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THE ATLANT A WEEKLY EXAMINER.
NA7" E3 3S IST. T ■ ”3?' UIFL C TJ'A TI OjN OST TMES .IS JSZ. A. 3AA X ES Et, 19000 COPIES!
CHAS. L. BARBOUR, Editor.
VOLUME 11.
THE WEEKLY EXAMINER
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THURSDAY, APRIL 3, 1856.
Messrs. J. R. Brown, John F. Cooper
and John Erskio, Esqs., have been admitted
members of the Supreme Court Bar, at its
present session in this p ace.
The Supreme Court.
The session of the supreme Court has con.
veued in our City, a large portion of the Bar
of the State, amongst whom are many of dis
tinguished reputation. Their Honors Lump
kin, McDonald and Benning, are laboring
through the dockets with a most commendable
desire to despatch at the earliest day consistent
with the nature of the eases, the business of the
• Court, but will hardly bo able to conclude the
whole short of one month, we learn. They have
comfortable quarters, however, and easy access
to their respective homes, and all parties in
terested . cent satisfied with Atlanta as a place
for holding the Court, and commend the new
system as decidedly superior to the old.
New Stock of Clothing.
Notwithstanding the varied tastes of our
people in the article of summer clothing, we
venture the proposition that our friends. Hun*
nicutt A Silvey, can suit any customer, no
matter whether his taste inclines to the fancy
or sedate. We accidentally dropped in, a day
or two since, just in time to witness the open
ing of a portion of their handsome stock, and
t <ke pleasure in commending it to the atten
tion of purchasers for the taste of its selection,
and the quality of the material used in its man
ufacture. Give them a call, and we are snre
yoa will l>« pleased in quality, variety, and
price.
Tin. —A correspondent of the Boston Trans
cript, writing from Cambridge under the signa
ture of H., has the following:
By the latest accounts from Australia very
rich deposits of tin have been discovered, and
large shipments of the ore had been made to
England. It is supposed by some persons that
these tin discoveries will yet prove more valua
file than those of Australian gold. It is be
lieved that attention was first drawn to these
deposits by Mr. Frank Storer, of Boston, a
adnate of the Lawrence Scientific School, and
mist to the Exploring Expedition under
Commodore Ringgold. In the course of a short
mineralogical excursion in Australia. Mr. Storer
gathered, among other specimens, some pebbles
of tin ore, and analyzed them. His analysis
was published in the newspapers of Sydney
during the detention of the Exploring fleet at
that port, and to it is doubtless due this new
and profitable directlea of ■tiaing capital and
THE SHEAPEST POLITICAL AND NEWS PAPER IN THE S9DTII—A WEEKLY FIHESIDE COMPANION FOB ONLY ONE HOLLAR A YEAR. IN ADVANCE.
Mr Fillmore upon the Nebraska Bill. ;
The Washington Union facetiously, but i
truthfully characterizes the nomination of Mr. j
Fillmore as “ one of the most remarkable in- s
stances of ‘ going it blind' that has occurred in
the history of political warfare,” and in an arti
cle of some length throws some light upon the
position of Mr. F. upon the Kansas-Nebraska
Bill. It is a matter of surprise to us that
presses at the South are found to support the
nomination of a man whose views upon pres
ent national questions are so completely veiled.
Himself in Europe, nnd silent upon the exciting
issues which convulse the country; his friends
with sealed bps as to his position, and no body
knowing whether his views are sound or not
our American friends are found advocating ins
election upon the bare supposition that he will
endorss the platform the Philadelphia conven
tion constructed for him. Suppose he should
refuse to do so—what would become of all the
encomiums we see heaped upon him by these
presses ? Suppose he should decide there was
not quite enough Black Republicanism in the
platform to propel it to the White House, and
should insist upon adding a little more of that
ingredient ? What would they say byway of
excusing their advice to the people to sustain
a man whose present views are so carefully
concealed, and some of whose antecedents are
of such questionable friendship to the Sou h ?
The Union's article to which we allude, suggests
some pertinent queries to those friends of tho
South who have “ gone it blind” for this veiled
prophet, and they cannot be eluded by hiding
behind his former administration. In these
troubulous times, we do not judge men by
their antecedents. A year may materially
change tho position of any man at the North,
who has no abiding place in a national party.
Mr. Fillmore's party was wrecked, and lio set
adrift, subject to the winds of popular preju
dice which set- upon every man at the North
who is not firmly attached to a great national
party ; and where he may have drifted, there
is no telling. The South will place confidence
in no man she does not know. Mr. Fillmore’
and every Northern Whig with him, has been
subjected to an ordeal through which few have
passed unscathed, and - the Southern people are
not to take it for granted that he is an excep
tion, merely because his administration was not
particularly exceptionable to the South. To
say the least of him, he has as yet shown no
colors friendly to our section, though the dark
ness which obscures bis course may not hide
the piratical flag of Black Republicanism.
But the man who receives tho vote of the 1
South must sustain the repeal of the odious
Missouri Compromise. We want no halting |
half-way man—his views must be open, ex- '
pressed and subject to the rigorous scrutiny of 1
our people, and if he wavers or dodges, we will ,
have nothing to do with him. It will be re- ,
quired of him that he shall hold fast to what we :
have. One sep backward, one faltering on our '
part will wrec t us as certainly as we are a peo- (
pie. Is Millard Fillmore the man to stand to (
the issue? His partisans here say yea; but i
upon what authority ? Nothing but his past 1
history—only this, nothing more. At the North
bis supporters think differently. Tho following <
extracts, for which we are indebted to the Un i
ion, are the only attempts we have yet seen
made to locate Mr. Fillmore, and we give them J
place for the enlightenment of those k. n. press- ,
es who have the least care to lift the veil inter i
vening between themselves and their candidate
for the Presidency. Here arc the opinions of '
those nearest him. who have the best opportu- ,
nity of judging bis position : i
“No man can doubt that t’>e writer of this '
message Would, if in public life in 1854, have
resisted the di turhanco made of these compro- 1
mise bills by Mr. .Senator Douglas and Mr. 1
Presiilent Pierce, both northern men. No man
can doubt thut Mr. Fillmore thus regrets, and 1
deeply regrets, the annulment of the compact 1
of 1820. and all the tearful sectional passions
excited by it.”— N. Y. Express.
