Newspaper Page Text
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iOMHDIN, UA.I
WEDNESDAY MAEC11 18, 1874.
49-30 Sl liSlUimON KkCKIVhU LXLfcSK . UU( ]
[•AID FOB IX ADVANCE.
' the confession of surrender, erd tbe obli- i No, they w««« gaaeLing their teeth with eiety Jenioralized, ami all oar most intel-
Hatiou to teiuuin in the Union and dis- ' rage. They knew that such a trial had ligentand virtuous citi/. na were domed
uburgu all its dnties under the Coustitu- no parallel in human history. They knew all light to provide lemedira. Those and
t;on ueco-a irily resulted. tho whole world and posterity for ull many more of like character the iatnre
So, on the other hund, the Northern time would review it. There woe the historian will easily sue, and must sue,
States— the assetlors of the right of co- written law, and they knew that it had though eve*-y gl.tnce create nausea. 13ut
not been violated. Eight millions of peo- there are other faets end incidents, not
pie struggling as one man for liberty, so patent to the world, and not on record,
wore not traitors only because power aud which may be found in every neighbor-
treachery combined to defeat and on- hood, aud which wo ought to gather up as
slave them. To try and convict wuh to ( l'ur as we cnn. Rich men have been made
commit perjuries which could redden hu- poor; proud men have been made huut-
inan nature with an eternal blush of 1 ble; noble women have been insulted;
shame. To try and acquit, was u judg- innocent men have been imprisoned;
ercion—wore equally under every obliga
tion to except surreuder ns meaning this
nly this. They proclaimed no oth-
purposuiu mulling the war of coercion,
, i, .. _ i ji — - . but to defeat secession and preaorvo tbo
All our mails failed yesterday, aud | Union. They had no right, political,
. , inoral or honorable, to enlarge the issue
*° have consequently no new | „ fl „ r lho conlest h ; t , ouded “ ttnd lhe i„.
a-hat is found iu our Local and Tele
graphic columns.
Judge Wools charged the jury in the
case of tho Grunt parish prisoners, in the
U. 8. Circuit Court for Louisiana, mi Fri
day. No verdict had been ronderod up
to the last mail accounts.
Con section.—In our urtiolo of yester
day, couoorniug tho Alabama law for
turning loose criminals, it was stated that
the bill was introduced in the Senate by
Mr. Jones, of Lou. It should have been
tho Jlouse, of which Mr. Jones is a mem
ber.
Tiip. Montgomery Advertiser boasts
that its market bud lettuce und tomatoes
on Saturday evening, and asks who can
boat it in this latitude. When it gives
thoqiriue of the tomatoes per ean, wo will
soo what our grocers cun do in tho way of
competition.
Tunee of tho negroes convicted of par
ticipation iu tho murder of Mr. Juniper
Hull, of Thomas county, have beon sen
tenced to be hung ou tho 17th ol April.
Thoir names aro Emanuel, Charles, aud
Nimrod. Two others, Hill Hlackshoar aud
Mingo Washington, who hod boon con
victed aud recommended to mercy, wore
sentenced to tho penitentiary for Jifo. At
tho saino time, uuothor negro, Webster
Lyons, a Baptist preacher, wos also sou-
-t on cud to bo hung on tho 17th of April,
for tho murder of his wife by poison.
rut: n oons and Tilt: plantkus
Wo have every reason to believe that
tho heavy ruins of this week have over
flowed nearly or quite all of our Southern
streams, inundating the bottom lands, aud
seriously retarding planting operations.
No doubt a good deal of laud already
planted in corn has been overflowed or ho
Imdly washed as to destroy a good “ntaiid. ”
It is an unfortunate back-set, but it will
bo doubly or trebly so if it should cause
any curtailment of tho corn crop. Let
our planting friends see to it that thoir
determination to raise a larger proportion
of corn this year is not frustrated by this
disaster. There is ample time to recover
from it, if tho mania for cotton planting
cau ouly bo repressed until tho damage is
fully ropairod. Thu same determination
to ruiso a good und sufficient corn crop,
iu Hpito of flood or late season, that is
usually manifested to produco all tho cot
ton possible, will bo successful yet, and
thus a fair trial will bo given to tho policy
of making tho food crop tho ouo of para
mount importance. Stick to a good roso-
1 tit ion, porsevoro in the face of difficulty
and disaster, aud all will yet be well.
Fluid corn ! if necessary, plant it. over
again!
IIO.V II. II. lliri.’M ADDItKNM.
Wo have for some time boon awaiting a
favorable opportunity to lay boforo our
readers the nddress of liou. Hcuj. H. Hill
boforo tho Southern Historical Soeioty.
Tho cutting oil' of our mails yesterday af
forded such un opportunity, und w’o avail
ourselves of it. This address is exceed
ingly interesting. not only boouusu of its
eloquence and vigor of style, but ovon
more so ou account of Mr. Hill's state
ments of important fids connected with
our late Confederate history and struggle.
Tho close personal and party relations be
tween himself and President Davis made
him cognizant of facts and intluuiicoH not
revealed to tho great mass of tho people,
and we may therefore togunl him ns
sponging with a full knowledge of what
ho affirms. It is true that one or two of
tho statements made by Mr. llill have
stirred up controversy, but they could
hardly have beou more authoritatively
made by any one else except tho porsous
immediately concerned as actors, and un
til denied by thorn wo must consider them
well supported.
We cannot say that wo admire, without
qualitioutiou, Mr. Hill's mode of treating
tho matters presented. Hut we are sure
that tho roudor will bo charmed by his
eloquence, and greAtly euturtuiuud by llio
substanoo of his address.
delivered BEFoitv mi: so mi
nus’ HISTORICAL SOCIETY,
ATLANTA, (JA., WEDNESDAY NIGHT,
FEBRUARY is, 1874.
BY IIOY. RGA'J. II. Jill.!..
I Published by Request ij
ul Gentlemen:
obje
loutlio
Mr. ProriMout, 1.
