Newspaper Page Text
% fowling, £dftct.
Vol. 2.
THE EMPIRE STATE
IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
By A A. QauldLlna.
Yltctfs: TWO DOLLARS IN ADVANCE, OB THRSK DOL
LARS AFTER SIX MONTHS, PER ANNUM.
fcarOffiee up-stairs over W. R. Phillips k Co.-@t
Adrertisemeuts are inserted at One Dollar per square for
he tirst insertion, aud Fifty Cents per square for each in
•rtion thereafter.
▲ reasonable deduction will be made to those who adver
tise by the year.
All Advertuemtntt not otherwiee ordered will be continu
ed till forbid.
Sales of Lands by Administrators, Executors or Guar
dians, are required by law to be held on the first Tuesday
in the month, between the hours of 10 in the forenoon and
3 in the afternoon, at the Court House, in the county in
which the Land is situated. Notice of these sales must be
given iu a public Gazette forty days previous to the day of
•ale.
Sales of Negroes must be made at public auction on the
first Tuesday of the mouth, between the usual hoius of sale,
■t the place of public sales in the county where the Letters
Testamentary, or Administration, or Guardianship may
have been granted—first giving forty days notice thereof in
ene of the public Gazettes of the State, and at the Court
House where such sale is to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in
like manner, forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be
published forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of Or-
Jinaryfor leave to sell Land, must be published for two
months.
Notice for leave to sell Negroes must be published two
onths before any order absolute shall be made thereon by
he Court.
Citations for Letters of Administration fhust l publish
ed thirty days ; for Dismission from Administration, month
Iy six months; for Dismission from Guardianship, forty
•ays.
Notice for the foreclosure of Mortgage must be publish
ed monthly for four months ; for publishing Lost Pa
pers, for the full space of three months ; for compelling ti
las from Executors and Administrators, where a bond has
teen given by the deceased, for the space of three months
DANIEL & DISMUKeT
Attorneys at Law,
Will practice in the District Court of the United States
at Marietta.
UrlUin, Georgia.
L. R. DANIEL, F. . PISMUXI.
Mays, 1855. ts I
YV. POPE JORDAN,
Attorney at Law,
Kcbuloti, Georgia.
WILL practice in all the counties of the Flint Circuit.
May 3,1855. ts
J. H. MANGHAM,
Attorney at Xjaw,
GRIFFIN, GEOIIGIA.
May S, 1855-ly 1
YVM. 11. F. HALL,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ZEBULON GEORGIA.
Jmly 4, 1555. 9-ts
J. A. B. WXUXAXKS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA.
WILT, practice in the Counties composing the Flint
Circuit. By permission, refers to Hon. Hiram War
er. Greenville ; Levi M. Adams, Greenville ; Hon. G. J
Green, Griffin : Hon. James H. Stark, Griffin ; Rev. Will
iam Moseley, Griffin.
June 2nd, 1856 6 ly.
JOSEPH A. THRASHER, JAMES M. HAMBKICK
TURASHEII k HAM BRICK,
ATTORNEYS A T L A W
McDonough, Georgia.
April 30, 1856 1....1y
F. W. A. DOYLK, *. *• EANSONK.
DOYLE k RAN SON E,
ATTORNEYS A T LAW,
Griffin, ■ Georgia.
April 16, 1856 60 3m
lr T. DOYAL, 0. M. NOLAN.
DOYAL & NOLAN,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
McDonough Georgia.,
WILL practice in the counties of Henry, Fulton, Fay
ette, Coweta, Spalding, Butts, Monroe and Newton
43-Ukference— Theueive*,-S
April 2, 1856 48....1y _
’ Q . C . G R ICE,
attorney at law,
FAYETTEVILLE, GEORGIA.
May 15, 1856 3 ts.
’ JAMES H. STARK,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Grl An, Georgia.,
WILL practice in the Courts of the Flint Circuit, and
in the Supreme Court at Atlanta and Macon.