“How do you know that Mr. Fillmore does '
not fully sympathize with us in our opposition *
to that stupendous swindle of Douglas & Co.?
All his antecedents are on tho side of freedom, i
and in opposition to the extension of slavery.—
Have you ever read a message—have yon ever
heard a speech -have you ever Been a letter— !
has even a private conversation of his been
whispered in your car—that would justify the ]
conclusion that he was now a pro slavery man
in sentiment, and that he would not sanction a 1
ineasnre for the restoration of the Missouri '
Compromise or the admission of Kansas as a
free State ? If you have seen or heard any- !
thing of the kind, let us have it. We demand '
to know the foundation of yonr faith before '
you again indulge in such injurious imputations
toward the candidate of the Americano party.”
—lndiana Tribune.
Rail Road Convention.
We have as yet no official intimation of the
proceedings of thia body, and are left to surmise'
the subjects which will claim its attention.—
We have no deubt, however, but the interests
of the several companies tepreseuted will be
materially subserved by the congregation of
their respective officers, and the public will
doubtless be relieved of some of the grievances
of which they with so much good reason com
plain. There are several matters which should
receive their consideration, and amongst others,
we notice a proposition aubmitted the Conven
tion by a publis-spirited friend and fellow-cit
izen, which provides for some very salutary
changes in the system of “runners” whith, we
think, if adopted, will throw additional safe
guards around the lives and property of the
public, and obviate much ruinous pecuniary
loss to the companies, while, at the same time,
it will aSord additional protection to the ope
ratives of the road. We need say nothing in
commendation of the proposition, since it con
mends itself directly to the interest as well ns
philanthropy of the Convention.
One of the beautiful swans on Gosfield
Lake, Essex. (England.) belonging to Samuel
Conrtaud. Esq , was eeen floating dead. On
being drawn to the shore, it was {bond that it
had been engaged in mortal conflict with a
monster pike. Tne pike had swallowed the
head and neck of the swan, and being unable to
disgorge it, both had died, and rtre found thus
Sstotf Meritor.
ATLANTA. GEORGIA. THURSDAY MORNING. APRIL 3. 1856.
[communicated.]
At a meeting of the Wardens and Vestry of:
St. Phillip's Church, Atlanta, held at. the
Church on Easter Monday, the 24th inst., the i
following gentlemen were elected Wardens a d !
Vestrymen for tho ensuing year, v>z :
Wardens.—R. Peters, J. J. David.
A'estrvmen.—N. L. Angier, J. E Wil
liams, W. P. Orme. G. L. Warren, T. S. •
Denny, H. L>. Currier. S. B. Oatman, Edw’d.
Parsons.
R. Peters, T. c. Denny, 11. B. Welton, S.
B. Oatman and W. P. Orme, were duly elected
Delegates to represent this Church in the next
Convention to be held in Marietta on the Bth
day of May, 1856.
The following resolution was unanimously
adopted :
Resolved, That the Wardens and Vestrymen
of thia Church express their deep regret at the
resignation of Mr. S. C. Higginson, as Jun.
Warden, and lender their sincere thanks for the
services which he has rendered the church dur
ing his term of service.
An Englishman in America
The following article appears in the London
Shipping and Mercantile Gazette :
Editor of the Shipping and Mercantile Gazette:
Sir—l have now made the tour of the States
of North America, and think it probable I can
give your readers some useful information. I
landed it New York city some ten months ago,
and have spent my time in studying the charac
ter and customs of those people, and must con
fess that if I remained ten years the result would
be the same: and I know very little abnut them.
But upon one point —National pride —men
women and children, are all alike; and the idea
es any nation of Europe, or the whole of them
put together, conquering this country, is per
fectly absurd to them. Everybody reads the
papers, and a good-humored urchin of twelve
years used to rate me soundly at Philadelphia,
for our failure at Sebastopool. The best ver
sion of American sympathy was given me a
tew days since. “When the war commenced
the Turks were the weaker power, and our sym
pathizing with England, but assisting her with
material and.” This I heard from a very intel
ligent man, who, I do not think, suspected my
nationality; und Ifirmly believe it. In the South
I spent some time upon the plantations, and
many times had long conversation with the
slaves; and always with the same result. They
are much better satisfied, than I suspected, and
when I spoke of the probability of a war, I
was answered, that “white folks would’nt let
nigga fight.” “But,” said I, "the blacks from
the West Indies will come here and nelpyon to
gain your freedom.” “What! black soger
come here; let ’em cam, den, massa; let’s fight
de nigga, I know, and Gar Almighty we give
’em gosh!” If not in the same language, the
same feeling was ever expressed.
I have visited all their national armories, and
although the country is at pece, the greatest ac
tivity prevails; all the old arms are condemned,
and by next spring nearly 1,500,000 Minie ri
fles will be ready for distribution, besides Colt's,
Clark’s, and others. Mr. Alger, at Boston, is
now engaged on a new kind of gun for the navy.