The object of this mooting is to organ
ize iu Georgia an auxiliary branch of
Historical Soeioty.” The
Society is to collect and
ilic materials for a full and
correct history of the Confederate Slat
I have accepted the tt ittoring iuvitati
to address you ou this occasion, and n
proceed to perform the part si lotted n
us both a duty und a plaasure.
When the war between secession a
coercion otulcd, tho Southern States wi
under every obligation which defeat coi
imply or surrender impose, to abandon
secession as a remedy for ovorygrievau
roul or supposed. Whatever might hi
been their convictions touching tho ab
stract right of secession, or tho suffioioue,
of tbo causes which provoked its exorcist
surrender was a confession of inability t
maintain it by the sword, and houor am
fair de-ding demauded that the swon
should be sheathed. Hut defoat, in a phy
sical eoulest, does not prove that tho de
foated party was in tho wrong. It is cer
taiuly no uvidoueo cf criminal motive. I
is a confession of weakness, uot of crimo.
Wore it otherwise, tho robber is a law-
abiding citizen and his victim a thief;
Socrates whs a felon, and tho mob that
sentenced him to death were patriots. Iu
a wicked world, innocence n:id right av
uot at all incompatible with failure, sor
row and humiliation. Else the man who
fell among thieves on his way from Jeru
salem to Jericho was a criminal, and hiR
plunderers were entitled to the plaudits,
the oil aud the wine of all good Samari
tans. N*y,» tbo Saviour himself was
a malefuotor and his cruciflers were
“Christian gontlomon.' Failuro to dis
solve the Union, aud nothing wore, was
after the contest had ouded, and the is
sue made by tho contest was exhausted
and determined.
Tbo Southern States and people ac
cepted, in a frank and liberal spirit, oil
the just consequences of thoir defeat.
They abandoned secession, and the doc
trine of secession, as a practical romody
for all grievances, past or future, and for
all time. They did more. Property in
slaves was not the cause of the war. It
waR not the grout fundamental right for
which the Southern people wont into se
cession. It was only an l eidont to that
right. Tbo right of tho States to regu
late thoir own internal uflairs, by tbo
ercise of tho powers of government which
they had never delegated, and the
viction that independence was necessary
to preserve that right of self-govern
ment, was tbo groat, moving inspiring
causo of tho sooeding States. There was
not a day of the struggle when the
Southern people would u r >t have surren
dered slavery to secure independence.
Hut slavery was the particular property
which, it was believed, was endangered
without independent u, aud which, there
fore made the assertion of secession nec
essary. Tbo disoiples of coercion denied
this, and assorted they bad no inteution
of interfering with slavery in the States.
True, a war proclamation of emancipa
tion was issued finally, and a movement
was made to utnoud tho Federal Consti
tution us if to mako this emancipation
effectual. Hut this was avowedly done
as a threat to iuduco a surrender to avoid
such a result. Hut. promptly uftor the
surrender, tho Kenithurn people waived
t lie discussion of all technicalities on
this question, und relieved their lato ene
mies of all necessity to enter ppon such
discussion, and, in conventions assem
bled, each State for itself, most solemnly
abolished slavery forever iu their borders.
To protect the negro in his freedom was
tuoro than u corollary to this emancipa
tion. It was a duty which the preserva
tion of society made uecussary iu each
State, and by each State for itself.
But tho Northern States aud people
were not satistiod with these prompt und
manly coucoswious by our peoplo of every
legul, nocoMsary, reasonable and even in
cidental result of defeat iu tho war. The
war being over, our arms surrendered,
our government scattered, and our people
helpless, they now determined uot ouly to
enlarge the issues made by tho war and
during the war, but they also determined
to chaugo those issues and make demands
which hud not beforo boon made, which
indeed had boon nttorly disclaimed iu
every possible form by every State of the
North, and by every department of the
Federal Government—legislative, execu
tive and judicial. Nuy, they noff made
demands which they could havo no powor
or right iu make without violating the
Constitution they had sworn to support,
and destroying the Union tlioy had waged
tho war itaolt' to preserve. Over and over
during the war tboy proclaimed in overy
authoritative form to us and to foreign
governments that secession was a nullity;
tlmt our Stales wore still in the Union ;
and that wo bud only to luy down our
arms, and retain all our rights and powers
as oqual States in the Union. Wo laid
down our arms, and immediately they in
sisted our States had lost all their rights
and powers in tho Union, uml while com-
pollod to remain uudor the control uf tho
Union, wo couUl only do so with such
rights and powers us they might accord,
aud ou suoh terms and conditions as they
might impose !
Over and over again during the war,
they in liko authoritative forms proclaim
ed that our people had taken up arms in
defense of secession uudor n misappre
hension of thoir purposos towards us, and
that, we hnd only to lay down onr arms
aud oontiuuo to enjoy, in the Union, every
right and privilege ns beforo the mistaken
act of secession. We laid down onr anus,
and they declared wo wore ull criminals
aud traitors, who had forfeited ovory right
and privilege, und wore entitled to neither
property, liberty nor life, oxcept through
their clemency 1
Over and over again during the war
they, in like authoritative form, proclaim
ed that tho seuts of our mombors iu Cou-
ress wore vacant, aud wo hud only to re-
lrn and occupy thorn as it was both our
gilt and duty to do. Our people laid
own their anus and sent on thoir mem-
ora, and tlioy were met with tho start
ling proposition that wo had neither the
right to participate iu the administration
if tho Union, nor oven to make law oi
[overnincuts for our own States!