Feb. 13, 1856... .41... .ly
JAREDIRWIN WHITAKER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW ,
Office front Rooms, over John R. Wallace & Bros., corner
of White Hall and Alabama streets,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
January 30,1856 ts
W. L. GORDON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA
January 30, 1856 39 ly
HENRY HENDRICK,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Jackson, Butts County, Georgia
May , 1855. t(
A. D. NUNNALLY,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA.
June, 27,1855. ly-
UNDERWOOD, HAMMOND l SON,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
WILL give personal attentionto all business entrusted
to their management, and attend the Sixth Circuit
Courtof the United States, at Marietta, the Supreme Court
at Macon and Decatur, and the Superior Courts in Cobb,
Morgan, Newton, DeKalb, Fulton, Fayette, Spalding, I ike,
Cass, Monroe, Upson, Bibb, Campbell, Coweta, Troup,
Whitfield and Gordon, in Georgia, and Hamilton county,
(Chattanooga,) in Tennessee. May 3,1855. tt
W. L. GRICE, WM. 8 ’ ‘WALLACE.
GRICE & WALLACE,
ATTORNEYS AT L AW,
BUTLER, GEORGIA.
PERSONS intrusting business to them may rely on their
fidelity, promptness and care. Dec. 10, ’55-33-ly.
GAIITRELL & GLENN,
attorneys at law,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
11 TILL attend the Courts in the Counties of Fulton, Dc-
VV Kalb, Fayette, Campbell, Meriwether, Coweta, Car-
Henry, Troup, Heard, Cobb, and Spalding.
Lcchts J. Gartrell, I Luther J. Glenn,
Formerly of Washington,Ga. | FormerlyofMoßoncugh.Ga.
May 16, 1855. • 3tf
WHITE LEAD!
KEGS No. I, Extra and Pure White Lead, just re
100 wired and for sale by HILL & SMITH.
Griffin, Sept 19, ’
( fmsixt mi
§§ xio i n *l l
For the Empire State.
Mr. Editor : As every opposition press
throughout the United States has brought the
charge against Buchanan that he is in favor of
squatter sovereignty, I desire through the co
lumns of your excellent paper, to present a
few practical, common sense views on this sub
ject.
I hold that there can be but one interpreta
tion fairly given to Buchanan’s letter of accep
tance, and t at inter} retation will be found on
examination, to be liberal and just. The lan
guage is plain, and “he that runs may read,”
and none but those whose vision are dimmed by
party prejudice, can possibly mistake its mean
ing.
Buchanan in his letter of acceptance, de
clares that “the people of a Territory like those
of a State, shall decide for themselves wheth
er slavery shall or shall not exist within their
limits.” In the same letter he declares, “in
accepting the nomination, I need scarcely say
that I accept in the same spirit the resolutions
constituting the platform of principles erected
by the Convention.”
In order to determine with a greater degree
of certainty, the exact position of Mr. Buch
anan in the premises, it will be necessary to
refer to the resolutions of the Convention which
nominated him, and also the provisions of the
Kansas and Nebraska Act. The resolutions
of the Convention in regard to Territories, is
in the following langnage : “That we recog
nize the right of the peop e of nil the Territo
ries, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting
through the legally expressed will of a majori
ty of actual residents , and whenever the num
ber of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a
Constitution with or without domestic slavery,
and be admitted into the Union upon terms of
perfect equality with other States,”
The provision of the Kansas and Nebraska
Act is, “that when admitted as a State or
States, the said Territory, or any portion of
the same, shall be received with or without
slavery as their Constitution may prescribe, at
the time of their admission .”
The same act that declares that the legisla
tive power of the Territory shall extend to all
rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with
the Constitution and the provisions of this act.
Thus much premised, and it appears to me
that we have the position of Buchanan, and
the Democratic Party marked in such plain
lines, that there can be no mistaking their po
sition
Buchanan’s letter of acceptance declares, as
we have seen, that the people of a Territory,
like those of a State, shall decide for them
selves the question of slavery. At what time
shall they decide this question ? The resolu
tions ot the Convention, and the provisions of
the Kansas and Nebraska Bill, furnish the so
lution of this question. At the time the\ have
the requisite number of inhabitants to form a
Constitution preparatory to their admission in
to the Union as a State.
Could language be more explicit ? And
could any but those who are wilfully misled, be
mistaken in this aspect ? vVe think not.