I’he range, with solid shot, is nearly five miles;
with shell, somewhat shorter, and the explosion
of the shell renders conflagration certain to a
great distance. Those are called, by those at
work on them, the secret gun. But what the
secret is I could not ascertain. Since the war
rumors I have been observant of all and every
thing that could give me a chto to the feelings
of the people. This is not difficult to come at,
for tl.c feeling is general, and their confidence is
so great in their own strength that the most
diffident speak only of the consequence and re
sult. In company with a party of merchants,
most of whom were engaged in trade with
England, I broached the war subject, and was
astonished to find them, so ind fferent about
the consequences. One of them largely inter
ested in clipper-ships, in answer to a remark of
mine, that he would have to lay up his clippers
—‘ Not a bit of it,” said he, “ they will make
capital privateers ; the Gove, nment will I'urn
ish guns of long range ; no British man-of-war
can catch them except a steamer, and they can
not. in a good breeze, so we must take chances.”
“ But where will you get your men ?” “Where 1
We have 84,000 enrolled fishermen who will
flood our seaports, and I will tell yon candidly
that less than six months after is declared there
will be 500 of the fastest vessels in the world
afloat as privateers, and an English merchant
man will not be able to show herself at sea.—
What if we lose a few, we will make it up in
the end? Two steamers were launched a few
days since, each about tons, built in
eight months, and it is just as easy to build fif
ty in the same time or less.” “But your eonsts
are not defended. Remember you have no Se
bastopol or Cronstadt.” Nor do we want any.
We have a few very pretty forts, but should
any nation attempt "an invasion, he will meet
them with hands and hearts equal to any, su
perior to most; and we can concentrate 500.-
000 men at any point on our coast in a few I
days. Let the alarm brsounded at this moment, i
and in a few hours near 50,000 men will make I
their appearance, armed and equipped.” This j
sounds like bragging, but it is a fact. This ;
city (New York) hts near that number enroll- j
ed and equipped ; every man keeps his rifle at i
home or in the private armory of the company
to which he belongs ; and I find it is the same
throughout the country. I have frequently met
with boys Os 12 and 14, with gun and game
bag, starting at early dawn for the woods, for
here thev can shoot’ game wherever found.—
War is urgned against by everybody as some
thing to be avoided, but the idea of backing
out to avoid it does not appear to enter the
snind of anybody. Some of the papers speak
of the President's message disparagingly, but
the people are with him. and I candidly believe
he would be elected if the election came off to
dav. ‘ And I regret I cannot defend my coun
try at this time as I would wish. The Bulwer-
Clayton treaty is plain and explicit, and these
people don't and won’t understand double mean
ings in treaties. They say the man with the
white hat does not refer to the individual in the
white cap, and my Lord John Russell acknowl- i
rdgts the American interpretation. There are
thousands of men here that the Americans
would be glad to get clear of. but that does not
justify England in breaking their laws by en- :
listingthem; and my Lord Pa'mers.on's instruc-1
tiocs were something like telling a man to stab
his neighbor but not hurt him.
If the treatv (Clayton and Bulwer) Is ad
hered to, we have the States pledged never to
occupy it. (Centered America.) for, say what
we will, they will stick to the treaty and it will
never be annexed : abrogate it, and in less than
♦en vears it will be one of the States of the
Union. The Canadians are a very loyal set.;
and think that they could.taka, possession of!
the States at a moment’s warning. They have
caught the habit of braging from their neigh
bors without having the wherewith to brag on.!
A trip up the lakes is the most convincing
proof we can have of the difference in the two
people. In the American are well-fininishd
cities and towns, sawmills, railroads running in
every direction—in fact, you eeldem lose sight
of the locomotive —and there are innumerable
steamers at every landing. On the Canadian.
> where there are ’settlements, you see tbe well-
Inpt rosfonabtodwcUiDp, tbs oroettorimrad
awn, and everything wears an air of comfort:
but little or no business, with the exception of
the great railroad. However, they are rapidly
improving ; but should there be war, the larges’
and best portions of Canada are lost to us.—
Quebec, Halifax, and other points would both
er them. But to sum up my own observations
after every opportunity that one man could
have afforded him, tiie result would be as fol
lows : Mexico, and the whole of Central
America in the South, including Cuba would
be annexed: and I have little doubt, of Canada,
in the North ; millions of treasure and thous
ands of valuable livers lost to England forever:
our commerce crippled in every sea. and some
fighting that will gladden the hearts of our tir
ed soldiery.
Now, what can we gain ? A foot of terri
tory? We dont want it; and if we did. six
feet for the majority of our brave fellows, I fear
would bo the extent. Naval or military glory
we don’t want : and as for the sand beach ol
the Mosquito king, it is a decided humbug.—
What would be tho result to this country ?
It would put her back in prosperity for half a
century ; it would ruin thousands who are now
in affluence, but would enrich thousands who
are now poor. But the great advantage the
Americans have, is that they can produce and
manufacture everything they want; the differ
ent climate affords this. They would get ac
customed to their own goods and discard ours
forever. But the greatest injury to all parties,
and I may say to the world, would be the ma
king of this nation of 25,000,000 a warlike
people ; and, once instilled with the love of war,
the propagandists of Europe would have a Car
ful ally. The hist years crop of wheat is offi
cially given at 170,000,000 of bushels, and ev
erything else in proportion, so that we cannot
starve them out, and. from my own observation
I would rather see England contending with
the whole of Europe than against this country.
I am no croaker, nor have 1 any doubt of the
power and wealth of my beloved country, and,
if need he, could again handle a musket for her
honor and glory ; but the day that war is de
clared between these two mighty rivals a con
test will be commenced that will bring more
horrors iu its train tbnii the world ever yet
witnessed.
There is another item which I am like to
forget. Many of my countrymen place great
dependence on the abolitionists, or friends of
freedom, in this country; but 1 assure you the
greatest protection here is their insignificance.