Addressing this Society iu Virginia, dur
ing the last summer, Mr. Davis said: “W<
wore more cheated than conquered into
surrender." Tho Northern press denounc
ed this as a slander, and some of
Southern press deprecated tho expression
as indiscreot! I avur to-night what histo
ry will affirm, that the English languuge
docs not oontain, and could uot form a
sentence of equal Hizu which expressed
more truth. \>o were cheated not ouly
by our enemies ; but the profuso procla
mations of our enemies, before veforrod
to, were taken up and repeated by wal*
contents iu our midst—many of them,
too, who had dime all iu their power to
hurry our people into secession. They
coupled those professions and ptotuisos
of our onomies with brazen assertions
that the laws of tho (Confederate Govern
ment, enacted to carry on tho war, were
unconstitutional aud void. They scatter
ed these documents of twin falsehood aud
treachery among our people to provo to
thorn they had a right to refuse supplies
to tho soldiers. They scattered them
through the army to convince soldiers it
was no crime to desert. Aud they scat
tered them among our oueuiiea to prove
to thorn that our peoplo were dividing,
that our armies wore weakening, ami that
they had only to take courage aud keep
up the strugg’e, and surrender was inevi
table ! Ob, my friends, wo were fearful-
ly. sadly, treacherously cheated into sur
render! If tho demands made after the
"nr was over, had boon frankly avowed
while tbo war was iu progress, there would
have boon no pretexts for our treacherous
malcontents; there would have boon uo
desertions from our armies, aud there
would havo boon no surreuder of arms.
ment under oath by their own courts,that many, very many, have been too weak to
the war of coercion was itself but u gigau- bear their borrows and the sorrows of
tic crime against humanity, and a wickod j their country,and kind death has brought
violation of their own form aud princi- j them to a refuge from grief. And yet
iu the comparison with our en-^rny which most important measures, and they
history will make. The college of o - ! continued aud repeated even after
troopa i9 beyond perversio... The fact measures became laws. “Can you
continued aud repeated even after those e r». And if duality to right* ^ ro ^‘
.or independence
era. And it fide'..*, lo n gut ,
of trials, and sacrifice of «elf f®?
pies of government.
He
! the authors of all these wrongs boast
confronted our accusers, aud was so pal- ; rosity they have
pable that all the insolence of roceut tri- 1 fue! They did not hang, aud exile <
umpli could not hide it; and they left i
resource but to pretend a mercy, whose
necessity they despised, aud tnru
prisoner loose, after a long and most of masters und masters uf Slav
leaders, nor confiscate our property!
What conqueror was ever before so
ly and liberal ? Hut they made slaves
' iaw-
cowardly delay.
The next forum in which
had a right to bo heard, was tho Congre
—tho National Councils,
tost and profession of our enemies,’be
fore and during the war, the Union
f vagabonds; lulorsof strangers,
pooplo uud taxgathuiers of robbers! They de
clined to take life, only that they might
By every pro- make life a liugeriug death. They did
not drive us from home, only that they
ght make homo the abode of sorrow
preserved, and by tho plain terms of the and poverty. They fuiled to confiscate
property by tho usual act of govern-
Constitution each State
utitled to
representation iu both branches of Con- ment, that it might remain to be taken
gress. The refusal to test tho crime of by negroes, thieves and strangers, as
secession before the courts, increased, if thoir own lawful spoil! Deutb, exi!o,
possible, tlio obligation to recognize this confiscation would ond the punishment
oleur light of representation. This
opportunity for vindication
Such vengeance craved lougei
Tho revel, and slower torture! And if
forms of government had afforded it too j who have been the witnesses to these hor-
fow defeated parties iu history, and t
none on such terms of fuirness aud equal
ity. There was never
intellect of a people wa
their vindication, and uo people over pos
sessed grander intellects for tl.
and tho victims of these wrongs,
will ouly guther up aud preserve tho un
time when the 1 written outrages, aud unrecorded griefs
so needed for ; of the last seven years, all posterity will,
with ouo voice, declare that tho punish
ments inflicted by our adversaries upon
vagauce of plunder,
iu precedent, civilized i
We had trained statesmen ; constitutional the Southern States ond pooplo under the
lawyers; skilled debaters, who were per- I name of reconstruction, for meanness of
fectly familiar with every fact, aud learn- oppression; for vindictiveness of hate; for
od in every principle involved. And the cool, prolonged relish of torture, und for
insatiate
without |
heathen!
It must bo admitted that our enemies
wore wisely wicked. They well knew
that it would never do to udmit South
ern intellect into the national couucilH,
until thoir work was fully couiploted uud
uiade purt of the fundamental law.
rbon reconstruction had reached
plied, “I not only believe it, but know it. | the courts of Heaven, admit
Tber
men who regard themselves will say,
ors!’’
What
“ noble pliJ 0 *, JW'
lory which the fntnro bistori.n * iu ,
called to write will be that one in Lu .
he shall undertake to define the realo^
f " il,,r6 - For iu ° ••Ms:
Five millions of peopl., i n R , 1(!h
fry “ s "-a P ofM8 »»«l, were uot coo :
because our resources were inferior ot
listuken, aud doubtless I do, but I | sical disadvantages aro insufficient t *
jest I can with all the lights at the j count for our failure. Tho truth i°
greater number of tho enemy than we statesmen-—in a struggle like this, would 1 the Groat Hereaftu
bad soldiers in our armies, iu a tribute to ; hazard an injury to the cause because of will meet where wars are not wa * ” re
our gallantry and skill, wbioh the records their personal grievances, oven if they J slanderers are not heard ; and as ) ^
of no civilized war can surpass. With were well founded?” “Certainly,” I re- , heart and wing to wing th-w
inferior arms and limited resources, shut
up from supplies from the outside world,
aud with unfortunate and fatal divisions
between the Southern States and auioug
ourselves, we made a tight for independ
ence which no people ever equalled.
Equally wonderful were the achieve
ments of our statesmanship. Iu the be
ginning we bad neither government, nor
army, nor navy, nor treasury. All these
wo Lad to improvise in the very hearing
of an arming foe, who had an established
government, an organized army, a pow
erful navy, and all the sinews aud appli
ances of war iu extravagant abundance.
And yet when the enactments and meas
ures of the Confederate Government shall
bo critically examined, they will be found
to have sprung into existence with a wis
dom, a vigor, uu aptitude for the crisis,
and a strict conformity to all the princi
ples of free institutions, which mustchal-
loQgo the udmiration of publicists aud
statesmen for ull time.
No peoplo, ancient or modern, can look
with more pride to the verdict which his
tory will be compelled to render upon the
merits aud characters of our two chief
leaders—the one in the military and the
other in tho civil service. MoBt other
leaders are grout because of fortuuate
results, aud heroes because of success.
