About The Sun and Columbus daily enquirer. (Columbus, Ga.) 1874-1874 | View Entire Issue (March 18, 1874)
&»Ua iOMHDIN, UA.I WEDNESDAY MAEC11 18, 1874. 49-30 Sl liSlUimON KkCKIVhU LXLfcSK . UU( ] [•AID FOB IX ADVANCE. ' the confession of surrender, erd tbe obli- i No, they w««« gaaeLing their teeth with eiety Jenioralized, ami all oar most intel- Hatiou to teiuuin in the Union and dis- ' rage. They knew that such a trial had ligentand virtuous citi/. na were domed uburgu all its dnties under the Coustitu- no parallel in human history. They knew all light to provide lemedira. Those and t;on ueco-a irily resulted. tho whole world and posterity for ull many more of like character the iatnre So, on the other hund, the Northern time would review it. There woe the historian will easily sue, and must sue, States— the assetlors of the right of co- written law, and they knew that it had though eve*-y gl.tnce create nausea. 13ut not been violated. Eight millions of peo- there are other faets end incidents, not pie struggling as one man for liberty, so patent to the world, and not on record, wore not traitors only because power aud which may be found in every neighbor- treachery combined to defeat and on- hood, aud which wo ought to gather up as slave them. To try and convict wuh to ( l'ur as we cnn. Rich men have been made commit perjuries which could redden hu- poor; proud men have been made huut- inan nature with an eternal blush of 1 ble; noble women have been insulted; shame. To try and acquit, was u judg- innocent men have been imprisoned; ercion—wore equally under every obliga tion to except surreuder ns meaning this nly this. They proclaimed no oth- purposuiu mulling the war of coercion, , i, .. _ i ji — - . but to defeat secession and preaorvo tbo All our mails failed yesterday, aud | Union. They had no right, political, . , inoral or honorable, to enlarge the issue *° have consequently no new | „ fl „ r lho conlest h ; t , ouded “ ttnd lhe i„. a-hat is found iu our Local and Tele graphic columns. Judge Wools charged the jury in the case of tho Grunt parish prisoners, in the U. 8. Circuit Court for Louisiana, mi Fri day. No verdict had been ronderod up to the last mail accounts. Con section.—In our urtiolo of yester day, couoorniug tho Alabama law for turning loose criminals, it was stated that the bill was introduced in the Senate by Mr. Jones, of Lou. It should have been tho Jlouse, of which Mr. Jones is a mem ber. Tiip. Montgomery Advertiser boasts that its market bud lettuce und tomatoes on Saturday evening, and asks who can boat it in this latitude. When it gives thoqiriue of the tomatoes per ean, wo will soo what our grocers cun do in tho way of competition. Tunee of tho negroes convicted of par ticipation iu tho murder of Mr. Juniper Hull, of Thomas county, have beon sen tenced to be hung ou tho 17th ol April. Thoir names aro Emanuel, Charles, aud Nimrod. Two others, Hill Hlackshoar aud Mingo Washington, who hod boon con victed aud recommended to mercy, wore sentenced to tho penitentiary for Jifo. At tho saino time, uuothor negro, Webster Lyons, a Baptist preacher, wos also sou- -t on cud to bo hung on tho 17th of April, for tho murder of his wife by poison. rut: n oons and Tilt: plantkus Wo have every reason to believe that tho heavy ruins of this week have over flowed nearly or quite all of our Southern streams, inundating the bottom lands, aud seriously retarding planting operations. No doubt a good deal of laud already planted in corn has been overflowed or ho Imdly washed as to destroy a good “ntaiid. ” It is an unfortunate back-set, but it will bo doubly or trebly so if it should cause any curtailment of tho corn crop. Let our planting friends see to it that thoir determination to raise a larger proportion of corn this year is not frustrated by this disaster. There is ample time to recover from it, if tho mania for cotton planting cau ouly bo repressed until tho damage is fully ropairod. Thu same determination to ruiso a good und sufficient corn crop, iu Hpito of flood or late season, that is usually manifested to produco all tho cot ton possible, will bo successful yet, and thus a fair trial will bo given to tho policy of making tho food crop tho ouo of para mount importance. Stick to a good roso- 1 tit ion, porsevoro in the face of difficulty and disaster, aud all will yet be well. Fluid corn ! if necessary, plant it. over again! IIO.V II. II. lliri.’M ADDItKNM. Wo have for some time boon awaiting a favorable opportunity to lay boforo our readers the nddress of liou. Hcuj. H. Hill boforo tho Southern Historical Soeioty. Tho cutting oil' of our mails yesterday af forded such un opportunity, und w’o avail ourselves of it. This address is exceed ingly interesting. not only boouusu of its eloquence and vigor of style, but ovon more so ou account of Mr. Hill's state ments of important fids connected with our late Confederate history and struggle. Tho close personal and party relations be tween himself and President Davis made him cognizant of facts and intluuiicoH not revealed to tho great mass of tho people, and we may therefore togunl him ns sponging with a full knowledge of what ho affirms. It is true that one or two of tho statements made by Mr. llill have stirred up controversy, but they could hardly have beou more authoritatively made by any one else except tho porsous immediately concerned as actors, and un til denied by thorn wo must consider them well supported. We cannot say that wo admire, without qualitioutiou, Mr. Hill's mode of treating tho matters presented. Hut we are sure that tho roudor will bo charmed by his eloquence, and greAtly euturtuiuud by llio substanoo of his address. delivered BEFoitv mi: so mi nus’ HISTORICAL SOCIETY, ATLANTA, (JA., WEDNESDAY NIGHT, FEBRUARY is, 1874. BY IIOY. RGA'J. II. Jill.!.. I Published by Request ij ul Gentlemen: obje loutlio Mr. ProriMout, 1. The object of this mooting is to organ ize iu Georgia an auxiliary branch of Historical Soeioty.” The Society is to collect and ilic materials for a full and correct history of the Confederate Slat I have accepted the tt ittoring iuvitati to address you ou this occasion, and n proceed to perform the part si lotted n us both a duty und a plaasure. When the war between secession a coercion otulcd, tho Southern States wi under every obligation which defeat coi imply or surrender impose, to abandon secession as a remedy for ovorygrievau