They flourish au long as thought harmless, but
the slightest suspicion of their collusion with a
foreign foe, and they would be annihilated ; in
fact, I have proved to my entire satisfaction
; but those terrible and exciting questions are
only intended for political effect; but attach
any importance to them affecting the interests
of the country and they are gone. You would
no doubt, bo astonished to hear that many
children of foreigners, and, in fact, foreigners,
themselves, are Know Nothings, started to
proscribe them; but such is tbe fact. I have
extended my remarks further than I intended,
but they have one desirable future—that is.
truth. Should they prove acceptable, I may
again intrude on you. I remain, yours.
"JAMES R. WARREN.
Buffalo, New York, January 11, 1856.
Slavery in Kansas.
The Lawrence papers are laboring hard to
convince their Yankee brethern t' at slavery
does not and cannot exist in this Territory.—
They may succeed in satisfying their North
ern friends in th s, but how will they get over
the census returns, which will show over one
thousand slaves in Kansas? An examination
of the Assessor's book of each county, will prob
ably surp iso our editorial brethern in Law
rence. They will find that several hundred
thousand dollars ofslavo property is owned in
Kansas, and profitably employed ; and what i<
better, the master and slave both satiffled with
the country. The a Idition to tbe slave proper
ty iu this county is gradually increasing by
the arrival of wealthy farmers from Missouri,
Virginia. Kentucky, and of her Southern States
In every instance where it has been tried, their
labor has brought to their owners a larger re
turn than where they formerly resided : and the
planter from Virginia, who has been in the
habit of supporting his negroes, will find that
in Kansas they cannot only feed themselves
but be a profit to their owners. The climate
and soil of Kansas are peculiarly adapted to
slave labor: and hemp, corn, wheat, tobacco,
and other staples, can be as profitably produced
here as in Kentucky or other Southern States.
In view of those facts, it becomes the duty
of every Southern planter who is not makinir
money fast in the South, to remove with bis I
slaves to Kansas, where a fortune awaits him. j
Squatter Sovereign.
Bank Robbery at Jacksonville, I
By the Florida boat of this morning we have !
an account of the robbery of a Bank Agency |
at Jacksonville. The following is an adver-j
tisement of reward for the thief or thieves :
1000 DOLLARS REWARD! ■
Stolen, from the office of G, C. Gibbs, at!
Jacksonville, Fla., on Thursday night, the 20th '
the hours of 11 nnd 2 o’clock, a .
package of Bank Notes, principally of the i
Bank of Charleston, containing
SIX THOUSAND FOUR HUNDRED j
DOLLARS.
The above reward will be paid for the re- 1
covery of the money, or a proportionate re-1
war! for any part of it.
G. C. GIBBS, Agent,
Planters' Bank of Fairfield,
Jacksonvdh, March 22. 1856.
Solution of the Cuba Question. —Col.
Baylor, in a recent letter to the New Orleans
Delta, makes the following suggestion:
“ Why not make a Cuba ? By the construe-!
tion of an ample ship canal over Florida, we!
will be forming a great highway tor all nations i
between the Gu.f of Mexico and tbe Atlantic: ■
and also between the Pacific and the Atlantic, j
via Florida. It would tea highway resorted i
to by the commerce of the world, and within !
the juriodiction of the United States. Instead!
therefore, of expending time and money in at- ■
tempting to acquire Cuba, why not expend the
said time and money in a ship canal across
Florida? It would give us an independent
Atlantic outlet for the Gulf and Pacific trade,
including the Mississippi—shorten the route to I
Europe—reduce the rate of insurance, and.
build up New Orleans."
Democrat and Anti-Know Nothing State
Convention. —Our Democratic friends will re
member, says the Federal Union, that by the
appointment of the late Convention of the
Democracy of Georgia, another State Conven
tion is to assemble at this place on ’he 4th of
' July next, to take into consideration the ac
i ticu of the Convention at Cincinnati. The
late meeting directed the central correspondicg
j committee to select an Orator for the 4th of
July. We take pleasure in stating that the
! committee has performed that duty, and made
choice of the Hob. Wo. H. Siufos, of Cbat-
1 ham.
To tLe American Party South.
It is necessary for the rank nnd file, ol tbe
American party South to consult together in
regard to the platform adopted by the nation
al council at its called session, and tbe can
didates placed upon it by the national c. uven
tion.
The 12th article of the platform of June,
1855 announced these fonr professions as the
deliberate sense of the American party.
Ist. That the existing laws on flic subject of
slavery ought to be abided by and maintained,
as a final settlement of the whole matter, in
spirit and stibstuncc; and that there ought to be
no further legislation by Congress on tho sub
ject.
2d. That, whether it possesses the power or
not Congress ought not to legislate on the sub
ject of slavery in the Territories.
3d. That it would be a violation of the com
pact between theU. S. and Maryland, and con
trary to good faith, to abolish tlavtry in the
District of Columbia.
4th That when a new State presents herself
for admission into the Union she has a right to
come in if her constitution is republican, and
she has the requisite population, whether that
constitution recognizes or prohibits slavery.
It was a very general feeling at the South
that we yielded something too much in “pre
t'-rinitting an expression of opinion as to the
p wer of Ccngress to legislate in regard to
slavery in tbe Territories. In most of the
Southern States the State councils made plat
forms stronger on this point t. an the national
one. None made them weaker.
But in framing that platform wo were not
making one for the South alone, but one that
Northern conservative men could safely stand
on ; and it was right that we should not ask
them to declare one opinion as to the power
of Congress, while they entertained another
diametrically opposite; if they would agree that
Congress ought not to exercise the power even
if it has it.
The June platform docs not declare that
Congress ought to do any affirmative act about
slavery but only that it ought to do nothing.
No Southern American, once having plant
ed his feet on that p l .it farm, can step off from
it to another without deserved risk of political
ruin and annihilation.
No Southern man ought to abandon, or can
safely abandon any one of the four propositions.
If he does the South ought to, and will, abandon
him.
The national council, meeting on the call of
States which had repudiated the June platform,
was assembled in February for the purpose of
repealing the 12th article. The northern men
took control of it at the beginning, upon the
wrong basis of representation, and kept that
control.
