the nature
contemplated by the act, would meet the
requirements of the law; in larger and
more populous States, where the aggregate
fund would be greater, and where, in many
instances, a mixed population would render
two or more schools necessary, a plurality
was provided for by the act. As our State
is one of the largest in the Union, and has
withal a mixed population, no one supposed
for a moment that one school, even of the
precise character contemplated by Con
gress, could meet the demands that would
be made upon it. For instance, to admit
all whites and no colored, or to admit all
colored and no white students, would be a
clear violation of the purposes of the grant;
while to admit both into the same school,
would be undesirable by the representa
tives of either, since neither are prepared
to advocate mixed schools.
But when one school only is decided
upon, and that one wholly different in char
acter and appointments from the one con
templated by Congress, and therefore
wholly unprepared to comply with the ex
press terms of the grant, the stupidity of
this blunder is still more striking. It i9
simply a violation of the plain terms and
conditions upon which the donation itself
was made. And the enormity of the thing
is enhanced rather than mitigated by a plea
in justification that such action was
sary in order to prevent a forfeiture of the
grant! Ot all pleas on earth, this is the
very last one that a politic man would be
presumed to make. And yet it is the only
defense the Governor has ever made, or
that his friends have ever been able to
make for him! So far from being a de
fense, it is, in point of fact, a confession of
judgment; nor are the honest masses in
Georgia going to reverse this judgment un
der the lacerations of the party lash.
Time will fully verify this.
Grief knits two hearts in closer bonds
than happiness ever can; and common
suffering is a far stronger link than com
mon joy.
Our Missionary Bishop.
The General Conference of 1856 made
provision for the election of a missionary
bishop for Africa, he being elected by the
Liberia Annual Conference, and ordained
by the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal
Church. Bishop Burns was so elected, and
came to this country and was ordained, as
provided for, and after spending some
months in America he returned to Liberia,
and labored faithfully till released from
toll by death. In 1866 Rev. J. W. Rob
erts, brother of President Roberts,' was
elected by the Liberia Conference successor
to Bishop Burns. He was also ordained
by our bishops in this country, and soon
after returned to Africa, and now presides
over the Conference there, and labors as
superintendent of the mission. Being
elected by the Liberia Annual Conference
for that special service, he has no jurisdic
tion outside of our African mission. We
are deeply impressed with the idea that the
time has come when our Missionary bishop
should be elected to the episcopal office by
the General Conference, so as to become
bona fide and without restriction a bishop
in the Methodist Episcopal Church. No
further ordination is necessary. His resi
dence should undoubtedly be still in Africa,
and his labors chiefly given to that country,
but a visit to the United States for a year
or so might be of great advantage to him,
to the mission in Liberia, and to the Church
in general. Whether the General Confer
ence elects another colored bishop or not,
it appears to us feasible to place this one in
the “ General Superintendency,” and invite
him to spend as much time in America as
circumstances may allow. We fail to see
the danger of any serious clashing of epis
copal authority or a violation of the Re
strictive Rule in such a proceeding. The
benefits resulting from this course we ap
prehend would be very great. We favor
the measure, if practicable, and believe
that it would meet the approval of our Con
ferences and people in the South.
Opinions on the Land Grant,
When Gov. Smith gave the land grant to
the State University, many of the papers of
the State were fast to approve ; but when
the colored people asked (and in the end
will certainly obtain) admission to that
institution, many hesitate, halt, and now
decidedly object to the measure. The fol
lowing are some of the demurrers from the
press of the State :
The Marietta Journal, 19 th, says :
The press and the people are not backward
in exercising their “ freedom of speech” in de
nouncing the recent action of Governor Smith
in giving the land scrip to Franklin College.
A traveling agent states, “ the intelligent
people are almost to a man against it, and will
instruct their representatives to investigate and
undo the matter.”
The Dahlonega Signal expresses its unqual
ified disapprobation.
The Middle Georgian says:
While we approve of all the previous actions of
Governor Smith, we can not but disapprove of this.
The Griffin Star says :
The Legislature can overhaul this matter. Let
every section speak out. The voice of the people is
the voice of God.
The Daily News says:
Wrong is wrong, and we denounce it because it is
wrong.
The Sparta Times ancl Planter ably protests
against the action.