roul or supposed. Whatever might hi been their convictions touching tho ab stract right of secession, or tho suffioioue, of tbo causes which provoked its exorcist surrender was a confession of inability t maintain it by the sword, and houor am fair de-ding demauded that the swon should be sheathed. Hut defoat, in a phy sical eoulest, does not prove that tho de foated party was in tho wrong. It is cer taiuly no uvidoueo cf criminal motive. I is a confession of weakness, uot of crimo. Wore it otherwise, tho robber is a law- abiding citizen and his victim a thief; Socrates whs a felon, and tho mob that sentenced him to death were patriots. Iu a wicked world, innocence n:id right av uot at all incompatible with failure, sor row and humiliation. Else the man who fell among thieves on his way from Jeru salem to Jericho was a criminal, and hiR plunderers were entitled to the plaudits, the oil aud the wine of all good Samari tans. N*y,» tbo Saviour himself was a malefuotor and his cruciflers were “Christian gontlomon.' Failuro to dis solve the Union, aud nothing wore, was after the contest had ouded, and the is sue made by tho contest was exhausted and determined. Tbo Southern States and people ac cepted, in a frank and liberal spirit, oil the just consequences of thoir defeat. They abandoned secession, and the doc trine of secession, as a practical romody for all grievances, past or future, and for all time. They did more. Property in slaves was not the cause of the war. It waR not the grout fundamental right for which the Southern people wont into se cession. It was only an l eidont to that right. Tbo right of tho States to regu late thoir own internal uflairs, by tbo ercise of tho powers of government which they had never delegated, and the viction that independence was necessary to preserve that right of self-govern ment, was tbo groat, moving inspiring causo of tho sooeding States. There was not a day of the struggle when the Southern people would u r >t have surren dered slavery to secure independence. Hut slavery was the particular property which, it was believed, was endangered without independent u, aud which, there fore made the assertion of secession nec essary. Tbo disoiples of coercion denied this, and assorted they bad no inteution of interfering with slavery in the States. True, a war proclamation of emancipa tion was issued finally, and a movement was made to utnoud tho Federal Consti tution us if to mako this emancipation effectual. Hut this was avowedly done as a threat to iuduco a surrender to avoid such a result. Hut. promptly uftor the surrender, tho Kenithurn people waived t lie discussion of all technicalities on this question, und relieved their lato ene mies of all necessity to enter ppon such discussion, and, in conventions assem bled, each State for itself, most solemnly abolished slavery forever iu their borders. To protect the negro in his freedom was tuoro than u corollary to this emancipa tion. It was a duty which the preserva tion of society made uecussary iu each State, and by each State for itself. But tho Northern States aud people were not satistiod with these prompt und manly coucoswious by our peoplo of every legul, nocoMsary, reasonable and even in cidental result of defeat iu tho war. The war being over, our arms surrendered, our government scattered, and our people helpless, they now determined uot ouly to enlarge the issues made by tho war and during the war, but they also determined to chaugo those issues and make demands which hud not beforo boon made, which indeed had boon nttorly disclaimed iu every possible form by every State of the North, and by every department of the Federal Government—legislative, execu tive and judicial. Nuy, they noff made demands which they could havo no powor or right iu make without violating the Constitution they had sworn to support, and destroying the Union tlioy had waged tho war itaolt' to preserve. Over and over during the war tboy proclaimed in overy authoritative form to us and to foreign governments that secession was a nullity; tlmt our Stales wore still in the Union ; and that wo bud only to luy down our arms, and retain all our rights and powers as oqual States in the Union. Wo laid down our arms, and immediately they in sisted our States had lost all their rights and powers in tho Union, uml while com- pollod to remain uudor the control uf tho Union, wo couUl only do so with such rights and powers us they might accord, aud ou suoh terms and conditions as they might impose ! Over and over again during the war, they in liko authoritative forms proclaim ed that our people had taken up arms in defense of secession uudor n misappre hension of thoir purposos towards us, and that, we hnd only to lay down onr arms aud oontiuuo to enjoy, in the Union, every right and privilege ns beforo the mistaken act of secession. We laid down onr anus, and they declared wo wore ull criminals aud traitors, who had forfeited ovory right and privilege, und wore entitled to neither property, liberty nor life, oxcept through their clemency 1 Over and over again during the war they, in like authoritative form, proclaim ed that tho seuts of our mombors iu Cou- ress wore vacant, aud wo hud only to re- lrn and occupy thorn as it was both our gilt and duty to do. Our people laid own their anus and sent on thoir mem- ora, and tlioy were met with tho start ling proposition that wo had neither the right to participate iu the administration if tho Union, nor oven to make law oi [overnincuts for our own States! Addressing this Society iu Virginia, dur ing the last summer, Mr. Davis said: “W< wore more cheated than conquered into surrender." Tho Northern press denounc ed this as a slander, and some of Southern press deprecated tho expression as indiscreot! I avur to-night what histo ry will affirm, that the English languuge docs not oontain, and could uot form a sentence of equal Hizu which expressed more truth. \>o were cheated not ouly by our enemies ; but the profuso procla mations of our enemies, before veforrod to, were taken up and repeated by wal* contents iu our midst—many of them, too, who had dime all iu their power to hurry our people into secession. They coupled those professions and ptotuisos of our onomies with brazen assertions that the laws of tho (Confederate Govern ment, enacted to carry on tho war, were unconstitutional aud void. They scatter ed these documents of