The 11th article, with all the rest of the
platform, was struck out, and a new one sub
stituted.
That new platform declares that the people
of a Territory have the right to frame their
own constitution and laws [when?] and reg
ulate their own social and domestic affairs; but
the word slavery is carefully avoided, and it
concedes them, not the right, but the privilege,
of admission into the Union when they have
the requisite population.
It certainly givi s up the three first proposi
tions of the 12th article, and it waters the 4th,
so that it amounts to little or nothing.
The Ist proposition was the chief one of the
12th article. The South imperatively demands
that the agitation of the subject of slavery in
Congress shall cease, and esp-eial'y that it shall
no longer legislate on that subject in the Ter
ritories.
The South demands, and has a right to de
mand, in every platform. Democratic, Whig,
or American, specific lan uageonthe subject
of slavery. It does not want to be toll that
laws constitutionally enacted are to be obeyed
until repealed or decided null by judicial au
thority. It does not want to be told that a
new State shall have the privilege of admission
It is tired of ambiguities, and sick of general
ities; aud. as the matter now stands, when a
man reclaims his share at the risk of his lite,
and at ten times the expense of the slave—when
clergymen preach sedition, and State’pass per
sonal liberty acts —ambiguities and general
ities are u mere transparent cheat and fraud on
the Sout o
And such a fraud is any platform that studi
ously omits the word slavery, and uses round
about phrases, circumlocutions, to avoid ex
pressing plain ideas.
If lhe new platform is the same in substance
as the old, why the change? If it is not, tie
South has no use for it.
The new platform leaves the northern men
who stand upon it perfectly free to agitate
against the fugitive slave law, for the abolition
of slavery in the Distrieh. fir suppressing the
trade io slaves between different States, and
for the restoration of the Missouri Compromise:
and it specially denounces the repeal of (hat
compromise by denouncing the President tor
abetting it.
I do not envy the southern man who under
takes to defend the new platform after once
standing on the. old one.
I was a member of the national council both
in June and in February. In June I desired at
first to exclude the question of Javery from the
platform, denouncing, and not unless I could
denounce, in so doing, the men of the party in
Massachusetts, and elsewhere in the North, who
had declared anti slavery to be part of the na
tional American creed, as having done so with
out authority, and so perverted and prostituted
the organizatioa to improper purposes.
Met by a unanimous resolve on the part of
the northern members to l ave a declaration
that the Missouri Compromise ought to be re
stored. I aidjd iu establishing th: 12th article.
Once upon it. and deeming it eminently right
in principle, it became impossible for me to
abandon it, or consent to its modification.—
When it was struck out, I withdrew from the
counci, aud destroyed my credentials os a dele
gate to the nominating convention, in which I
refined to take my seat.
The A meriean party South cannot stand on
the new platform. It must necessarily repudi
ate it. On it, it would not carry a single coun
ty anywhere.
It is said that the men nominated are plat
form enough. That might lie so. if we had no
platform ; if they were on no platform : if we.
had never had a platform.
It is said that the new platform is substan
tial’y the s ime as the old one. Th»n how came i
it to be i-flered by a freesoiler from Illinois, who
declared, after it was adopted, that he would !
vote for the admission of no State permitting !
slavery? If it suits him. it cannot suit me.
It is not substantially the same It was
framed in Washington, to g«t rid of the 12lh
article. It was offered and adopted for that
purpose in Philadelphia: and we may as wed
loek it frankly iu the face. It yields tip all,
that we fought for and gained the June before. ■
And now as to the candidates. That I may '
uot be misunderstood, let me say that 1 was
always a whig until I joined the American par- i
ty. I was a supporter of Mr. Fillmore's ad
' ministration. I wa; indignant when he wa=
thrown aside for General Scott. What I :
i thought ol him then I tiauk now.
I But when we firmed tbe American party.'
we assured our democratic friends who joined |
i us that it was u.t meant to be the whig party ;
;in disguise. They joined us in that belief. Ou ■
Imy motion, my State council declared that the
aeamro for Pnaitoat ought to In a Northern j
■ man, whose antecedents bad been democratic,
j was playing fairly.
The old whig organizat.ons arc reviving all
over the country. Tbe old whig committees
and chibs are alive and astir again. Oar dem
ocratic brethren wiii say that we have deceived
them, and that it is the old whig party in dis
guise. I think it was not Ct and proper to
nominate a man who had been so deeply identi
; fied with the whig party—a whig and nothing
else. Ido not say it was bail faith to do it. I
do not even insinuate; but Ido say, that if I
had aided in such nomination, I should have
felt that ray democratic brothershad some right
to complain of me.
They do feel all over the South that they
have been trapped; and, my word for it, they
will not stay in the trap. The new platform
warrants them in leaving the party, and the
whig nomination will urge them to do it; and
they will go back to their old faith if the mat
ter is left as it is.
Southern democratic Americans can neither
stand on the platform nor support the candii
ates.
No Southern American can successfully oe
fend the platform
What is to be done? Shall we disband ?
Shall we merge in the democratic party ? I.
for one, say no ! It would be too lame and
impotent a conclusion ; and many of their Nor
thern allies are no more reliable than ours. We
are not yet ready to give up our American
principles. We have sat with free-soilers long
enough.
Let, then, the State councils of the several
Southern States at once assemble and delibe
rate. It is high time we were doing so. Let
us lay down one platform for all the South, go
ing upon the subject of slavery no further thau
the 12th article went, in order that the conser
vative men in the North may stand upon it
with us. Do not let us force them from us.—
They will stand on that article, if we will be
true to ourselves. Let us not ask them to de
more, and that which they cannot do.