Davis and Lee, because of qualities in
themselves, aro groat in the face of for
tune, and heroes iu spite of defeat.
When the future historian comes to
survey the character of Leo, he will find
with more devotion than they do the
cause, if such men^ffer you counsel you
do not take, or ask uppointmouts you
do not make, however you may be sus
tained in such action by Leo aud all the
Cabinet, and oven the Congress, they ac
cept your refusal as questioning their wis
dom, and as personal war on them.” “I
canuot conceive of such a feeling;” be
said. “I havo but one enomy to fight,
and that is our common euetuy. I may
make
do the best w
time beforo mo. God knows I would j failed because t ^ w w . u ow
sacrifice most willingly my life, much \ pie were not determined to win.
more, my opinions, to defeat that euo- tents, st homo and in high places t°\
We all remember the fiorc
r, ! more men from Lei
tain war measures of the Congress, and dissensions among our people and'"
against Mr. Davis for recommending failed to win independence*heoan.se 0 *!
thorn. Conscriptiou and impressment
especially, were denounced ns unconsti
tutional aud void, aud not binding on
so'diers or peoplo. Aud then, the limited
suspension of habeas corpus was made the
occasion for a concerted movement oil the
Legislature, assembled in extra session,to
array tho State in hostility to the Confed
erate administration. It failed. This
was in the dark days of 1804. On re
turning to Richmond after this, I mado
the usual call of courtesy—no of duty
and of pleasure—on the President. As I
arose to leave him, I said: “Mr. Presi
dent.] am happy to say toyouthat,notwith-
pnrpoRe f a | lw ;
ablest and best of these there
reason to doubt overy Southern State
would at once, and with unanimity return
to Congress. If this had been done, uot
ouly would tbo South have been vindica
ted, but the present horrible soctional ac
rimony, with all the black record of re
construction would havo been mado cor
dial, with secession abandoned and slavery
abolished. The Southern States would
ulroady have been for advanced iu tbo the’pointTthat* tho doors of Cong
ly allowed
participants
products ot me infamy. The cu-
, _ , . wjsing fathers took ody to their arms
leas-, of constitutional government and tho dirty children their vengeance had
- must be opened, they w
lor and political contentment; and all j 0 | )C opened to such at
ho States—oo-equal in u common Union j n ul ,a products of the
— 'ould bo rejoicing iu a manifest new
republican liberty.
i begotton. In 187U, alarmed by wbut
Hut the vory reasons which made tho seomod to bo u returning sense of j
return of onr ablest meu to Congress a t ee at the North aided by most remarkable
glorious opportunity for us, made it a concessions for peace aud deliveiance, at
dreaded one for our adversaries. Victors, tbo South Congress removed tho illegal
they were, iu a physical contest, they disabilities imposed upon most of our
ire not willing to meet tho vanquished in leaders, though upon many ovon yet
intellectual gludiutorsbip. To protect tbeso disabilities remain. In the uieuu-
lvos from this collision of mind, timo, most of our greatest men, who
they determined to add yot further criuieJ were most familiar with tho fads of thb
to thoir cowardice. And now *o approach past, so essential to our vindication, hnd
tho analysis of the most stupendous series ' passed away, or wore rapidly passing
of crimes over perpetrated in human his- away. A very few of those were released
tory by individuals or States, civilized or from these bonds upon tbo use of tlieir
savage. Unwilling to risk their own intellects.* Hut most manifestly, a better
judges aud juries to pass legally upon the opportunity had returned at last to tho
treason charged, our adversaries deter- Southern people, aud it was expectod by
mined to punish without conviction, our onoiuiis and tho world that this op-
illing to hazard tho power of equal portuuity would be improved, and
debate upon the minds Hnd consciences of very ablest
their own peoplo, they determined to con- ~
demu without a hearing. And why not ?
Thoir victims were unarmed and helpless,
aud tho luxury of vengeauco could have
easy, safe and unrestrained gratification.
Tho first act was for Congress, composed 1 tion, ond who
chiefly of men who had beou borne into rils and, daily
everywhere chosen to
Congress. And now comos tho most
curious chapter in our history. It will
puzzle the future historian. Not u siugle
man who was in full sympathy and ac
cord with tho Confederate admiuistra-
ntinmtp in tho couu-
progresfled, familiar
thoir soats on the bloody tide of sectional with the policy of that administration, has
hate and Btrife, to seize all legislative beencalledbyoiirpeop!otoasiugleprom-
powers into thoir own hands, and exclude ; inent position, Suite or national!
tho Southern Stutos not only from actual While many who gave aid aud cncouruge-
iepresoutation, but from the right of inout to the enemy, by disatfecling our
representation. peoplo to that administration during tho
To justify this enormous usurpation, warofcoeroiou,andrefusedtogiyecoun-
they declared the Southern States needed i he l» or counselled consent, during the
reconstruction. As this idea was wholly b..ser war of reconstruction, have received
unknown to tho Constitution, they boldly high marks ot coutidcuco from our eue-
ig like a huge mountain above the j standing some indications to the contra-
undulating plain of Immunity, and he will rv, tlio peoplo of Georgia will cordially
... - • sustain you in all your efforts to achieve
our independence. ” “Audi thank you,
sir, for that information, and I have nev
er doubted tho fidelity of Georgi i. ” “The
poipleof Georgia sustain you,” I added,
‘•not ouly because they have confidence
in you, but chiefly because it is tho only
way to sustain the cuuse.”
And with an expression of siuceiity
glowing all over liis countenance, and
with a reverential pathos 1 can never for
got, ho said: “And God knows my heart.
1 ask all, all for the cause; nothing, noth
ing for myself.” Truer words never fell
from nobler lips, nor warmed from the
heart of a more devoted patriot. Those
words, express in language, the soul, the
mind, tho purpose, aye, tho ambition of
Jefferson Davis. It was his misfortune.