twin falsehood aud treachery among our people to provo to thorn they had a right to refuse supplies to tho soldiers. They scattered them through the army to convince soldiers it was no crime to desert. Aud they scat tered them among our oueuiiea to prove to thorn that our peoplo were dividing, that our armies wore weakening, ami that they had only to take courage aud keep up the strugg’e, and surrender was inevi table ! Ob, my friends, wo were fearful- ly. sadly, treacherously cheated into sur render! If tho demands made after the "nr was over, had boon frankly avowed while tbo war was iu progress, there would have boon no pretexts for our treacherous malcontents; there would have boon uo desertions from our armies, aud there would havo boon no surreuder of arms. ment under oath by their own courts,that many, very many, have been too weak to the war of coercion was itself but u gigau- bear their borrows and the sorrows of tic crime against humanity, and a wickod j their country,and kind death has brought violation of their own form aud princi- j them to a refuge from grief. And yet iu the comparison with our en-^rny which most important measures, and they history will make. The college of o - ! continued aud repeated even after troopa i9 beyond perversio... The fact measures became laws. “Can you continued aud repeated even after those e r». And if duality to right* ^ ro ^‘ .or independence era. And it fide'..*, lo n gut , of trials, and sacrifice of «elf f®? pies of government. He ! the authors of all these wrongs boast confronted our accusers, aud was so pal- ; rosity they have pable that all the insolence of roceut tri- 1 fue! They did not hang, aud exile < umpli could not hide it; and they left i resource but to pretend a mercy, whose necessity they despised, aud tnru prisoner loose, after a long and most of masters und masters uf Slav leaders, nor confiscate our property! What conqueror was ever before so ly and liberal ? Hut they made slaves ' iaw- cowardly delay. The next forum in which had a right to bo heard, was tho Congre —tho National Councils, tost and profession of our enemies,’be fore and during the war, the Union f vagabonds; lulorsof strangers, pooplo uud taxgathuiers of robbers! They de clined to take life, only that they might By every pro- make life a liugeriug death. They did not drive us from home, only that they ght make homo the abode of sorrow preserved, and by tho plain terms of the and poverty. They fuiled to confiscate property by tho usual act of govern- Constitution each State utitled to representation iu both branches of Con- ment, that it might remain to be taken gress. The refusal to test tho crime of by negroes, thieves and strangers, as secession before the courts, increased, if thoir own lawful spoil! Deutb, exi!o, possible, tlio obligation to recognize this confiscation would ond the punishment oleur light of representation. This opportunity for vindication Such vengeance craved lougei Tho revel, and slower torture! And if forms of government had afforded it too j who have been the witnesses to these hor- fow defeated parties iu history, and t none on such terms of fuirness aud equal ity. There was never intellect of a people wa their vindication, and uo people over pos sessed grander intellects for tl. and tho victims of these wrongs, will ouly guther up aud preserve tho un time when the 1 written outrages, aud unrecorded griefs so needed for ; of the last seven years, all posterity will, with ouo voice, declare that tho punish ments inflicted by our adversaries upon vagauce of plunder, iu precedent, civilized i We had trained statesmen ; constitutional the Southern States ond pooplo under the lawyers; skilled debaters, who were per- I name of reconstruction, for meanness of fectly familiar with every fact, aud learn- oppression; for vindictiveness of hate; for od in every principle involved. And the cool, prolonged relish of torture, und for insatiate without | heathen! It must bo admitted that our enemies wore wisely wicked. They well knew that it would never do to udmit South ern intellect into the national couucilH, until thoir work was fully couiploted uud uiade purt of the fundamental law. rbon reconstruction had reached plied, “I not only believe it, but know it. | the courts of Heaven, admit Tber men who regard themselves will say, ors!’’ What “ noble pliJ 0 *, JW' lory which the fntnro bistori.n * iu , called to write will be that one in Lu . he shall undertake to define the realo^ f " il,,r6 - For iu ° ••Ms: Five millions of peopl., i n R , 1(!h fry “ s "-a P ofM8 »»«l, were uot coo : because our resources were inferior ot listuken, aud doubtless I do, but I | sical disadvantages aro insufficient t * jest I can with all the lights at the j count for our failure. Tho truth i° greater number of tho enemy than we statesmen-—in a struggle like this, would 1 the Groat Hereaftu bad soldiers in our armies, iu a tribute to ; hazard an injury to the cause because of will meet where wars are not wa * ” re our gallantry and skill, wbioh the records their personal grievances, oven if they J slanderers are not heard ; and as ) ^ of no civilized war can surpass. With were well founded?” “Certainly,” I re- , heart and wing to wing th-w inferior arms and limited resources, shut up from supplies from the outside world, aud with unfortunate and fatal divisions between the Southern States and auioug ourselves, we made a tight for independ ence which no people ever equalled. Equally wonderful were the achieve ments of our statesmanship. Iu the be ginning we bad neither government, nor army, nor navy, nor treasury. All these wo Lad to improvise in the very hearing of an arming foe, who had an established government, an organized army, a pow erful navy, and all the sinews aud appli ances of war iu extravagant abundance. And yet when the enactments and meas ures of the Confederate Government shall bo critically examined, they will be found to have sprung into existence with a wis dom, a vigor, uu aptitude for the crisis, and a strict conformity to all the princi ples of free institutions, which mustchal- loQgo the udmiration of publicists aud statesmen for ull time. No peoplo, ancient or modern, can look with more pride to the verdict which his tory will be compelled to render upon the merits aud characters of our two chief leaders—the one in the military and the other in tho civil service. MoBt other