Then let us p'aee candidates on that plat
form.—lf we think we cannot succeed with a
candidate endorse our views, let us take a demo
crat who has been tride, and always found true
to the Son th and constitution, at home and iu
the councils of the country. Let us say to the
country, we are willing to wait for the sutcess
of our American principles. The first thing
to do is, to give our country quiet. We will
take this name trusting to his antecedents.
We ask of him no other pledges. We will
trust to liia American feelings and instincts to
do justice to those who. like him, are Ameri
can-born, confident that be will not fill the
offices of the country with foreigners, to the
exclusion of those born on the soil.
Let us place this northern democrat—one
like Bavard and DuGueselin, without feir and
without reproach—and a Southern W hig of
our party at once before the country, and rally
to their flag the conservatives of the Union.
We need not fear that our American princi
pies will not succeed in the end. Unembarrass
ed by other questions, the American instincts
of the people will in time make them victorious
everywhere.
Or. if that does not suit our views, let us
nominate candidates of our own party, and on
our own platform, nail our fl a to the mast-head
and take the chances of the battle; satisfied with
defeat if it entails no dishonor mid no betrayal
of the South.
It is a delicate thing todo—that which I am
about to do; but the South has too many plat
forms each State a diff rent one, and the same
State, in some cases, three or four iu succes
sion.
I submit one to the South, which several
gentlemen from different States have concurred
in framing. ”lt is the Juno platform, with some
modifications, reduced to propositions. It is
plain, distinct, specific; it needs no interpreter.
Wc would tain hope that our brothers in the
South may approve it. But, at all events, we
stand upon it, and we mean to stand upon i'.
now and hereafter. It will at least elict discus
sion and bring about deliberation, and actbn
perhaps; and that is all which we at present
propose to effect. A. I’.
Hou. A. G. Brown’s Hotter.
March 17, 1856.
To the Editors of the Kational Intelligencer :
A correspondent of yours in this morning's
Intelligencer takes the ground that the words
r.ot " to occupy ” in the Cluyton-Bulwer treaty,
now under discussion iu the Senate, and in the
diplomatic correspondence between the United
States and Great Britain, may mean, according
to Ainsworth and Andrews, •• to take hold of.
•• to get into one’s power,” “ to lay hold of,”
“*o get the start of,” &c. The same writer
admits that, according to Webster, (the best
American authorit ,) the words mean •• to take
P’-s session of,” “to keep in possession," Ac.—
He therefore infers that both the British and
American diplomatists may have plausible
grounds for their respective interpretations ol
the words that neither party shall ever “ occupy ”
any part of Central America.
It is well known that the British Government
has taken the position that his language is
prospective in its operation ; that is. that Bri
tain. having got “the start of” the United
States, she means to keep it, and that this is
th? true intent and meaning of the treaty;
whereas the United States on the other baud,
insists that by tbe words not to occupy ”it
was meant that Great Britain should not “ take
possession ” of the country, and if she had pos
s ssion she should not keep ” it.
It therefore becomes a matter of consequence
to know precisely in what sense the words “not
to occupy ” were used by the parties who ne
gotiated the treaty.
In a speech commenced by me in the Senate
on the 11th and concluded on the 13th instant,
I stated my firm conviction that tbe won ■ 11
question were used as synonymous with the
“ not to take and not to keep possession.” 1
then stated that I did not speak lightly. My
conviction was then settled, aud I now repeat
it, that Mr. Clayton did not define the words
“ uot to occupy ” any part of Central America
to mean “ not to take and not to keep ” pos
session of any part of that country.
I did not speak in tbe Senate, nor do I now,
on the authority of Mr Clayton ; b.t I now
I say that it Sir Henry Bulwer, Lord Clarendon,
' Mr. Crampton, or any one else in position to
' know the sac arid who is authorized to speak
■ for the British government, shall take the ground
that the words iu the treaty were understood
! to mean that Great Britain was to be left in
! possession of such parts of Central America as
she had at that date of the treaty, the evidence
i can be produced that the words -‘not to occu
py” were defined by the American negotiator
to mean “ not to take aud not to keep ’ pos
| session of the country. If the British negotia
tor, the British cabinet, or the British minister,
! or any one authorized to speak for the British
I government, denies that the words were so de
fined. our country should ask that every injun>
1 tion of secrecy be removed, and that .11 the
' facts b” laid before th world.
If it shall be shown, as I confidently predict,
I that Mr. Clayton did defin: tbe words as I have
I stated them, there can be no occasion for con
. suiting Ainsworth, Andrews, Webster, or any
I one else. The judgment of the world will be
■ that if you agreed not to take and not to keep
• possession of any part of Central America, you
cannot go there, and if you are there you must
. go away. A. G. BROWN.
I The American Party of Georgia
and the National Convention-
Squatter Sovereignty.
The American party of the State of Georgia
met in Convention at Milledgeville, and on the
25th December last, adopted among others the
following resolution, so far as we arc advised by
their published proceedings, with perfect una
nimity :
5. Tho Territories of tho United States wo
regard as the common properly of all the States
as co-equal sovereignties and, as such, open to
settlement by tk.o citizens of the Slates, with their
property as matter of right ; nnd Hint no power
resides in Congress,ortho Territorial Legislature
of the people of the Territory, while a Territory,
to exclude from settlement, tn any Territory, any
portion of the citizens of the Republic, with then
property legally held in the States from which
they emigrate. Wo repudiate, therefore, the
doctrine, commonly called squatter sovereignty.
By the adoption of this resolution tbe Amer
ican party of Georgia placed it elf on very
high Southern ground. Their object clearly
was to get in advance of the Democratic party
w hich had committed itself to the Kansas-Ne
braska act, which, in terms, referred tho whole
question of the domestic institutions of a Terri
tory, including slavery, to the decision of the
citizens thereof. In opposition to this policy
the party of Georgia, unqualifiedly
assert glit of a citizen of a Southern State
to emigrate to any Territory of the United
States and to take his slaves along with Irin,
and in terms deny thut Congress, or tbe Terri
torial Legislature, or even the people of a Ter
ritory, while it is a Territory, have the power
to exclude him or his slaves from any Territo
ry, of tl.e United States.