The Atlanta Whig says:
That the Governor has acted hastily and very un
wisely in this matter, the intelligent members of his
own party admit. They admit that the secreey of
the movement looks badly. They admit that Dah
lonega, Marietta, Milledgeville, Griffin, and other
places had strong claims, and were preparing to com
pete for the location. They admit that the State
Agricultural Society should have had a voice in lo
cating the schools, as was the case in other States.
They further admit that the Governor’s plea of im
pending forfeiture, was exceedingly weak, since he
must have known that an enabling act was passing
through Congress.
The Lumpkin Telegraph says:
The Land Scrip has been placed under the juris
diction of the University. We shall expect to hear
from our personal friends, Colonel McKinley and
General Phillips, who were warm advocates, the
former for Milledgeville, the latter for Marietta.
The Gainesville Eagle says:
Every one knows, or ought to know, that, by turn
ing the scrip over to the State University, and making
the Agricultural College an appendage of the Univers
ity, just enough of theoretical Agriculture will be
taught to enable the Faculty to retain the fund, while
the great body of those the fund was designed to
benefit—those who hold the plow-handles—the wool
hat-boys—will be as good as excluded from all par
ticipation in its benefits.
The Macon Union says:
The hasty and inexplicable action passeth our un
derstanding, but it would appear at first glance that
he had been duped into the vain, delusive hope that
such a step would redound to his future political ad
vantage.
The Greensboro Herald says:
No one can mistake the leading and beneficent de
sign of Congress in conferring this generous bounty
upon the States. The donation was intended to
reach out a helping hand to the laboring masses.
To establish an Industrial College side by side with
the State University, to be more or less subordinate
to it, would embarrass both; that must have been a
very superficial observation that has not discovered
that caste enters into all the pursuits and ramifications
of human society.
The Milledgeville Federal Union says:
We believe we were the first to propose his name
for Speaker of the House and also for Governor. We
believed, if there was a politician in the State, that
could withstand the demoralizing influences of the
Atlanta ring, that he would do it. We regret to see
that he has succumbed. We feel sure that this action
of the Governor has taken a very large majority of
the people of Georgia by surprise, and has greatly
disappointed many of his best friends, but we do not
believe his action will be final.
The Milledgeville Union also has five com
munications, strongly combating the action,
showing the fallacy and flimsiness of the whole
affair, signed respectively, “Justice,” “ Han
cock,” k * Plain Talker,” “ Occasional,” and
“ Oconee.”
The TalbottOn Standard says :
Whether an Agricultural College, tacked on to a
purely literary institution can be made a success and
carry out the purposes and objects of the donation,
is an experiment we await to be solved.
The Albany Neics says^:
Unjust to the people, at variance with their ex
pressed wishes, and disadvantageous to the Univers
ity- _
The sculptor Powers is coming to the United
States.
The Last Chapter.
This week we close the discussion of the
question of the election of a colored bishop,
so far as our columns are concerned —for
the present, at least. The matter has now
gone to the General Conference, and must
there be settled. The discussion has been
conducted with remarkable good humor,
and will prove to have been profitable to
the Church, whether the measure succeeds
now or is deferred four years. The ques
tion was one of the “irrepressibles”—much
safer ventilated than suppressed. Free ex
change of thought on exciting topics is
often the wisest and best policy. No
doubt of it in this instance. We make
room for the following extracts. From
spicy and pertinent correspondence between
certain “ Baker Boys ” this is taken, viz.:
“You object to color being made a question
in the General Conference, now , as it may do us
injury.” We reply it has been ever a question
in that body (at least in this particular) as you
may see from the present college of bishops.
It was our good fortune to hear an excellent
minister, a member of our Conference, preach
on the subject of color, and he proved conclu
sively to our mind that it was unscriptural—not
color, but a distinction on account of it. He
affirmed that Christ gave every nation a repre
sentative in selecting his disciples. Certainly
we should not be behind our pattern and guide.
So that Christ was an extremist for he came to
the poor and elevated them, made them rich.
You say you “are willing to have separate
Churches for our colored members,” but that
you are “ bitterly opposed to colored Confer
ences,” assigning as a reason that “the former
is local while the latter is general.” By what
process of you arrive at the con
clusion that a Conference is general, while the
Churches within their entire bounds are local, I
can not conceive. Beware, brother, lest you
“strain at a gnat and swallow a camel.” You
acknowledge that God is in this movement, and
that he is at work. I believe it, and I know that
he will accomplish his work well. May he ever
direct'us!