It is an admitted fact by all candid and sen
sible men, that when the happening of a cer
tain thing depends upon some certain contin
gency, that the thing that is to take place,
cannot be effected previous to the happening
of the contingency.
Now to apply this axiom to the question
undi r consideration, and we see that the time
the people of the Territories shall settle the
question of slavery, is when the contingency
mentioned in the bill shall take place, and the
irresistable conclusion is, not till then.
I is also well known to all, at least to those
who make any pretensions to legal knowledge,
that where there is a plain and unambiguous
declnrati n in a legislative act, that a future
declaration in the same act, does not, nor can
not destroy the force of the first declaration,
but that we must in the construction of all
statutes, look to the entire act, and where
such thing is possible, make the entire act
harmonize with the first provision of the act.
Now to apply this construction. The act
declares in the first section, that when the peo
ple of the Territories have the requisite num
ber of inhabitants to form a Constitution pre
paratory to their admission into the Union,
that they shall settle the question of slavery.
Now to say that the 6th section of the act
tives them the power to settle this question,
previous to the forming a Constitution prepar
atory to their admission, would in effect nullify
the first provis on of the act, and as we have
already shown, this cannot be done.
To construe the act by rule we have laid
down, and it harmonizes ; to give any other
construction, destroys the plain provisions of
the act, and therefore any other construction
is wrong. But there is still another thing to
te borne in mind. The 6th section declares
that the legislative power of said Territories
shall extend to all rightful subjects of legisla
tion consistent with the Constitution and the
provisions of this act.
Now what are the provisions of the act, and
what act is it that the Territorial Legislature,
previous to the formation of a Constitution
preparatory to their admission into the Union,
cannot pass ? Why they cannot pass an un
constitutional act, nor an act in contravention
of the territorial law organizing them into a
Territorial Government ; and it is perfectly
plaiu to every one, that if the Territorial Leg
islature were to declare whether they would or
would not have slavery in said Territories pre
vious to their forming a Constitution, that
they would thereby pass a law contrary to the
provisions of this act, which the act itself de
clares shall not be done.
1 o sum up the whole matter, we discover
that Mr. Buchanan holds the doctrine that the
people of a Territory at the time they form a
Constitution, have the right to decide the
question of slavery for themselves, and not till
We have shown in the second place, that
any other construction of the Kansas and Ne
braska Act than the one we have giveu it,
would cause a subsequent provision to destroy
the first provision of the act, which according
to legal construction, cannot be done.
We hara shown in the third place, that tho
Territorial Legislature cannot pass any law
“Ho (iei)i i|[>ll)lo3 coi|ll"3ds oi|l- fjotoei-s—Jl) cstfok bot|i)sle?s Goifteri) is 0i)l~S.”
GRIFFIN, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 24, 1858.
contrary to the act establishing a Territorial
Government, aud to declare whether they
would or would not tolerate slavery previous
to the forming a Constitution, would be in vi
olation of the territorial law, and therefore
cannot be passed previous to the time specified.
We believe this to be the position of Buch
anan, and the Democratic Party generally.
JONATHAN.
—
For the Empire State.
Columbia, S. C.
Mr. Editor: As it is necessary to the body
politic, ns far as it regards the stirring events
of the times, to keep fully posted up in all mat
ters pertaining to us as a people, I thought it
would not prove uninteresting to your readers,
to give them an idea of things in general as
they exist in the ‘Palmetto State. The most in
teresting event of the week has been connect
ed with the reception of the Hon Preston S.
Brooks, wliose notoriety consists, in having
made to yield under the correcting inflnance
of Gutta Percha, the raw material which com
posed the body of the Hon. Senator from
Massachusetts, Charles Sumner
On the arrival of Col. Brooks, he was com
plimentary met by a committee of gentlemen
and escorted to his quarters, where he remain
ed until the next day. when a committee wait
ed upon him and expressed the wish, that he
would renm n until that evening, so that the
citizens of Carolina might show their appreci
ation of his recent act by presenting to him
some testimonial of their regard.
The evening was ushered in by bon fires
and a display of fireworks associated with mu
sic by one of the bands ot the city, and as the
hour approached for the ceremonies to take
place in regard to the man whom South Car
olina delighted to honor, a living mass of peo
ple began to assemble around the Court Honse
awaiting with anxiety the moment of presen
tation.