Socrates, and grand in battle | ond tho misfortune of the Confedora
| that this was not true of all who wore in
! authority. It was his fault, perhaps, that
| he did not use his authority to deprive
such of their power to do evil.
! lam speaking iu All mts. and it is all
the ruoie proper, therefore, that I should
speak for tho first t me in public of the
removal of Gen. Johnston tioui the com
mand of tho army of the Tennessee.
1 have heard it said that I advised that
removal. This is not true. I gave no
advice o-i the subjeot because 1 was no
a in-lit,n-y man. You have all heard it
said that Mr. Davis was moved by per
sonal hostility to Johnson, iu inakiug this
removal. This is not only not true,but ii
exceedingly false. I do know much on
the subject of this removal. I was the
bearer of messages from General John
ston to the President, and was in Rich
mond, aud sometimes present, at tho dis
cussions ou the subject. I never saw as
much agony in Mr. Davis' face, as ac-
i I tually distorted it, whon tho possible ne-
tliis removal was first suggest-
have to lift his eyes high towards heave
to catch its summit. He possessed every
virtue of other grout commando] s without
their vice*. Ho was a foe without hate .-
a friend without treachery ; a soldier
without cruelty, and a victim without
murmuiieg. He was a public officer with
out vices ; a private citizen without
wrong : a neighbor without reproach ; a
Chris!i .n without hypocrisy, aud a man
withe.in guile, lie was Ciesar without
his .un ..tion ; Fioderiok without his ty
ranny ; Napoleon without liis selfishness,
and Washington without his reward, lie
was obedient to authority as a servant,
and royal iu authority as a true king. He
was gentle as a woman in life ; modest
and pnro ns a virgin in thought ; watch
ful as a Roman vestal iu duty ; sub
sive to law
as A chilli
There were many peculiarities in
habits aud character of Lae, which are
but little known and which may be stu
died with profit. lie studiously avoided
giving opinions upon subjects which it
Und uot Leon bis calling or truiuing to in
vestigate : und Homeiimcs I thought ho
carried this great virtue too far. Neither
the President, nor Congress, nor friends,
could get his views upon any public
question not strictly military, und no man
had as much quiet, unobtrusive contempt
for what bo called “militury statesmen
und political generals.”
Meeting him once iu the streets of
Richmond, as 1 whs going out and hu go
ing in tho Executive office, 1 said to him :
“General, 1 wish you would give us your
opinion as to tho propriety of changing
tho seal of governm *nt and going further
South.’’
“That is a political question, Mr. Hill,
and you politicians must detormiue it.
shall endeavor to lake care of the
and you must make the laws aud control cd to him. 1 never liourd
tho government.”
“Ah, Gcnerul," I said, “but you
have to change that rule, and forn
express political opinions; for, if we es
tablish our independence, the people will
mako you Mr. Davis’ successor.” j beforo th
culo
••No
pronounced upon General Johnston by
will | his best friends, equal to that which I
and I heard fiom Mr. Davis during these dis
cussions. I know he consulted with Gen-
d Loo fully, earnestly and anxiously
k, perhaps,uut. rtuuuto removal.
put themselves outside of tho Constitu
tion they had sworn to observe, lo make
tho work of reconstruction effective, they
resolved that it belonged exclusively to
Congress—tho legislative department
J high positions of hoflor from
mr people! Crowds of intellectual imho-
lilos, like flocks of noisy blackbirds in
harvest time, rush forward to Secure, by
personal scramble and trade, those posi-
and thus murder
I any vindication of
I for our living in l
I tion. When such
such a crisis as thi:
No
No
Hut tho Northern States and people hav
ing made these demands as results of tho
war,when wo could join uo issue on thorn
iu buttle, there wore only legal and polit
ical forums left in which to test there
justice and truth. Had sovereign States
committed treason ? Were eight millions
of people traitors? Wore leaders who had
only obeyed their States, and served
their peoplo, criminals worthy of death?
S These were the great questions, and
most usual foruuis to determine such is
sues were in the courts of law. Thore
certainly no hindrance to such a test.
Our groat chief was a prisoner, in a dun-
geon—in chains He was not only ready j issued by tho licensed gamblers upon tho
and willing to be tried, but ho demanded | property, liberty, life ond hope of the
a trial. Hv himself he was most anxious people of these States; the miscogeuating
to vindicate the innocence of his people; orgies of loyal legislators, and reckless
or iu himself expiate their gnilt by an i plunder.ng of carpet-bAg governors; the
ignominious doath ! Onr enemies had the 1 -- ; * L *
appointment of the judges; the formation
of tho court; the selection of the jury;
tho entire control and direction of the
proceedings. Why did they hesitate?
Why did they finally deoliue to try?
it because of mercy, or a spirit of
adiness with which good citizens were
arrested without warrant, tried without
law, convicted without evidouee, and hur
ried off to foreign prisons without mercy,
only because they wore suspected of hav
ing too mnch manhood to bear their
wrongs with unmurmuring submission;
wngtiauimity ? Ah ! wo shall soo dirootljr. 1 how our tads wers depreciated, our ao-
idl hope of having
our dead, or justice
o councils of the na-
State as Virginia, in
, for such a place as
und that tho executive department could tions of heaviest trust ^and responsibility
not and should not panioipatu, ox .ept to 1 1 41 " 1
furnish tho military to aid in holding tho
victims still while ihu punishment was be
ing inflicted. To preveut any embarras.*.-
ing roviow of their uioasnros, they further
resolved that all questions arising uuder
reconstruction were political and uot ju
dicial, and that, therefore, the courts
could uot und should uot pass upon their
constitutionality. Thus fortified iu their
usurpations, aud goaded by rancorous,
blind, long-Durturod bate, they commenc
ed tho work of dissolving governments,
destroying Stutos, robbing, insulting uml
oppressing already impoverished and
helplous pooples, aud humiliating the
white raoo ! They outered each Southern
State, aud duclured ull existing govern
ments to bo illegal. They outlawed and
set aside all existing constituencies—the
constituencies which originated Statu gov
ernments. and participated in formiug the
Federal Government. They created now
constituencies, composed ohitliy if igno-
raut negroes. They offered to include in
those now constituencies such of the resi
dent whiteH as would consent that the
usurpations were legal and those punish
ments wire just; und it must ever
bo u sad rooital, for all time, that somo of
our peoplo wore williug to bartor thoir
suction, State, raoo auil blood, for the
privilege of aiding iu this work of de
struction, degradation and infamy. Tho
future historian will weep bitter tears
when he finds himself compelled to record
this darkest exhibition of human troucli-
ery and depravity, uud ho will close up
the chapter ns, with norvous onergy, he
shall writo tho withoriug judgment of nil
decent humanity for all future ages.