leaders are grout because of fortuuate results, aud heroes because of success. Davis and Lee, because of qualities in themselves, aro groat in the face of for tune, and heroes iu spite of defeat. When the future historian comes to survey the character of Leo, he will find with more devotion than they do the cause, if such men^ffer you counsel you do not take, or ask uppointmouts you do not make, however you may be sus tained in such action by Leo aud all the Cabinet, and oven the Congress, they ac cept your refusal as questioning their wis dom, and as personal war on them.” “I canuot conceive of such a feeling;” be said. “I havo but one enomy to fight, and that is our common euetuy. I may make do the best w time beforo mo. God knows I would j failed because t ^ w w . u ow sacrifice most willingly my life, much \ pie were not determined to win. more, my opinions, to defeat that euo- tents, st homo and in high places t°\ We all remember the fiorc r, ! more men from Lei tain war measures of the Congress, and dissensions among our people and'" against Mr. Davis for recommending failed to win independence*heoan.se 0 *! thorn. Conscriptiou and impressment especially, were denounced ns unconsti tutional aud void, aud not binding on so'diers or peoplo. Aud then, the limited suspension of habeas corpus was made the occasion for a concerted movement oil the Legislature, assembled in extra session,to array tho State in hostility to the Confed erate administration. It failed. This was in the dark days of 1804. On re turning to Richmond after this, I mado the usual call of courtesy—no of duty and of pleasure—on the President. As I arose to leave him, I said: “Mr. Presi dent.] am happy to say toyouthat,notwith- pnrpoRe f a | lw ; ablest and best of these there reason to doubt overy Southern State would at once, and with unanimity return to Congress. If this had been done, uot ouly would tbo South have been vindica ted, but the present horrible soctional ac rimony, with all the black record of re construction would havo been mado cor dial, with secession abandoned and slavery abolished. The Southern States would ulroady have been for advanced iu tbo the’pointTthat* tho doors of Cong ly allowed participants products ot me infamy. The cu- , _ , . wjsing fathers took ody to their arms leas-, of constitutional government and tho dirty children their vengeance had - must be opened, they w lor and political contentment; and all j 0 | )C opened to such at ho States—oo-equal in u common Union j n ul ,a products of the — 'ould bo rejoicing iu a manifest new republican liberty. i begotton. In 187U, alarmed by wbut Hut the vory reasons which made tho seomod to bo u returning sense of j return of onr ablest meu to Congress a t ee at the North aided by most remarkable glorious opportunity for us, made it a concessions for peace aud deliveiance, at dreaded one for our adversaries. Victors, tbo South Congress removed tho illegal they were, iu a physical contest, they disabilities imposed upon most of our ire not willing to meet tho vanquished in leaders, though upon many ovon yet intellectual gludiutorsbip. To protect tbeso disabilities remain. In the uieuu- lvos from this collision of mind, timo, most of our greatest men, who they determined to add yot further criuieJ were most familiar with tho fads of thb to thoir cowardice. And now *o approach past, so essential to our vindication, hnd tho analysis of the most stupendous series ' passed away, or wore rapidly passing of crimes over perpetrated in human his- away. A very few of those were released tory by individuals or States, civilized or from these bonds upon tbo use of tlieir savage. Unwilling to risk their own intellects.* Hut most manifestly, a better judges aud juries to pass legally upon the opportunity had returned at last to tho treason charged, our adversaries deter- Southern people, aud it was expectod by mined to punish without conviction, our onoiuiis and tho world that this op- illing to hazard tho power of equal portuuity would be improved, and debate upon the minds Hnd consciences of very ablest their own peoplo, they determined to con- ~ demu without a hearing. And why not ? Thoir victims were unarmed and helpless, aud tho luxury of vengeauco could have easy, safe and unrestrained gratification. Tho first act was for Congress, composed 1 tion, ond who chiefly of men who had beou borne into rils and, daily everywhere chosen to Congress. And now comos tho most curious chapter in our history. It will puzzle the future historian. Not u siugle man who was in full sympathy and ac cord with tho Confederate admiuistra- ntinmtp in tho couu- progresfled, familiar thoir soats on the bloody tide of sectional with the policy of that administration, has hate and Btrife, to seize all legislative beencalledbyoiirpeop!otoasiugleprom- powers into thoir own hands, and exclude ; inent position, Suite or national! tho Southern Stutos not only from actual While many who gave aid aud cncouruge- iepresoutation, but from the right of inout to the enemy, by disatfecling our representation. peoplo to that administration during tho To justify this enormous usurpation, warofcoeroiou,andrefusedtogiyecoun- they declared the Southern States needed i he l» or counselled consent, during the reconstruction. As this idea was wholly b..ser war of reconstruction, have received unknown to tho Constitution, they boldly high marks ot coutidcuco from our eue- ig like a huge mountain above the j standing some indications to the contra- undulating plain of Immunity, and he will rv, tlio peoplo of Georgia will cordially ... - • sustain you in all your efforts to achieve our independence. ” “Audi thank you, sir, for that information, and I have nev er doubted tho fidelity of Georgi i. ” “The poipleof Georgia sustain you,” I added, ‘•not ouly because they have confidence in you, but chiefly because it is tho only way to sustain the cuuse.” And with an expression of siuceiity glowing all over liis countenance, and with a reverential pathos 1 can never for got, ho said: “And God knows my heart. 