When the hour arrived, the Mayor, E. J.
Arthur, on behalf of the citizens of Columbia
made a few pertinent remarks, expressing the
satisfaction that had been evinced by the peo
ple whom he represented, at the gallant con
duct of their Representative who unmindful of
all danger courageously threw himself forward
and smote the slanderer of one of South Caro
lina’s venerable sous, and resented the unjust
accusations which had been hurled against the
home of his birth, and in token of tier esteem
he would present to him the following articles
A silver pitcher, Goblet and a handsome gold
headed cane. In response, the Hon P. S
Brooks said that, that moment was the happi
est he had ever experienced during life, p’aced
in a peculiar position where he wouh* be oblig
ed to State facts as connected with himself, he
hoped the charge egotism would not be made.
In the course of his remarks he stated, that he
had been made the object upon which Black
Republicanism was endeavoring to build future
success in the coming Presidential election,
that he believed true valor existed at the North
as well as at the South, and in the endorse
ment of his conduct he felt that it was not the
deed he had perpetrated, but the principle in
volved in defending the pure character of the
South and his native State from unjust asper
sion that had given him the unqualified appro
bation of every patriot. The speaker went
on to say that he had done more to unite the
South than any other man, and in regard to
the action upon his case in the House, the
South unanimously sustained him, with the ex’
ceplion of one or two cases and in view of past
and pr< sent associations he was a disunioirst,
and if his vote could produce an immediate
dissolution of the Union he would give it. He
extended his remarks by saying that he was in
favor of the election of James Buchanan, as it
was the best that could be done under present
circumstances, that his election alone could
give peace an<i perpetuity to the Union, and
accord to the South her just rights, but if he
necessity of disunion should ever arrive, he
would have the people of the South well esti
mate the cost connected with a disolution, as
for himself he had long counted the cost and
by his past acts proved himself a co-operation
disunionist. He continued his remarks by
stating that when he expressed himself in his
speech of resignation, that one blow from him
would create a revolution, he felt, bad he ad
vanced and slapped the face of some, Northern
member (I give his own language) the floor of
the House would have been covered w'ith the
blood of the representatives of the two sections
so bitter was the feeling engendered towards
him in the minds of northern members.
He expresed himself that as he did not be
lieve in perfoiming an evil act that good might
come, for that reason he voted for the army
appropriation bill, at the time feeling that it
would be best for the interests of the South
should it fail as the North was entirely bene
fitted in the results accruing from the sustain
ance of the army, in argument to the assertion
advanced, he stated that nine tenths of the
soldiers were enlisted at the North, that all
the clothing manufactured for the troops was
made in Philadelphia and that Springfield ar
mory contained among its workmen some 700
voters who invariably voted for Black Repub
licanism, but in case of the failure to pass the
army bill, those w'orkmen being thrown out of
employment, would readily perceive in what
channel their best interests ran, and would ac
cordingly vote for James Buchanan, and last
ly, upou the failure of the bill the army would
be removed from Kansas, and then the gal
lant Missourians could meet without enterfer
ence. Lane and his abolition cohorts, deciding
at the point of the sword the cherished rights
of the South. In passing he would pay tri
bute to as gallant a son as the Union ever
produced, Franklin Pierce, the patriot of no
section, but awarding to wadi their just rights,
and in order to show the purity of heart of one
who is indeed a model President, he would
state a circumstance that happened under his
immediate notice. At the time ot the adjourn
ment of Congress upon the suggestion of the
President to call an extra session in order, if
possible to pass the army bill, the intention of
the Executive was opposed by Southern mem
bers united with the democrats of the North
and by one member of the Cabinet, Jefferson
Davis of Missisippi, in replying to the objec
tions made against the course that he felt lie
ought td pursue in calling an extra session of.
Congress. He said gentlemen, were Ito dis-
band the army for want of an appropriation,
thereby leaving the frontiers open to the ruth
less invasion of Indian tribes, without doing all
in my power to avert so deplorable a catastro
phe, the blood of the women and children,
would, I feel be on my hands, making my slum
bers uneasy. Asa concluding remark, he
would utter the words of one of South Coroli
na’s favorite sous, “'I hro’ good and evil report
for weal or for woe, South Carolina, right or
wrong.”