Cursed thrice, cursed forevor, be the
memories of such unnatural moustors
among men ! These uiotloy constituen
cies of ignorance aud vice, having no
conception but in hate, no birth but in
strife, uo nursing but iu usurpation, and
no strength but iu crimo and treachery,
wore placed in euch State, uudor tho ap
propriate lead of adventurous vagabonds,
bankrupt in fortune and hungry for the
sp.u 1 of iheir victims ; paupers from birth
iu every sontiuieut of honur, aud enjoy
ing with keen relish tho humiliation of
their superiors ! Aud theso formed tho
government uuder which wo have been
dying. Ignorant negroes have boeu made
masters ; proud, educatod masters mado
slaves. Robbers have boon made rulers ;
thieves havo boeu umde detectives, all
protected by Federal power, while humble
submisuiou to the remorseless deiuunds of
this iusatiato wickedness has been made
tho only test of loyalty aud devotion to
that Uniou which our fathers hoiped to
form in order to seenro tho blessings of
liberty to them and their posterity !
Many of the effects of this policy of
reconstruction the future historian will
havo no difficulty in discovering.
The millions of taxes we have had to
pay to feed theso vampires upou our sub-
stauce, and siokening eye sores to our
prido and honor; tho millions of debt
j piled up for our posterity to pay in bonds
the Senate, repudiates such a statesman
as lluuter—fumdiur with every fact of
Fodurul history, iutimately familiar
with every fact iu Confederate
councils, trained in dobuto, learned iu
constitutional law, courteous in mnuner,
accurate in statement, powerful in logic,
aud respected oveu by our enemies—I
think it is timo to despair of doing any
thing, in this generation, to lift
the South to her turrnur position
of iniluunoe and power in the Congress
of tho United States. To feed onr people
ou frothy declamation now, however,
blown by procured newspaper puffs, is
like feeding a starving multitude on un
substantial snow-flakes, however pilod up
by capricious winds! There was never
such a field for real, profound, patriotic
statesmanship. The very inferiority of
Northern representatives, us comparod
with those they sont to Congress before
tho war, but increased tho chauct-s for
Southern statesmen to remove by proper
debate iu tho national councils the false
theories uud impressions which have beou
crowded into tho minds of the Northern
people, and thus return the General Gov
ernment to its constitutional limitations,
restore to the 8lat<.s tho free exorciso of
their reserved rights, and rescue from de
struction for our oncmies as well as for
ourselves, those great principles of con
stitutional government which every pur
pose of the Confederates sought to main
tain, aud which ovory feature of coercion
must logically tend to dostroy.
Thus, denied by onr enemies tbo op
portunity of sileucing by tho solem judg
ments of their own courts tho fierce accu
sations of criminality, in secession; and
denied by our enemies aud the follies of
our own people, tho glorious chance of
vindicating our cause in high debate, and
face to face w ith tho chosen champions
of our accusers, wo have but one rosonree
left us for defense or vindication. That
rchourco is history—impartial, unimpas-
sioned, uuoffico-seeking history. It is
to secure a fair trial before this august
tribunal that this society has been organ
ized to collect, prepare, uud perpetuate
tho evidence. Our en<*uiieH are exceed
ingly active in their efforts to get a false
presentation of the testimony for tho
judgment of history. They nro seeking
to monopolize tho possession of our own
records. They readily pay moro mon
ey for disjointed portions of Con
federate archives than they did
for tho Madison papeis, giving
an account of tho proceedings of
tho convention that framed tho Consti
tution. It is shumeful to seo how much
assistance they are receiving, in their ef
forts to pervert aud fulsify our history,
from tho malcouteuts who kept up such
restless assaults on tho Confederate ad
ministration. Tho men who quarrelled
moro with their own side, than with the
euemy, duriug the struggle, are among
the first after the war, to rush to writing
books to give thoir account of the Gov
ernment they did so much to breakdown.
We owo it, therefore, to our dead, to our
living, and to our children, to bo active in
the work of preserving the truth, aud re
pelling tho falsehood, so that wo may se
cure, for them and for us, just judgment
from the only tribunal before which we
can ho fully $ud fairl} heard.
If the full truth can be secured and
preserved, we shall have nothing to fear
nily that belonged
will never permit. Whatever talents I
may possess (and they are but limited)
aro military talents. My education aud
training lire military. 1 think the military
and civil talents are distinct, if not dif
ferent, and full duty in either sphere is
about as much as one man cau quulify
himself to perform. 1 shall uot do tho
pooplo the injustice to accept high civil
office with whoso questions it had not
been my business to become familiar."
“Well ; but, General,” I insisted, “his
tory does not sustain your view. Ciusar,
and Frederick of Prussia, uud Bonapnrtc,
wore all great statesmen, us well as groat
generals.”
“And ull great tyrants," he promptly
rejoined. “I spoak of the proper rule in
republics, where, 1 think, we should have
neither military statesmen nor political
generals ”
“Hut Washington was both, and yet
not a tyrant," 1 repeated.
And with a beautiful smile ho said :
“Washington was an exception to all
rule, and there was none liko him.”
1 could find uo words to answer further,
but instantly I said in thought: Surely
Washington is uo longer the ouly excep
tion, for one like him, if not oven groater,
is hero.
Leo sometimes indulged in satire, to
which his greatness gave point and pow er.
Ho was especially severe ou newspaper
criticisms of military movements—sub
jects ubont which tho writers knew noth
ing.