1 ask all, all for the cause; nothing, noth ing for myself.” Truer words never fell from nobler lips, nor warmed from the heart of a more devoted patriot. Those words, express in language, the soul, the mind, tho purpose, aye, tho ambition of Jefferson Davis. It was his misfortune. Socrates, and grand in battle | ond tho misfortune of the Confedora | that this was not true of all who wore in ! authority. It was his fault, perhaps, that | he did not use his authority to deprive such of their power to do evil. ! lam speaking iu All mts. and it is all the ruoie proper, therefore, that I should speak for tho first t me in public of the removal of Gen. Johnston tioui the com mand of tho army of the Tennessee. 1 have heard it said that I advised that removal. This is not true. I gave no advice o-i the subjeot because 1 was no a in-lit,n-y man. You have all heard it said that Mr. Davis was moved by per sonal hostility to Johnson, iu inakiug this removal. This is not only not true,but ii exceedingly false. I do know much on the subject of this removal. I was the bearer of messages from General John ston to the President, and was in Rich mond, aud sometimes present, at tho dis cussions ou the subject. I never saw as much agony in Mr. Davis' face, as ac- i I tually distorted it, whon tho possible ne- tliis removal was first suggest- have to lift his eyes high towards heave to catch its summit. He possessed every virtue of other grout commando] s without their vice*. Ho was a foe without hate .- a friend without treachery ; a soldier without cruelty, and a victim without murmuiieg. He was a public officer with out vices ; a private citizen without wrong : a neighbor without reproach ; a Chris!i .n without hypocrisy, aud a man withe.in guile, lie was Ciesar without his .un ..tion ; Fioderiok without his ty ranny ; Napoleon without liis selfishness, and Washington without his reward, lie was obedient to authority as a servant, and royal iu authority as a true king. He was gentle as a woman in life ; modest and pnro ns a virgin in thought ; watch ful as a Roman vestal iu duty ; sub sive to law as A chilli There were many peculiarities in habits aud character of Lae, which are but little known and which may be stu died with profit. lie studiously avoided giving opinions upon subjects which it Und uot Leon bis calling or truiuing to in vestigate : und Homeiimcs I thought ho carried this great virtue too far. Neither the President, nor Congress, nor friends, could get his views upon any public question not strictly military, und no man had as much quiet, unobtrusive contempt for what bo called “militury statesmen und political generals.” Meeting him once iu the streets of Richmond, as 1 whs going out and hu go ing in tho Executive office, 1 said to him : “General, 1 wish you would give us your opinion as to tho propriety of changing tho seal of governm *nt and going further South.’’ “That is a political question, Mr. Hill, and you politicians must detormiue it. shall endeavor to lake care of the and you must make the laws aud control cd to him. 1 never liourd tho government.” “Ah, Gcnerul," I said, “but you have to change that rule, and forn express political opinions; for, if we es tablish our independence, the people will mako you Mr. Davis’ successor.” j beforo th culo ••No pronounced upon General Johnston by will | his best friends, equal to that which I and I heard fiom Mr. Davis during these dis cussions. I know he consulted with Gen- d Loo fully, earnestly and anxiously k, perhaps,uut. rtuuuto removal. put themselves outside of tho Constitu tion they had sworn to observe, lo make tho work of reconstruction effective, they resolved that it belonged exclusively to Congress—tho legislative department J high positions of hoflor from mr people! Crowds of intellectual imho- lilos, like flocks of noisy blackbirds in harvest time, rush forward to Secure, by personal scramble and trade, those posi- and thus murder I any vindication of I for our living in l I tion. When such such a crisis as thi: No No Hut tho Northern States and people hav ing made these demands as results of tho war,when wo could join uo issue on thorn iu buttle, there wore only legal and polit ical forums left in which to test there justice and truth. Had sovereign States committed treason ? Were eight millions of people traitors? Wore leaders who had only obeyed their States, and served their peoplo, criminals worthy of death? S These were the great questions, and most usual foruuis to determine such is sues were in the courts of law. Thore certainly no hindrance to such a test. Our groat chief was a prisoner, in a dun- geon—in chains He was not only ready j issued by tho licensed gamblers upon tho and willing to be tried, but ho demanded | property, liberty, life ond hope of the a trial. Hv himself he was most anxious people of these States; the miscogeuating to vindicate the innocence of his people; orgies of loyal legislators, and reckless or iu himself expiate their gnilt by an i plunder.ng of carpet-bAg governors; the ignominious doath ! Onr enemies had the 1 -- ; * L * appointment of the judges; the formation of tho court; the selection of the jury; tho entire control and direction of the proceedings. Why did they hesitate? Why did they finally deoliue to try? it because of mercy, or a spirit of adiness with which good citizens were arrested without warrant, tried without law, convicted without evidouee, and hur ried off to foreign prisons without mercy, only because they wore suspected of hav ing too mnch manhood to bear their wrongs with unmurmuring submission; wngtiauimity ? Ah ! wo shall soo dirootljr. 1 how our tads wers depreciated, our ao- idl hope of having our dead, or justice o councils of the na- State as Virginia, in , for such a place as und that tho executive department could tions of heaviest trust ^and responsibility not and should not panioipatu, ox .ept to 1 1 41 " 1 furnish tho military to aid in holding tho victims still while ihu punishment was be ing inflicted. To preveut any embarras.*.