Rev. H. W. Key, presiding elder of
West Tennessee district, writes :
I am glad to see the noble position you have
taken in defending our cause and the interests
of the Methodist Episcopal Church in general.
It would be advantageous to our work in the
South for the General Conference to elect a
colored bishop; and it will be detrimental to the
Church if it fails to do so.
At the Memphis Conference of the Colored
M. E. Church of America, Dr. Watson said
to me that the Methodist Episcopal Church
never will elect a colored bishop, and that he
knew a great many colored members of the
Methodist Episcopal Church who were waiting
until after the General Conference, and then
they would leave the Methodist Episcopal
Church and join the Colored M. E. Church
of America. I don’t believe that we will lose a
dozen members let the General Conference take
what ■action it may on the question of a colored
bishop. But if ttie General Conference fail to
elect one, will it do justice to its colored mem
bers? I think not. Nine-tenths of the colored
members want a colored man elected to the
episcopal office in the Church of their choice.
The General Conference need not fear that
making a colored man the official equal of
Bishop Janes and Simpson would tend to culti
vate discord in the Church. I know that it will
not, so far as our Conference is concerned. The
white men of the Tennessee Conference are all
that we want them to be toward us, and do all
they can for us. We sit in Annual Conference
together, discuss the same questions, and the
colored members often defeat the objects of the
white brethren, and the white brethren are sat
isfied that a white presiding elder can not have
the same influence over a colored district that
a colored man has. Give us a colored bishop
and we shall see the colored members deserting
other Churches like rats from a sinking ship.
We have also received a well written ar
ticle from Rev. M. W. Taylor upon this
“vexed question.” He opposes the election
of a colored bishop, and also separate Con-
ferences. We should give his article but
for the fact that it is received at so late a
day. After the above was in type another
communication came from brothers Wm.
G. Colby and J. Grant, of Florida. They
ask for the bishop and for a full recognition
of the rights of all men, and we say to
them, Wait patiently “just a little longer ;”
the Methodist Episcopal Church and the
American nation will yet give the colored
people a fair chance in the race of life.
Now let us all leave the question to the
General Conference for settlement for
another four years. The colored people
have been made more free in thought and
action, and the whites have become more
interested in their welfare, through the dis
cussion of the matter in the papers of the
Church.
The Meetings at Newnan. —The public
services held in connection with the Con
vention at Newnan were of unusual inter
est. On Saturday night Rev. W. Hunter,
of this city, preached, greatly to the edifi
cation and profit of a large congregation.
On Sunday morning the Sabbath-school
filled the house, and several addresses were
made. At 11 o’clock Rev. Thomas M.
Kinnard, M.D., of Alabama, who attended
the Convention by special invitation,
preached. The house was crowded to its
utmost, and multitudes stood at the win
dows outside. In the afternoon Rev. C. O.
Fisher, presiding elder of the Savannah
district, preached and administered the
sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. At night
Rev. R. T. Kent, presiding elder of the
Macon district, preached. The day was
one long to be remembered. It was like
an old-time Conference Pentecost. On
Monday night brother Kinnard lectured on
men and things which he had seen in Eu
rope, to a full house, the Mayor of the
city presiding, supported by the presiding
elder of the Church South, of that place.
The Convention and these services have
done more to energize and unify our col
ored work in the'State than any Conference
which we have held in Georgia.
Our people will be glad to read the fol
lowing item from the New York Advocate
of the 25th inst.:
Bishop Scott’s health has constantly improved
since his return home from the Indiana Confer
ence, and good hope is entertained that he will
soon recover hU wonted strength.
Gone to General Conference. The
editor of this paper has gone to General
Conference, and for four or five weeks our
columns will be mostly filled with the re
ports of the proceedings of that body. We
shall give the latest news from General
Conference up to the hour of going to press
each week. After the adjournment of the
Conference we shall resume our wonted
course, and again give the usual variety of
matter, (secular and religious,) and, we
trust, make The Methodist Advocate bet
ter than ever. Our correspondents must
be patient if their articles do not appear
promptly, while General Conference mat
ters are crowding upon us. All communi
cations of a doubtful or disputatious char
acter must necessarily be laid over for a
time.