“Wo mado a groat mistake, Mr. Ilill,
in the beginning of our struggle, and I
fear, iu spite of a’! wo can do, it will
prove to bo a fatal mistake,” he said to
mo after Gen. Bragg ceased to command
tho Army of Tennessee, au event Lee de
plored.
“What mistake is that, General ?”
“Why, sir, in the beginning, wo ap
pointed all onr worst generals to com
mand tho armies, and nil our best goner-
uls to edit tho newspapers. As you know,
I have planned some cauipaigus and quite
a number of battles. I havo given tho
work all the care and thought I could,
aud sometimes when my plaus wero com
pleted, us far as I could see, they seemed
to be perfect. Hut, when I have fought
them through, I have discovered defects,
and occasionally w ondered I did not see
somo of tho defects in advance. When it
was nil over, I found, by reading a news
paper, that theso best editor generals saw-
all the defects plainly from the start.
Unfortunately, they did not communicate
their knowledge to mo until- it was too
late!" Then, after a pause, he added
with a beautiful, grave expression I can
never forget : “l havo no ambition but to
serve the Confederacy, and do all I can to
win our independence. I am willing to
servo in any capacity to which tho author
ities ruay assign me. I have done tho
best 1 could in the field, and have uot
succeeded as I could wish. I urn willing
to yield my place to tneso beat generals,
and 1 w ill do my best for the cause editing
a newspaper !”
Jefferson Davis was as great in the cab
inet us was Lee iu tho field. He was more
resentful in temper, and more aggrossive
in his nature than Lee. His position, too,
was more exposed to assaults from within.
He had to make all appointments, aud
though often upon the recommendation
of others, all the blame of mistake was
charged to 1 iin, and mistakes were often
charged by disappointed seekers and their
friends which were uot mado. He also
made recommendations for enactments,
and though these measures, especially the
military portion, invariably had the con
currence of, aud, often originated with
Lee, the opposition of maloouteuts was di
rected at Davis. It is astonishing how
men iu high position, and supposed to be
great, would make war on the whole ad
ministration for tbo most trivial personal
disappointment. Failures to get places,
for favorites of vory ordinary character,
has inspired long harangues against the
aruestly, iu the
Cabinet, were those who had been most
earnest for General Johnston's original
appointment to that, command. All tUes*-
things I do personally know. I was not
present when the order for removal was
determined ou, but I received it immedi
ately after from a member of tho Cabinet,
and do not doubt its truth that Mr. Davis
was tho very last man who gave his as
sent to that removal.
Tho full histoiy of tho Hampton Roads
commission and conference has never
been written. I will uot give that his
tory now. Much has been said and pub
lished ou tbo subject which is not true.
I know why each member of that com
mission, ou our part was selected. I re
ceived from Mr. Davis’ own lips a full ac
count of tho conversation, between him
self ond tho commissioners, beforo their
departure from Richmond.
You have hoard it said that the Presi
dent embarrassed tbo commissioners, by
giving them positive instructions to make
tho recognition of our independence an
ultimatum—a condition precedent to any
negotiations. This is not true. Mr.
Du vis gavojthe commissioners no written
instructions aud to ultimatum. Ho gave
them, in conversation, bis views, but
leaving much to thoir discretion. They
could best judge how to conduct the con
ference whun they mot. Uia own opin
ion was, that it would bo most proper
and wise, so to conduct it, if they could,
as to receive, rather than make, propo-
sitions.ggWhile ho did not feel authorized
to yield our independence iu advance,
ond should uot do so, and while he did
not desire them to deceive Mr. Lincoln,
or be responsible for any false impres
sion Mr. Lincoln might have, yet, hu was
willing for them to securo an armistice,
although they might be satisfied that Mr.
Lincoln, iu agreeing to it, did so under
tho belief that re-union must, as u result,
follow. I may odd that Mr. Duvis had
no hope of success, or of scenriug uu ar
mistice, after he learned that Mr. Howard
wns to accompany Lincoln. “Mr. Lin
coln,” he said, “is au honest, well-mean-
iug man, but Seward is wily and treach
erous.’'
I could detain you all night correcting
falso impressions which have been in
dustriously made against Ibis great aud
good man. I know Jefferson Davis as I
know fow moil. I have been near him
in his public duties; 1 have seen him by
his private fireside ; I have witnessed his
humble Christian devotions ; and I chal
lenge tho jndgmout of history when 1
say, no people were ever led through tho
firry struggle for liberty by a truer, no
bler patriot; while the carnage of war
and the trials of public life never revealed
a purer and moro beautiful Christian
character.
Those who, dm iug the struggle, prosti
tuted public office for private gain ; or
used position to promote favorites; or
forgot public duty to aveugo private
griefs ; or wore derelict and faithless in
nuy form, to our can**, are they who
condemn and abuse >1 . Davis. And well
they may, for, ot rt ii such, he was tho
oontraid, thu rebuke, und tho enemy.
Those who were willing to sacrifice self
for tho causo ; who were willing to bear
trials for its success ; who were williug to
reap sorrow uud povio'y that victory
might be w.m. will over cherish tbo namo
of Jefferson Davis; for, to all such, bn
was a most glorious poor aud a worthy-
loader.
I would he ashamed of my own unwor
thiness if I di 1 not venerate Lee. I
would scorn my own nation if I did uot
love Davis. I wou.U qiionliou uiy own in-
tegrity and patriotism if I did not houor
and admire both. Tboro aro some who
a duct to praise Lee. and condemn Davis.
Hut of all such Lee himself would be
ashamed. No two leaders ever leaned,
each on the other, in such beautiful trust
and absolute confidence. Hand in hand
and lifart to heart, they moved iu the
frout of the dire struggle of their people
sacrifices
od, mid our strength wan" divided Kim
jndgo, let this ead obaptor be short' ’
But ®'to»o all things we bare i Mst ,
dread in history on tho media , l( ,,
issues which divided tbo oouteudiuc
ties. The Southern States and Inn,,
must stand before the bar of history
sponsible for secession. The North,™
Statos and peoplo must stand before ik
same bar responsible for coercion and re
construction. Weighed upon princiole'
by authority, and by effects and conJ
quenoes, which of the two partiea j,
more inimical bo tho Union, to Conatitn
tional government and to liberty?