- ing roviow of their uioasnros, they further resolved that all questions arising uuder reconstruction were political and uot ju dicial, and that, therefore, the courts could uot und should uot pass upon their constitutionality. Thus fortified iu their usurpations, aud goaded by rancorous, blind, long-Durturod bate, they commenc ed tho work of dissolving governments, destroying Stutos, robbing, insulting uml oppressing already impoverished and helplous pooples, aud humiliating the white raoo ! They outered each Southern State, aud duclured ull existing govern ments to bo illegal. They outlawed and set aside all existing constituencies—the constituencies which originated Statu gov ernments. and participated in formiug the Federal Government. They created now constituencies, composed ohitliy if igno- raut negroes. They offered to include in those now constituencies such of the resi dent whiteH as would consent that the usurpations were legal and those punish ments wire just; und it must ever bo u sad rooital, for all time, that somo of our peoplo wore williug to bartor thoir suction, State, raoo auil blood, for the privilege of aiding iu this work of de struction, degradation and infamy. Tho future historian will weep bitter tears when he finds himself compelled to record this darkest exhibition of human troucli- ery and depravity, uud ho will close up the chapter ns, with norvous onergy, he shall writo tho withoriug judgment of nil decent humanity for all future ages. Cursed thrice, cursed forevor, be the memories of such unnatural moustors among men ! These uiotloy constituen cies of ignorance aud vice, having no conception but in hate, no birth but in strife, uo nursing but iu usurpation, and no strength but iu crimo and treachery, wore placed in euch State, uudor tho ap propriate lead of adventurous vagabonds, bankrupt in fortune and hungry for the sp.u 1 of iheir victims ; paupers from birth iu every sontiuieut of honur, aud enjoy ing with keen relish tho humiliation of their superiors ! Aud theso formed tho government uuder which wo have been dying. Ignorant negroes have boeu made masters ; proud, educatod masters mado slaves. Robbers have boon made rulers ; thieves havo boeu umde detectives, all protected by Federal power, while humble submisuiou to the remorseless deiuunds of this iusatiato wickedness has been made tho only test of loyalty aud devotion to that Uniou which our fathers hoiped to form in order to seenro tho blessings of liberty to them and their posterity ! Many of the effects of this policy of reconstruction the future historian will havo no difficulty in discovering. The millions of taxes we have had to pay to feed theso vampires upou our sub- stauce, and siokening eye sores to our prido and honor; tho millions of debt j piled up for our posterity to pay in bonds the Senate, repudiates such a statesman as lluuter—fumdiur with every fact of Fodurul history, iutimately familiar with every fact iu Confederate councils, trained in dobuto, learned iu constitutional law, courteous in mnuner, accurate in statement, powerful in logic, aud respected oveu by our enemies—I think it is timo to despair of doing any thing, in this generation, to lift the South to her turrnur position of iniluunoe and power in the Congress of tho United States. To feed onr people ou frothy declamation now, however, blown by procured newspaper puffs, is like feeding a starving multitude on un substantial snow-flakes, however pilod up by capricious winds! There was never such a field for real, profound, patriotic statesmanship. The very inferiority of Northern representatives, us comparod with those they sont to Congress before tho war, but increased tho chauct-s for Southern statesmen to remove by proper debate iu tho national councils the false theories uud impressions which have beou crowded into tho minds of the Northern people, and thus return the General Gov ernment to its constitutional limitations, restore to the 8lat<.s tho free exorciso of their reserved rights, and rescue from de struction for our oncmies as well as for ourselves, those great principles of con stitutional government which every pur pose of the Confederates sought to main tain, aud which ovory feature of coercion must logically tend to dostroy. Thus, denied by onr enemies tbo op portunity of sileucing by tho solem judg ments of their own courts tho fierce accu sations of criminality, in secession; and denied by our enemies aud the follies of our own people, tho glorious chance of vindicating our cause in high debate, and face to face w ith tho chosen champions of our accusers, wo have but one rosonree left us for defense or vindication. That rchourco is history—impartial, unimpas- sioned, uuoffico-seeking history. It is to secure a fair trial before this august tribunal that this society has been organ ized to collect, prepare, uud perpetuate tho evidence. Our en<*uiieH are exceed ingly active in their efforts to get a false presentation of the testimony for tho judgment of history. They nro seeking to monopolize tho possession of our own records. They readily pay moro mon ey for disjointed portions of Con federate archives than they did for tho Madison papeis, giving an account of tho proceedings of tho convention that framed tho Consti tution. It is shumeful to seo how much assistance they are receiving, in their ef forts to pervert aud fulsify our history, from tho malcouteuts who kept up such restless assaults on tho Confederate ad ministration. Tho men who quarrelled moro with their own side, than with the euemy, duriug the struggle, are among the first after the war, to rush to writing books to give thoir account of the Gov ernment they did so much to breakdown. We owo it, therefore, to our dead, to our living, and to our children, to bo active in the work of preserving the truth, aud re pelling tho falsehood, so that wo may se cure, for them and for us, just judgment from the only tribunal before which we can ho fully $ud fairl} heard. If the full truth can be secured and preserved, we shall have nothing to fear nily that belonged will never permit. Whatever talents I may possess (and they are but limited) aro military talents. My education aud training lire military. 1 think the military and civil talents are distinct, if not dif ferent, and full duty in either sphere is about as much as one man cau quulify himself to perform. 