But again : the Convention of the American
party of the State of Georgia on the 25th De
cember last, adopted also the following resolu
tion:
9. We instruct our delegates to the National
Convention to insist upmthe adoption of the
foregoing principles in spirit and substance be
\fore going into a nomination, and that ihenomi
nee be pledged to carry out the same in good
faith in the administration of the Government
and the appointments io office.
Language could hardly be more explicit.—
The American party of Georgia, not three
months ago, voluntarily pledged themselves to
their fellow citizens to demand the adoption of
the principles enunciated in their sth resolution
by their national nominating Convention be
fore g»ing into a nomination of candidates for
President, and Vice President, and then to re
quire of their candidates a pledge to carry out
these principles ij good lid h in the adininistra
tion of the Government and in appointment. to
office.
On the 25»h of February last, the National
Convention of the American party nominated
Millard Fillmore as their candidate for Presi
dent and Andrew J. Donelson as their candid
ate for Vice President of tbe United States.—
The question now comes up : Can the Ameri
can party of Georgia support them consi tent l }’
with the platform of principles enunciated by'
their State Convention on the 25th December
last? The answer to this question is given
when we announce that, instead of adopting
the principles enunciated by tho Georgia Con
vention before the nominations v.ere made, ai d
requiring the nominees to pledge themselves to
administer the Gov< rnment in accordance with
them, the National Convention refused to pro
mulgate any platform of principles, either be
fore or alter making their nomination, and ta
bled resolutions, looking to that end, by a vote
of yeas 141, nays 60. Not only so : ut this
stage of the proceedings, (we quote from the N.
Y. Herald.) Mr. Brownlow, of Tennessee, got
the floor and off red the following resolution :
Resolved, That this Convention do proceed
forthwith to the nonination of candidates for
President and Vico President of tho United
States.
And upon the resolution be moved the pre
vious question.
Mr. Coffee, of Pa., at this stage, called for
the reading of a communication which he un
derstood had been forwarded to the President
of the Convention from Georgia.
The chair announced that it was due to the
Convention to say that a communication hud
been received, and the reading of the same was
in older.
Mr. Brady, of Tennessee, stated that the com
munication from Georgia referred only to the
appointment of a delegate and his instructio s
to vote against making a nomination at this
time.
A voice—lt contains something else.
The chair called lor the vote on the previous
question, as moved by Mr. Brownlow, and it
was sustained. The yens and nays were or
dered, and the clerk proceeded to cull the roll.
And that is the last we hear of the " commu
nication from Georgia.” Not only did the Na
tional Convention lefuse to declare its princi
ples, and neglect to pledge its nominees, as de
manded by the Georgia Convention, but refus 'd
to hear read a respectful communication from
u delegate appointed hy the Georgia Conven
tion to communicate their wishes to tae nation
al body 1
Now it seems to us that if the American
party of Georgia is base enough to back out
from its position on tbe question of shivery in
the Territories, which it voluntarily took not
three months gone, self respect should restrain
them from giving their support to the nomi
nees of a convention which refused even to hear
their delegate. This, however, is a matter ol
taste.
We see that the Savannah Republican jus
tifies the adhesion of the American party ol
Georgia to the national organization upon the
grou id that the Grand Council of the Order,
which assembled in Philadelphiatwo days before
the National Convention of tho party adopted
a sound platform.
It is hardly necessary to say in reply that the
American party of Georgia has formally dis
solved its connection with the secret order of
which the Grand Council is the supreme head,
and that the authority of the Grand Council
to establish, for the National Convention, a
platform of principles, was expressly repudiated
by mauy members of that body. But admit
ting, for the sake of the argument, that the acts
of the Grand Council are obligatory upon the
members of the American party, we make bold
to assert tnat its position, on the subject of
slavery in the Territories, is diametrical}’ in
antagonism to that occupied by the Convention
of the American party of Georgia, and is iden
tical with that of Lewis Cuss, of Michigan,
which has been so much denounced by the
Know Nothing press of the South under the
odiou; name of Squatter Sovereignty.— Time
& Sentinel.
A French Story.—lt appears that in the
drawing for the conscription in France a son
of a widow is in all cases exempt. The Paris
correspondent of the New York Express says
that when the last annual drawing took place,
a poor man, whose idolized and only son had
been so unlucky as to draw a number which
made him a lawful prey to the Government,
went quietly from the scene to his dwelling, and
was found the next morning hanging dead in
his garret. He sacrificed his life to save bis
.son from military service, and the child now
the son of a widow, was exempt from tbe much
dreaded corseription.
WM. KA if PROPRIETOR
NUMBER 34.
Our Sea Coast Defences.
From an elaborate article in Putnam for
March we gather some interesting facts rela
tive to our sea coast defence. Beginning in the
Eastern part of ti e United States, the writer
of t.ie article alluded to give us the d< signation
and locution ol each fortification upon thecoust
around to the Mississ ppi, together with our
Like defences on our Northern boundary. In
addition to this, we have an account of the num
ber of men necessary to garrison each fort, the
to al number of guns now mounted in each, the
amount of money already exp' upon nnd
the amount necessary to complete each of the
forts enumerati-d.
As we remarked a day or twosince, we think
the writer lias omitted one fort on our extreme
Eastern border, at Eastport Maine. A high
natural eminence overlooks the town, upon tho
summit of which are barracks and some 20
guns of large calibre, though not enough by any
means to defend the town from an attack of
heavy war ship. The first fort ennmerntid in
the article in Putnam is Fort Knox, at Bucks
port, Maine. Situ ited at about twenty-five
miles from the mouth of tho Penobscot at a
“narrow” in the river, it completely precludes
the possibility of passage of a hostile ship
There have bem expended already 8130,442,
and 3500,000 more required to complete it ac
cording to the original plan.