After the honorable gentleman had conclud
ed he was escorted to his room, the rest of the
evening, until a late hour, being appropriated
to his benefit by a farther display of fireworks
and serenade by the band
Yours &e. W. K. P.
[For tlje Empire State. - !
Mr. Editor : It is proper in considering of
the dangers and difficulties which now darken
our politican horizon, to propound the ques
tion, ougut .Jr. Fillmore to be supported by
Southern men ? In other words, who ought
the South unanimously to support in the pre
sent crisis ?
Mr. Fillmore says that the repeal of the Mis
souri Compromise Line by the act organizing
the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, “seems
to be a Pandora’s box from which have sprung
all our troubles, and that Northern Democrats
arc to blame for its repeal.”
Now if he were President, entertaining such
sentiments, and Congress should pass an act
restoring that line of prohibition, would he ve
to the act ? Is it not probable that he would
sanction the restoration ? Does any of his sup
porters believe that under such circumstances,
he would veto such an act ? And if he would
not, is he the man for the South ?
Sir, I hold that whoever occupies the respon
sible position of being President of these Unit
ed States, for the next term, will have to be a
man of sufficient nerve to confront the enemies
of onr rights upon these questions ; it will be
no time for mincing matters. Our section has
been restored to its equality of rights in the
organization of these Territories, and because
Abolitionists are trying by force of arms to
deprive us of the enjoyment of that equality, it
is said that the act admitting us to such equal
ity, is a “Pandora’s box from which these evils
have sprung.” It appears that Mr. Fillmore
desires us to occupy the humiliating position of
being excluded from the Territories ; forsooth
Abolitionists will fight if we are allowed to go
there !
Sir, I also hold that a craven heart who can
willingly yield his political and civil rights,
simply because bad men may endeavor to pre
vent his enjoyment of them, such a heart should
not be found in the breast of any Southerner.
I doubt not that Mr. Fillmore, knowing that
Abolitionists are disposed to accomplish by
force'and fraud what they cannot do legally,
prefers that we should not have an equal show
ing in the Territories. This is offering us peace,
but such a peace as we do not admire—a peace
of dishonor and degradation 1 Is he my friend
who desires me to yield my rights for the sake
of peace, because someone -will oppose the en
joyment of them ? I would scorn and disdain
such friendship in the common affairs of life,
and I consider such friendships equally despica
ble in a political sense. Look at the meaning
of Mr. Fillmore’s language. O Southern peo
ple, do not insist upon your equality and your
rights—you will make the Abolitionists mad
and get up a difficulty. Bear with them, they
are fiery, furious and dangerous, and if you
claim your rights, you will have bad times !
We must have equality ; no good can come
of yielding. Why -ir, Abolitionism will find a
thousand fields to make battle upon. Would a
wise people wait for an invading army to march
into the centre of their country before making
resistance ? I tell you nay ; we must meet
them at the threshold. Peace should not have
such charms for us as to be purchased at the
price of ruin. My hand is to meet argument
with argument, blow with blow, and blade with
blade 1 Crouching will do no good—the
shrinking policy has been sufficiently tried.—
And Mr. Fillmore is not the man to meet the
crisis ; he has not got the nerve, if he had the
desire, and his proclivities are too much to
wards freesoilism to feel the inclination. At
the time he was in office, his timidity probably
had much to do in preventing disunion, but
that was the only time in the history of our
country when timidity would have accomplish
ed any thing. The compromise measures of
1850, had just been passed, the South was in
convultions, and the North in a high state of
excitement ; Mr. Fillmore was afraid to take
strong ground in any direction. He feared to
do any thing to displease the South, because
the South had already borne till forbearance
had ceased to be a virtue, and disunion starred
him in the face ; he therefore sacrificed his in
clination to bear dow T n upon the South upon
the altar of his fears ; he would not do any
thing to displease the North, because all his
prejudices, proclivities and antecedents were
with that section. The country, it is true, was
in commotion, but that commotion subsided na
turally and of itself, as the Ocean subsides af
ter the storm. Any strong move either way,
might at that time have produced a dissolution,
but Mr. Fillmore is not entitled to the credit,
unless his fears are to be considered a virtue.