1 shall uot do tho pooplo the injustice to accept high civil office with whoso questions it had not been my business to become familiar." “Well ; but, General,” I insisted, “his tory does not sustain your view. Ciusar, and Frederick of Prussia, uud Bonapnrtc, wore all great statesmen, us well as groat generals.” “And ull great tyrants," he promptly rejoined. “I spoak of the proper rule in republics, where, 1 think, we should have neither military statesmen nor political generals ” “Hut Washington was both, and yet not a tyrant," 1 repeated. And with a beautiful smile ho said : “Washington was an exception to all rule, and there was none liko him.” 1 could find uo words to answer further, but instantly I said in thought: Surely Washington is uo longer the ouly excep tion, for one like him, if not oven groater, is hero. Leo sometimes indulged in satire, to which his greatness gave point and pow er. Ho was especially severe ou newspaper criticisms of military movements—sub jects ubont which tho writers knew noth ing. “Wo mado a groat mistake, Mr. Ilill, in the beginning of our struggle, and I fear, iu spite of a’! wo can do, it will prove to bo a fatal mistake,” he said to mo after Gen. Bragg ceased to command tho Army of Tennessee, au event Lee de plored. “What mistake is that, General ?” “Why, sir, in the beginning, wo ap pointed all onr worst generals to com mand tho armies, and nil our best goner- uls to edit tho newspapers. As you know, I have planned some cauipaigus and quite a number of battles. I havo given tho work all the care and thought I could, aud sometimes when my plaus wero com pleted, us far as I could see, they seemed to be perfect. Hut, when I have fought them through, I have discovered defects, and occasionally w ondered I did not see somo of tho defects in advance. When it was nil over, I found, by reading a news paper, that theso best editor generals saw- all the defects plainly from the start. Unfortunately, they did not communicate their knowledge to mo until- it was too late!" Then, after a pause, he added with a beautiful, grave expression I can never forget : “l havo no ambition but to serve the Confederacy, and do all I can to win our independence. I am willing to servo in any capacity to which tho author ities ruay assign me. I have done tho best 1 could in the field, and have uot succeeded as I could wish. I urn willing to yield my place to tneso beat generals, and 1 w ill do my best for the cause editing a newspaper !” Jefferson Davis was as great in the cab inet us was Lee iu tho field. He was more resentful in temper, and more aggrossive in his nature than Lee. His position, too, was more exposed to assaults from within. He had to make all appointments, aud though often upon the recommendation of others, all the blame of mistake was charged to 1 iin, and mistakes were often charged by disappointed seekers and their friends which were uot mado. He also made recommendations for enactments, and though these measures, especially the military portion, invariably had the con currence of, aud, often originated with Lee, the opposition of maloouteuts was di rected at Davis. It is astonishing how men iu high position, and supposed to be great, would make war on the whole ad ministration for tbo most trivial personal disappointment. Failures to get places, for favorites of vory ordinary character, has inspired long harangues against the aruestly, iu the Cabinet, were those who had been most earnest for General Johnston's original appointment to that, command. All tUes*- things I do personally know. I was not present when the order for removal was determined ou, but I received it immedi ately after from a member of tho Cabinet, and do not doubt its truth that Mr. Davis was tho very last man who gave his as sent to that removal. Tho full histoiy of tho Hampton Roads commission and conference has never been written. I will uot give that his tory now. Much has been said and pub lished ou tbo subject which is not true. I know why each member of that com mission, ou our part was selected. I re ceived from Mr. Davis’ own lips a full ac count of tho conversation, between him self ond tho commissioners, beforo their departure from Richmond. You have hoard it said that the Presi dent embarrassed tbo commissioners, by giving them positive instructions to make tho recognition of our independence an ultimatum—a condition precedent to any negotiations. This is not true. Mr. Du vis gavojthe commissioners no written instructions aud to ultimatum. Ho gave them, in conversation, bis views, but leaving much to thoir discretion. They could best judge how to conduct the con ference whun they mot. Uia own opin ion was, that it would bo most proper and wise, so to conduct it, if they could, as to receive, rather than make, propo- sitions.ggWhile ho did not feel authorized to yield our independence iu advance, ond should uot do so, and while he did not desire them to deceive Mr. Lincoln, or be responsible for any false impres sion Mr. Lincoln might have, yet, hu was willing for them to securo an armistice, although they might be satisfied that Mr. Lincoln, iu agreeing to it, did so under tho belief that re-union must, as u result, follow. I may odd that Mr. Duvis had no hope of success, or of scenriug uu ar mistice, after he learned that Mr. Howard wns to accompany Lincoln. “Mr. Lin coln,” he said, “is au honest, well-mean- iug man, but Seward is wily and treach erous.’' I could detain you all night correcting falso impressions which have been in dustriously made against Ibis great aud good man. I know Jefferson Davis as I know fow moil. I have been near him in his public duties; 1 have seen him by his private fireside ; I have witnessed his humble Christian devotions ; and I chal lenge tho jndgmout of history when 1 say, no people were ever led through tho firry struggle for liberty by a truer, no bler patriot; while the carnage of war and the trials of public life never revealed a purer and moro beautiful Christian character. Those who, dm iug the struggle, prosti tuted public office for private gain ; or used position to promote favorites; or forgot public duty to aveugo private griefs ; or wore derelict and faithless in nuy form, to our can**, are they who condemn and abuse >1 . Davis. And well they may, for, ot rt ii such, he was tho oontraid, thu rebuke, und tho enemy. Those who were willing to sacrifice self for tho causo ; who were willing to bear trials for its success ; who were williug to reap sorrow uud povio'y that victory might be w.m. will over cherish tbo namo of Jefferson Davis; for, to all such, bn was a most glorious poor aud a worthy- loader. I would he ashamed of my own unwor thiness if I di 1 not venerate Lee. I would scorn my own nation if I did uot love Davis. I wou.U qiionliou uiy own in- tegrity and patriotism if I did not houor and admire both. Tboro aro some who a duct to praise Lee. and condemn Davis. Hut of all such Lee himself would be ashamed. No two leaders ever leaned, each on the other, in such beautiful trust and absolute confidence. Hand in hand and lifart to heart, they moved iu the frout of the dire struggle of their people