Poriland (Me.) harbor has been prepared for
partial defence by the two forts Scaminel and
Preble, built at an expense of 8111,137, and
mounting 111 guns. To complete these works
37.500 are needed.
Forts Mct’laney and Constitution command
the harbor of Portsmouth. N. H. They mount
in the aggregate, but 73 guns, and were com
pleted at an expense of 338,273.
Boston harbor and city are defended by throe
forts and two batteries, mount in r in all 539
guns. Ou ti ee an amount of 31,688,162 haa
been expended, and 8124,573 are yet required
to complete them.
New Bedford, Mass., has one fort of 14 guns,
completed at an expense of 35,000. Fort
Adams commands Newport. R. 1. It mounts
464 guns, has alr.ady consumed 81,461.343,
and requires 830,000 to finish it. Fort Trum
bull is the d 'fence of New London, Connecti
cut, mounting 98 guns, and completed at an ex
pense of 8250,941.
New York city is defended by seven forts
and four batteries. These in all mount 1,000
guns. To carry these works as fur towards com
pletion ns they at present are carried, has cost
82.511,464. To perfect them 8394.526 more
are required.
Forts Delaware and Miflin, on lhe Delaware
river, arc provided with 204 guns. There has
been expended on them the sum of 8621,913,
nnd 3582,000 will bo required to complete
them.
Fort Monroe, at Old Point Comfort, and
Fort Calhoun, Hampton Roads, have 595 guns
have cost 34,067,467, and require yet 8804,332
to complete them.
Fods Washington, on the Potomac, and Se
vern and Madison, at. Annapolis, mount in all
133 guns. They have cot 8596,853. The
first two are completed, the last requires yetun
expenditure of 830,000.
There are two forls prepared in part for the
defence of Baltimore—Carroll and McHenry.
They mount 233 guns, have cost 8281,663, uud
require an outlay of 8865,000 yet.
There is a Fort (Macon) on the coast of
North Carolina, at Beaulort. It mounts 61
guns and has cost 8190 790. To finish it, 8.3,-
000 ar n 'eded, There is another nt Oak Is
land. Smithville, N. U., Fort Caswell, mount
ing 87 guns. It has been nearly compLted at
an expense of 8571,221.
Charleston. S. C., has ihree Forts, Pinckney,
Moultrie nnd Sumter. Th y have 225 guns,and
have b’ en thus far completed at an expense 'of
8795,718. One hundred and fifty-eight thou
sand dollars will fill out the original plun of
these thre > forts.
Forts Pulaski nnd Jivkson, dominate the Sa
vannah river, have cost 81,003,859 and need an
expenditure of 880,000 more.
On the coasts of Florida are seven forts from
Cumberland Sound around to Pensacola. On
lhe ramparts of these, are 1,041 heavy guns.
These Forts have cost 82,410,321 and yet re
quire for their completion the sum of 82,213,-
BG2.
Forts Morgan, at Mobile Point,and Gaines,
nt Dauphin Island, coast of Alabama, have 221
guns. They have cost SI ,232 566, and need
yet an expenditure of 8210.000.
There are seven works of defence on the coast
of Lonis'ana They have in nil 446 guns have
cost 82.385 10 , and require 8115,50(1 to com
plete them.
Forts Wayne, nt. the Detroit, Porter,at Buf
falo, Niagara, on Niagara river, Ontario,al Os
wego, and Montgomery, on Ldce o'iamblain,
have an armament of 342 guns. 'l’hey have
cost 8612,650, and require now 835'3,640 to
complete them.
Tims we have of batteries, castles and forts,
on our whole cost, 61. For a war garrison for
idl of them, they require 30,460 ni ’n ; they
mount 6,189 guns; they have cost 821,272.186
nnd the amount require to complete them is
86,436,732.
Arms for Kansas Arrested.—The stea
mer Arabia, Capt. John 8. Shaw, arrived at
her wharfat New York a few days ago ; im
mediately on landing, a committee was des
patched up town to inform the citizens that a
per.ion from Massachusetts was on board, hav
ing in his possession one hundred Sharpe’s ri
fles and two cannon I destined for service iu
Kansas, and sent forward for the Massachu
setts Aid Society. This information brought
together many of the most respectable and re
liable citizens, when a conference was had with
them by “ Mr. Start," with a view of inducing
him to leave the “dangerous” weapons with
the citizens for safe keeping. This lie assented
to, and delivered the “goods” up. subject to
the requisition of Gov. Shannon, or his succes
sor in office The proceedings were orderly,
and although the determination to arrest the
arms was decided, no one talked of violence to
the poor tool that could so heartlessly lend him
self to such unnatural work. The arms were
boxed up and marked “ Carpenters’ Tools.”—
The discovery that they were on board was
made at or below Glasgow, from a letter drop
ped by Mr. B.'in the cabin, and picked up by
a boy uud handed to Mr. Shaw, by whom it
was read aloud in the Social Hall. The pas
sengers and officers were highly incensed at the
disclosures, but no indignity was offered to the
miserab.e disorganizer.
The Carpenters’ Tools” arc now safely
stored away.
Great credit justly attaches to Capt. Shaw,
and his under officers, for the just and manly
course pursued by them in this affair. Three
cheers were given the boat as she pushed off.
The telegraph mentions the capture also of
two cannons and a lot of rifles at. Ixxington,
Mo., which bad been sent from New England
to the yankee emigrants in Lawrence. The
capture turns out to be a useless one, for the
arms had no locks, the sharp fellows in Boston
having taken the precaution to send the locks
by another route, aud they had previously
reaehed Uwrenoe-