His first move was to threaten the State of
Texas with the Army, the Navy, aud the Mi
litia, by which he aroused the entire South—he
trembled and tried such experiments no more 1
Like the sick man w r ho could not get out of the
ship in time of a storm, w'hen all on board de
serted her, and who afterwards, upon the ship’s
safe arrival at land, without his assistance,
claimed by the law of the seas, that he was en
| titled to the entire cargo, (but which he did
I not get ;) so Mr. Fillmore’s Southern support
ers claim for him all the glory of saving the
Union, and giving peace to the country. The
Union like the ship, landed itself, and Mr. Fill
more and the sick man are not entitled to the
glory of the one or the booty of the other.
EQUAL RIGHTS.
fgyDown in Maine they turn members out
of Church because they vote the Democratic
ticket. The Beltfast Free Press published the
affidavits of several Church members confirming
this charge. One man was ejected for going
the straight Whig ticket, with tbe Union Se
nators.
extract from a Letter
To the Editor of this paper, the writer of
which was a short time since a resident of Grif
fin, dated
Lexeington, Mo., Sep. 5, 1856.
* * * As it may be interesting to
you to hear something originally from Kansas,
I undertake to send you a few lines on that
subject. The troubles there are great. Gen.
Lane is in the Territory with 2,500 Abolition
ists and robbers; who are driving out every
pro-slavery man they can come acress. They
are at Lawrence, which place they have well
fortified. The Missouriaus are raising men, and
are trying to keep them straight. On the
27th of August they fought a battle at Oswa
ttome. There were about 200 men under the
command of Capt. Reid ; and the Abolition
ists numbered about the 300 men under the
command of the notorious Brown : but thank
God they were whipped ! The pro-slavery
men had none killed, and only four slightly
wounded, while they killed 61 Abolitionists and
took 8 prisoners. They burnt the city, and the
best of all was, they killed the leader, Brown,
and his son.
The people here are now moving towards the
Territory, and ere this reaches you, I hope
they will have whipped out every Abolitionist.
Missouri is doing a great deal for the South,
and the South should try to help her.
Yours truly, G. E.
N. B. News just received by Express, state
that the Abolitionists have taken Lecompton,
and a train from the Plains worth $45,000. —
This is the report, and we have no right to doubt
it. Yours, G. E.
For the Empire State.
Crankum’s Dream.
“♦**** We know
From Job, that Satan hath the power to pay
A heavenly visit thrice a year or so.”
Byron's Vision of Judgement.
[The following is from an unpublished frag
ment. The scene from which it is extracted,
is laid in a student’s room at Brownwood, Ga.
Cranknm was a green, don’t-care sort of a fel
low, from the back woods, who had about as
much fondness for books as “Rip Van Winkle - ’
had for his own business ; but as for things
that boot naught, he was ‘tw,” and excelsior
--taken upon his “treasured tales,” the re
source was ad ivfmilim]
The room being in the humor of listening,
and giving their attention, Cranknm ..related
at follows :
“My daddy had a large herd of sheep a few
years ago, and during the winter season, it. was
necessary to attend to them, as there was noth
ing in the woods to subsist upon My old dad
thought as much of his sheep as he did of the
offspring of his own loins ; hence he must have
a very reliable hand to attend to them. He
made choice of me, (he had no other boy child )
having more confidence in me than any of the
negroes, which is a natural consequence, to fill
the office of a shepherd during the dearth with
the improvident beasts. About two acres
were enclosed in a flat in the pincy woods,
half a mile from the house, in which the drove
were nightly penned A large gate permitted
entrance into the fold Evening and morning
I visited the pen with provender for the
sheep, and loosing and confining them. The
path leading thither conducts you through an
umbrageous grove of evergreens. It was on a
still February night, the moon shining bril
liantly, that I walked out to the pen to see if
my wards were all at their places. Going on,
the thought of death struck me, which must
have been suggested by the loveliness of the
wood through which I was passing. It was
something for I hardly ever grow sb phi
losophic in my housings “all alone,” as to al
low myself led by thought into dealings with
that profound and mystical sleep which knows
no waking ; yet I often dream of death, and
dealings with Pluto. I continued on, and en
tered the fold, and found all thy Wards pre
sent. They all knew me, arid w T ould gather
around me on entering, licking my hands, &c.