When tho States formed tho Uu
several of them, especially New York,,,,,
Virgiuia, expressly reserved tbe right to
withdraw os a condition of ratificaiio-
ibis reservation, by a well established
rule of construction enured to all th epir
ties to the Union. Hut no state Tern.
uizod coercion to preserve the Union as»
right or power in the Federal government
either express or resulting. So, in t bt
very stipulations which made tho Union
secession finds a justification and coerl
oion none.
From 1787 to 1800 the ablest ntatesi
in America, both in tbe North and in
South, conceded tho right of secession to
tho States. Some insisted it was a con.
stitiitional right, inhering in the hoy*:
eignty of the States, und conditioned :
the terms of tho compact. Others dr
nied it was a constitutional light, butsaid
it was only a revolutionary right, to l„
exercised for crime, and that ii ti ielitv
the terms or tho purposes of Uuionwu
bu sufficient cause to justify the act. ]
no accepted statesman, North or Soutb,
Whig or Democrat, ever contended ur
claimed that coercion was a right, either
constitutional or revolutionary, during
all that period. So, upon the authority
of all onr great statesmen, including the
very framers of the Constitution, sece<.
sion will stand in history acquitted and
justified, while coercion, upou the
authority, must be condemned au i
nal and without excuse.
Secession, consummated, would lme
divided the Union; the secedingSiatea
forming a new Uuion, and leaving tbe old
Union iu undisturbed enjoyment of th
States remaining. Coercion, consummat
ed, would first destroy tho chief obaracU:
of the Union by making itaUniono:
force instead of a Union of consent, k
tho next place, coercion, consummate!
would destroy the Uuion and substitute
consolidation instead. Tho vory word
uniou implies the combination of separate
wholes for a common purpose. Tho tu>
1’iuut you destroy tho depurate identity ol
Lhu members, that moment Union cease;,
and unity—consolidation—ib accomplish
ed. To destroy is a greater crimo thu
to separate or divide, aud, therefore, co
ercion is a greator crimo against the
Uiiiuu than secession. Again. Secession
did uot interfere with the rights, orit-
tack tho sovereignty, or lesson the digni
ty or importance of the States. Its roll
great purpose wns to rescue all these from
tho consequences of threatened consolida
tion. Hut coercion, in its very nature,
assorts dominion over the States, and
must destroy them. Suppose we concede
that secession would destroy the Union,
which is the greater crime to dostroy tie
Uuion, the croature of tho Staten, or tin
States which created tho Union ? Hut I
have shown that coercion destroy* the
Union ns well as the States. Then again
the Uuion of the States was funned to
cure the blessings of liberty. Secern;
could not even impair tho liberties ol the
people. It interfered, iu no way what
ever, with tho rights or privileges of tie
Northern States and the people. It song:!
ouly to make moro secure tho rights, lib
erties and privileges of tho Sjutbera
Slates and y uopJo. Hut coc-i
stroying thu Uuion, and milking uooiiso:
idattou, aud iu destroying the Sti
have uo logical result but iu tho destruc
tion of all the liberties of ull tho p
of the North and South. Will our p
never perceive thu pateut truth that
cion must work consolidation, and
consolidation must destroy the identity
and powers of the .States and tho liberty
of tho people ? To coerce a State i* nec
essarily to enslave the Statu, aud to en
slave tho State is necessarily to eosUu
the people of tho State. Nothing hut tbs
roar of cannon, iu tho bauds of unreason
able physical powor, can silence this !ogi
of liberty. Hero, then, grout impi-M*
judge of the future we rest thu law»-f o.:r
case. Secession did not destroy tbs
Union, nor tho States, nor tho libertiesu
the people tbe Uuion of States was formal
to secure. It only proposed to divide to®
Uuiou, iu order to rescue tho States ana
tho liberties of tbe people from destruc
tion aud overthrow. Hut coercioni»®
ruthless criminal which bus consolidate
tho Union, enslaved tho States, and de
stroyed the liberties of the poople!
Secession invaded no State—-interier
with no right—lessened the privileges 0
no tiinu. Coercion laid wasto the States,
enslaved the people, murdered their sons
despoiled their daughters, desolated ter
homes, and burnt up their property •
Aud what is reconstruction ? B ,8U1
practical application of coercion; 1
logic turning to facts ; it is coercion a ■
work ; it is tho torch of the iucoudiary.
the knife of tho assassin, the fire- ar,u
the bandit, sending its death blows to r
life of tho State, to the heart of sow .•
and to tho hopes of civilization, that k
nornneo aud vice may be exalted, an ^
ttlligence and virtue degraded. ,
exaggerate ? Look at South Carolina
answer. See the laud of Marion •••
Sumter, uf Itutledge »nd
Calhoun aud Butlor !- -the prey amt *1*
of rioting thieves and gluttonous p* “
derers, lasting days, months and >'£“ ,J rH i
the fuce of tho nation and miner l ,
protection! Look at Louisiana. "
a sovereign State seulem-,,1. lo '. hB
gang by telegram from W ashing •» ^
work at hard labor, u uh-r negro• am . ,
pet-bag drivers! This, thi:
are the
the fruit
■ks of
coerctou. lUtso are iuo « . flie rics
struction. Havo tho people of •
no shame? Has tho God of Hen »_
wm»Uf If coercion and reeoMr
idmll continue, thoir fruits '[•".“[il'S
until all the peoplo, in agonized
shall cry out: Surely, several l umu*' ‘
better than oue Empire, and d |V,cl
erty more to be desired than coueen
despotism. . ,i. e se
Is there a possible remedy for ot
evils? I should bo uucandid if 11 . n0
confess to you I doubt it. There
resunection for dead republics, ® #pi j
have ever been restored to vl K°
decline. I four our pooplo have
not more
intelligence aud virtue than those'
histories we are but repeating- liu