sacrifices od, mid our strength wan" divided Kim jndgo, let this ead obaptor be short' ’ But ®'to»o all things we bare i Mst , dread in history on tho media , l( ,, issues which divided tbo oouteudiuc ties. The Southern States and Inn,, must stand before the bar of history sponsible for secession. The North,™ Statos and peoplo must stand before ik same bar responsible for coercion and re construction. Weighed upon princiole' by authority, and by effects and conJ quenoes, which of the two partiea j, more inimical bo tho Union, to Conatitn tional government and to liberty? When tho States formed tho Uu several of them, especially New York,,,,, Virgiuia, expressly reserved tbe right to withdraw os a condition of ratificaiio- ibis reservation, by a well established rule of construction enured to all th epir ties to the Union. Hut no state Tern. uizod coercion to preserve the Union as» right or power in the Federal government either express or resulting. So, in t bt very stipulations which made tho Union secession finds a justification and coerl oion none. From 1787 to 1800 the ablest ntatesi in America, both in tbe North and in South, conceded tho right of secession to tho States. Some insisted it was a con. stitiitional right, inhering in the hoy*: eignty of the States, und conditioned : the terms of tho compact. Others dr nied it was a constitutional light, butsaid it was only a revolutionary right, to l„ exercised for crime, and that ii ti ielitv the terms or tho purposes of Uuionwu bu sufficient cause to justify the act. ] no accepted statesman, North or Soutb, Whig or Democrat, ever contended ur claimed that coercion was a right, either constitutional or revolutionary, during all that period. So, upon the authority of all onr great statesmen, including the very framers of the Constitution, sece<. sion will stand in history acquitted and justified, while coercion, upou the authority, must be condemned au i nal and without excuse. Secession, consummated, would lme divided the Union; the secedingSiatea forming a new Uuion, and leaving tbe old Union iu undisturbed enjoyment of th States remaining. Coercion, consummat ed, would first destroy tho chief obaracU: of the Union by making itaUniono: force instead of a Union of consent, k tho next place, coercion, consummate! would destroy the Uuion and substitute consolidation instead. Tho vory word uniou implies the combination of separate wholes for a common purpose. Tho tu> 1’iuut you destroy tho depurate identity ol Lhu members, that moment Union cease;, and unity—consolidation—ib accomplish ed. To destroy is a greater crimo thu to separate or divide, aud, therefore, co ercion is a greator crimo against the Uiiiuu than secession. Again. Secession did uot interfere with the rights, orit- tack tho sovereignty, or lesson the digni ty or importance of the States. Its roll great purpose wns to rescue all these from tho consequences of threatened consolida tion. Hut coercion, in its very nature, assorts dominion over the States, and must destroy them. Suppose we concede that secession would destroy the Union, which is the greater crime to dostroy tie Uuion, the croature of tho Staten, or tin States which created tho Union ? Hut I have shown that coercion destroy* the Union ns well as the States. Then again the Uuion of the States was funned to cure the blessings of liberty. Secern; could not even impair tho liberties ol the people. It interfered, iu no way what ever, with tho rights or privileges of tie Northern States and the people. It song:! ouly to make moro secure tho rights, lib erties and privileges of tho Sjutbera Slates and y uopJo. Hut coc-i stroying thu Uuion, and milking uooiiso: idattou, aud iu destroying the Sti have uo logical result but iu tho destruc tion of all the liberties of ull tho p of the North and South. Will our p never perceive thu pateut truth that cion must work consolidation, and consolidation must destroy the identity and powers of the .States and tho liberty of tho people ? To coerce a State i* nec essarily to enslave the Statu, aud to en slave tho State is necessarily to eosUu the people of tho State. Nothing hut tbs roar of cannon, iu tho bauds of unreason able physical powor, can silence this !ogi of liberty. Hero, then, grout impi-M* judge of the future we rest thu law»-f o.:r case. Secession did not destroy tbs Union, nor tho States, nor tho libertiesu the people tbe Uuion of States was formal to secure. It only proposed to divide to® Uuiou, iu order to rescue tho States ana tho liberties of tbe people from destruc tion aud overthrow. Hut coercioni»® ruthless criminal which bus consolidate tho Union, enslaved tho States, and de stroyed the liberties of the poople! Secession invaded no State—-interier with no right—lessened the privileges 0 no tiinu. Coercion laid wasto the States, enslaved the people, murdered their sons despoiled their daughters, desolated ter homes, and burnt up their property • Aud what is reconstruction ? B ,8U1 practical application of coercion; 1 logic turning to facts ; it is coercion a ■ work ; it is tho torch of the iucoudiary. the knife of tho assassin, the fire- ar,u the bandit, sending its death blows to r life of tho State, to the heart of sow .• and to tho hopes of civilization, that k nornneo aud vice may be exalted, an ^ ttlligence and virtue degraded. , exaggerate ? Look at South Carolina answer. See the laud of Marion ••• Sumter, uf Itutledge »nd Calhoun aud Butlor !- -the prey amt *1* of rioting thieves and gluttonous p* “ derers, lasting days, months and >'£“ ,J rH i the fuce of tho nation and miner l , protection! Look at Louisiana. " a sovereign State seulem-,,1. lo '. hB gang by telegram from W ashing •» ^ work at hard labor, u uh-r negro• am . , pet-bag drivers! This, thi: are the the fruit ■ks of coerctou. lUtso are iuo « . flie rics struction. Havo tho people of • no shame? Has tho God of Hen »_ wm»Uf If coercion and reeoMr idmll continue, thoir fruits '[•".“[il'S until all the peoplo, in agonized shall cry out: Surely, several l umu*' ‘ better than oue Empire, and d |V,cl erty more to be desired than coueen despotism. . ,i. e se Is there a possible remedy for ot evils? I should bo uucandid if 11 . n0 confess to you I doubt it. There resunection for dead republics, ® #pi j have ever been restored to vl K° decline. I four our pooplo have not more intelligence aud virtue than those' histories we are but repeating- liu