I took a seat on a stump in the pen, and sur
veyed the heavens that presented one sideral
mass—the Queen of Night w r aded among the
host in her grandest attire, and occasionally
the wandering meteor would sweep athwart
the heavens in his trajectory path. I had now
indeed become philosophic as the Chaldeon,
and almost fit to play the Psalmist. A serene
feeling passed over me—many scenes floated
athwart my vision—l was dead 1 What
strange sights appeared to my view as I seem
ed to move upon the wind over a heaving,
mingling abyss. Said Ito myself, quite differ
ent is the valley of the shadow of death to
what I supposed it while mortal, and also
these supermundane realms 1
“ A slight change came over the aspect of things.
I was in the midst of an umbrageous glade ot
cypress, and passing through it, I discovered
it a place of sorrow and tribulation, for I re
marked at a shoft distance from me, a host of
beings in, and assuming all attitudes of genu
flection before a hideous monster, more terri
ble than I had ever fancied Pluto. Observing
me, he approached me. I was now at the
gate of the most passing beautiful garden my
eyes had ever beheld, or heard conceived.—
The palisade or paling, wasof pales of brilliant
granite, and a cerulean vault hung over the
region, spotted with dazzling suns. Pluto, as
I conceived him to be, undid the portal, and I
entered. There was indeed an angelic band
They clustered around me chanting pcans, and
casting upon me looks and smiles of welcome.
I turned to see what had gone with the turnkey,
my new guest, and lo 1 he had Proteus-like,
- ssutned the exterior of an angel, a dangerous,
as I thought, incog. I remarked to a beauti
ful creature near me, whom 1 supposed to have
once been a woman, (T had not yet learned
whether there was gender in that country,)
that it was very strange the key of heaven
should be entrusted to such a monster, and
that he should be permitted to enter among
angels in a guise so tempting and so Well cal
culated to aid and facilitate his plans of de
ception and enticemcut. She answered sweet
ly that the period of recreation given him had
not yet expired, and as soon gs it was, he
w ould be again confined, and only permitted
to enter at the trial of souls, hating a part to 1
perfOVm, in that judicatory. Wbfit part is
that 1 I enquired. Sweetly strd said, only
testing the faith ; ydnrs, I ween, is fixed.
$2,00, fa fidtynce.
Moving at a little distance, I was seated,
and the snow-white angels kissed my hands,
and by other acts manifested great familiarity.
Now the ordeal was to take place which was
different from any thing of the kind I had ever
heard or read of on earth. I had to receive a
blow on my breast, and if I shrunk from it, or
exhibited symptoms of pain on receiving it; I
was determined an iinfit subject for heaven —I
hadn’t faith ; if 1 was received without exhi
bitions of regard, I was to be liberated to
walk and cliant anthems about the golden
walks of Eden To administer this ordeal,
was the office of Pluto, I remarked to him, in
the guise he had assumed on entering befOro
me ; He approached slowly in front of me,
and arriving near, he inclined backward; arid
thrusting, gave me a tremendous blow on the
breast. I found myself instautly precipitated
from the blissful regions of Paradise, sprawling!
upon my back beside the stump on w'hich I
had seated myself on entering the sheep pen,
rising slowly, for I was ip a monstrous state of
bewilderment at so sudden and extraordinary
a down-hill transition. I discovered Oft. the
opposite side of the stump, the old rain, shak
ing his head occasionally in exultation. ] rose
and thought if I didn’t.say, that I’ll sleep no
moie. This, boys, broke up my connection
With dad’s sheep once aud forever.” *
Fillmore in Ohio.
We are gratified to see that the friends! of
Mr.- Fillmore in Ohio have held a convention
and put in nomination a ticket for State offi
cers, pledged to his support. It is true tliO
President of the Convention, ‘pitched into thfe
democratic party rough-shod, denouncing the
Kansas Nebraska Bill as tlie cause of the pres
ent political hurricane.’ It is furthermore trtt?;
that the Convention exhibited a detestably
proscriptive spirit. For example, on the first
ballot for Board of public works, the highest
vote was given to Alexander Mclntosh. The
‘Mc‘ sounded altogether, too Scotch. There
upon, the question arose, is he of native birth?