The Hoiston Methodist is considerably
“stirred up.” The last number contains
three characteristic articles of nearly two
columns in reference to the Methodist Ad
vocate and its editor, all in the most ap
proved style of a political slang-whanger.
Not being able to answer us, it, like others
of its class, thus makes the best defence in
its power. It says of the Methodist Ad
vocate, “ We regret that there is such a
paper in the land.” Os course it does, and
so do thousands of others, especially the
Ku-Klux. The Hoiston Methodist is begin
ning to exhibit its true character. Our
people in Tennessee will soon be able to
understand its tone, its spirit, and its pur
pose. As to politics and religion it need
have but little fear in its own behalf,
for the Christian religion will never mix
with the politics of the editor of that paper.
We commend to our zealous brother the
following judicious and practical words
from the Albany (Ga.) Central City , a
Democratic paper of more sense than the
Hoiston Methodist. Referring to another
journal it says:
We copy the foregoing from the editorial
columns of the LaGrange Reporter , in order to
notice the false position our contemporary oc
cupies on the subject of ministerial politicians.
We only desire to enter our protest against his
position that “no minister of the Gospel should
ever dabble in politics.” To “ dabble,” we
presume he means, to interest himself, in any
way, in political questions or partisan contests.
If so, he is in error, and for the following rea
sons: Under our democratic-republican form
of government, ministers of the Gospel, as citi~
zens and electors , are as much responsible for
the political welfare of the country as if they
were lawyers, doctors, or of any other call
ing; and, hence, are guilty really of a derelic
tion of duty, should they ignore their relation
ship to the State, in their capacity as citizens.
As ministers , in the pulpit or any where else,
partisan politics especially should be ignored;
but as citizens , they should ever do their ut
most to insure the enactment of good, whole
-some and enlightened laws, and the impartial
and faithful administration of the Government.
Atlanta, Ga. , April 26tb, 1872.
Editor of the Methodist Advocate-
Sir: I beg leave to give notice in your
paper to all whom it may concern, That I
have withdrawn from the A. M. E. Church
and joined the Methodist Episcopal Church,
feeling that I can thereby do more for Christ.
Robert Alexander.
Rev. R. Alexander is well known in
this place as a man of untarnished reputa
tion and established Christian character.
None better. He was recognized as an el
der by the Loyd Street Quarterly Confer
ence, and is cordially welcomed among us
and is employed by Brother Lee till Con
ference„when he will no doubt find in the
Old Church a pleasantfield of labor. Bishop
Shorter must not blame us for taking such
men whenever they choose to come. We
would not harm or reflect upon a sister de
nomination, but must be excused for gladly
receiving men of this class from any
Church.
The Colored School in Marietta, Ga.
The colored people of Marietta greatly
need a school-house. The A. M. E. Church
has been used as such for a long time, but
this is not satisfactory to all parties—it
cannot be. A good school-house is greatly
needed. B. Clara writes :
The colored people of this place seem to
forget the labor and sacrifices made by their
friends for their elevation. For the last fifteen
months a few persons have used every exer
tion to keep up a school in their midst. But
like every good work it has many opponents.
Having no school-house, they were obliged to
use the African Methodist Church, which was
objected to, ar.d now we have no school,
Loyd-Street.— This Church is moving
forward steadily and surely in the great
work of replanting the M. E. Church in
the South. Few societies were ever called
to meet so many and so great and unfore
seen difficulties and discouragements as this.
But under one of the best of pastors, who
labors as much if not more out of the pul
pit than in it, it is gaining in the confidence
of the thinking and liberal. With the
turning tide of popular influence sure to
follow persevering effort, this Church will
be in a better position for usefulness than
at any previous time. The quarterly meet
ing last Sabbath was a gracious season.
We are glad to learn through Brother
Spilman that a gracious revival is in pro
gress in Waynesboro, Ga., under the labors
of Brother Goodier. Many of the stu
dents in the Haven school have been con
verted. The revival is the most general
one that has visited that section for many
years, if ever before.
-
The General Conference opens to-day,
(Wednesday,) May Ist, in the Academy of
Music, in Brooklyn. We shall hardly get
much of the doings of the Conference in
time for our next number, but will give the
latest news up to the hour of going to press.