The best that his friends could say, Was that
he had been a resident of Ohio for twenty
eight years. But let us quote from the pro
ceedings:
But the name was that which suggested a
foreign origin, and inquiries w’tre made to as
certain whether he was an A merican by birth.
Mr. May, of Cleveland, responded that ho
was not; that he was born in Scotland, blit
had lived in Cleveland the last txcenty-eight
years; that he was agentleman eminently qual
ified for the position; a member of the Ameti;
can Order and a staunch friend of Fillmore and
Donelson.
Several delegates spoke out simultaneous
ly, ‘we Can’t vote for him if he is riot an Amer
ican by birth.
Col. Chambers thought the mere fact of tiisi
hating been bdrii on foreign soil, if he were an
American in sentiment and otherwise qualified
for the office, should not debut him from the
nomination. He was inclined to be tolerant
towards foreigners already hefe, brit was ‘op-’
posed to the futhre manufacture of American
citizens except oh the horizontal principle.’
J. j. Dennis; Esq of Hamilton county, said
that, as he understood American principles, no
member of the order could consistently vote
for a foreigner.
Os course Mr Mclntosh, was dropt ‘like a
hot potato.
But notwithstanding all this, we rejoice that
the indications are, that the Fillmore men will
run a ticket, and obtain for it a Considerable
vote in Ohio. For whatever votes are given
to Fillmore will bfe taken from Fremont. It is
not difficult to gee; that hedrtily as the Ameri
cans abuse Buchanan, the Organs of the latter
are wonderously well pleased to see a Fillmore
ticket in the field. The Cincinnatti Enquirer*
(Dem.) says with evident satisfaction:
Besides their full State arid electoral ticket*
they are generally making Congressional and
courity nominations.— Sav. Journal
From the Baltimore Sun, Sep. 13.
Terrible Riot—One Man killed, and
Twenty Wounded;
A most terrible riot took place yesterday af
ternoon about 6 o’clock, on Light street, in the
vicinity of Warren street, which resulted in the
instantly killing of one man, and the wounding
of some 20 others, a number of whom are sup-’
posed to be mortally injured. The particulars
of this sad affair, so far as we could ascertain
them amid the attendant excitement, from the
statements of parties living upon the street,
and at the spot where the riot occurred, was
that about 4 o’clock in the afternoon, as the
American Clubs, known as the Rip Raps and
Wampanoags, were passing the corner of Hen
rietta and Light streets, some boys on the cor
ner had some words with them, when one in
the line struck one and knocked him down, up
on which another of the party threw” a brick
into the line; A number of them here left the
line in pursuit of this boy, who took refuge in
the Itth ward, house of James Clark, On the
corner of Light and Little Church streets, and
upon the pursuers entering, a fight took place
between them and some parties in the bar
room, which resulted in the party iu pursuit of
the boy being driven off, when the w r hole pro
cession moved on. At about 6 o’clock they
again returned, when the riot, which resulted
so seriously, took place, the statements as to‘
who made the attack being so contradictory*
that we could not reliably learn from w hence it
proceeded. In an instant thereafter a rapid
discharge of fire-arms took place from both
parties, and was continued some 10 or lfjgnin*
utes.
The person killed wAs named Ilare.
Os the wounded, the follow ing comprises ths
names of all we cbuld ascertain last night, the’
there were a number of others who were sbbU
to fall, and were carried away before thOir
names could be ascertained : ,
James Cork and wife, John Seward, a boy,
Thomas Micon, a young than aged about, 20,
John Jones, a young man aged about 21, G.
Brannan, ZachariUs Gould- J6bn Hartlove, J.
Carter, Edwaf’d CrottOh, a lad, S. E. Gano,
from Cincinnati, D. Spedden, Frederick Ham
mond, Michael Marshall, and a young man namr
ed Culley.
A majority of those wounded were not par
ticipating in the affray, but were attracted to
the vicinity of the melee by the firing.
No. 22.