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Mil e I IK IIOIJ I»l •>**> I'liiun, it xmnuwii, •
ojh.ii mid complete, is to take place between !
tin- Douglas mid Ojiposilion parties and a | ,
neu ticket composed from both the existing I their reasoning, like the Scotchman s evi-
brazen effrontery ot those who oppose it.—
We have passed them by in silence, and let
tkets of those parties is to be formed and
uii attempt made to carry the State. This
coines indirectly to ns from a Douglas man.
We cannot vouch for its truth, but are
compelled to say that things look very
much that way. The proximity of the two
Conventions, il«e marvelous amount of sym-
putliv which seems to exist between the two
parties—the sudden clinnge from hitter de
nunciation to sweet conciliation, and their
united ellbris against the True Democracy
—i/ives tin- oi.a-iirrenee of such an event a
high degree of probability. It is not in our
power to see how the Opposition can for
one moment, countenance such a shamelul
compromise of principle. We believe that
the masses are actuated by a true devotion
to piineiple, :tnd that they will not allow
themselves to he entrapped by rtllch a trick.
We warn the True Democracy to he on their
guard. Let there he no idlers in the catnji.
We clip the above from the Macon Exami
ner. We have for some time [last, been in
clined to the opinion that a strong sympa
thy exists between the Douglas and Bell
parlies of Georgia. The declaration of C'ol.
Bass at Macon, the silence of the Douglas
and Bell presses in referem
upon the one or the other of the respective
chiefs of these two parties, the kind forbear
ance exercised hv the Bell orators towards
Mr. Douglas, and of the Douglas orators to
wards Mr. Bell, all these things point only
m one direction, and that is an ultimate fu
sion between Douglas' friends and Bell’s
friends for the purjiose of defeating Breck
inridge in Georgia. No positive arrange
ment, we presume, has yet been agreed
upon, but the way is evidently ojien for such
a result. The programme will not he known,
probably to any except the “heads of mes
ses," until the fetters have been so strongly
riveted upon the feet of the great body of
those honest Democrats who have been de
coyed into the Douglas cutup, that they can
not retrace their steps. By abusive news
paper articles, the cry of Disunion, inflamu-
torv stump speeches and other devices, the
leaders of the Douglas party expect so to
prejudice the minds of their followers
against Mr Breekim idge, that when the
time for the transfer arrives they will be
ready to lie carried over, hound hand and
foot, to the ranks of the Bell, alias Know
Nothing party. The signs of the times are
L ~ Ottthnn.r.of' sin'll xhTiTger, and we warn o»
Democratic friends who are now in the
support of Douglas to beware of the
trap which has been set for their political
destruction. We say to them, watch the
movements of your leaders and retrace
your steps before it be too late.
Long-winded Correspondence.
Notwithstanding the crowded state of our
columns, in the middle of a political canvas,
it nlfords us pleasure to give all items of news
that reach us from every section of the
Stale, provided they are not spun out too
long. We must reject however long articles,
unless they he on some important political
subject. We hat e before us now, a com
munication giving an account of the exam
ination of a private village school, covering
seven closely written pages of foolscap.
This document is signed by a committee of
five—comuiissioneis of the school—and if
tliej read it before they attached their sig-
natures to it, we must say they arc easily
satisfied with spelling, grammar, and so
forth. It would he cruet in us to publish the
docum ‘ill eeebitini ; and it would be a use
less waste ot time in us to rewrite it and put
it in good English. We have to decline all
'■•’icfl documents; and we h#ipe our corres
pondent ■ will,one'- tor all. understand that
communications for the Intelligencer must
bexW/and to the point, otherwise they
will find their way into—the waste-paper
basket.
Why docs uot Douglas Speak iu the North-west?
It is well known to every reading man,
that Mr. Douglas's great strength has here
tofore been iu the North-Western States.—
Once he was powerful in that section of the
Union. He has no hopes of carrying a
single Southern State—at least if he is a
reasonable man, we presume so. In the
North-west by vigorous efforts be might
carry a few Stales in that region. But
his success in every one of those States
is rendered extremely doubtful by the divis
ions in the Democratic party. Eveu in his
own State the contest—to say the least of
it, is doubtful, llis jiresenee, his speeches,
and other efforts, on his part might avail
him something, if he would labor in that
political field. But he chooses to spend his
time and his efforts in the Southern States,
to engage in a warfare upon Mr. Breckin
ridge and his supporters. What object, we
ask, does lie expect to accomplish liy such a
course ? The answer is at hand. He in
tends to divide the Democratic vote, and as
tar as possible enable Mr Bell to carry the
Southern States. Hence the fraternal feel
ing which exists between the Douglas and
Bell parties. What lie expects to accom
plish by this, which can in anywise benefit
himself, the Democratic party, or the coun
try. we are at a loss to determine.
Douglas in Virginia.
- \S e learn from our exchanges that Mr.
Douglas’s prospects in Virginia, have been
materially lessened by the anti-State Bights
doctrine be promulgated there, in bis late
speeches. Mr. Buchanan carried that State
in 1856, by 26,000 majority. It will be
difficult for Mr. Douglas to get that number
of votes, and if he does not, the State will
be safe for Breckinridge and Lane.
Cal. Uartrell at Fayetteville.
The Hon. L. J. Gartrell. at Fayetteville
on Tuesday last, delivered before a large
audience, one of the best Breckinridge and
Lane speeches of the season. We under
stand that lie shook to its foundation the
Douglas cause, with those few who advocate
it in Fayette comity
Pooit Don;las.—Six Douglas electors
have declined to serve in Tennessee. Will
nobo ly tell Stephen some way of impress
ing orators, as they do seamen, in Eng- .
land ?
dencc
lii i’ aiujt, aud out o' .r>’ ither.
\ But it is painful to see a man like Mr.
i Stephens so blinded by his zeal for his can-
; didate as to lead him into the making of
assertions that lie cannot prove by facts.—
I In his Augusta speech, a few days ago, lie
; said (according to tire report in the Consti
tutionalist, his organ there), that John T.
Brady, the Breckinridge candidate for Gov-
, ernor of New York, "was one of the most
! earnest defenders ot John Brown,” and that
“he made a sympathizing speech for him.”
Now, how must tlie* Hon. gentleman fe**l
when he sees that statement branded by the
j New York press its “a wicked and attroci-
I ous falsehood." We are far from thinking
that Mr. Stephens would sit down and
wilfully concart such a falsehood, but utter
ing it (having heard it from some libeller or
seen it iu some scandalous print) without
having taken the pains to aseertain its false
hood, lavs him open to the charge just as
to any charges j much as if he li id m m ifacture 1 it.
His random statements on Tuesday night
with regard to the Dred Scott case will be
taken for what they are worth, and that is
precisely nothing. Never did we see such a
failure in our life—and it was plainly visible
that the Hon. gentleman felt accutelv his
position, the up-hill character of his task.
He spoke for two hours anil a half-—in
juring nobody but himself. Every one was
tired out at half past ten, when the curtain
dropped, and sympathy with the Hon.
gentleman on account of the failure was
manifest on a few anxious faces.
Atlanta Medical and Surgical Journal.
The September issue of this valuable Med
ical Journal is on our table. It is the first
number of the Sixth volume and replete
with excellent, matter: of interest to the
faculty particularly, and to the general
reader also. We see that Drs. Joseph P.
Logan, and W. F. Westmoreland have with
drawn from its editorial management and
that Dr. J. G. Westmoreland is tiie present
Editor. We have only to remark that it
lias passed from able and skilful hands into
hands also able and skilful—the mantle of ' State to secede from the Union, and the corre-
VVe coumienu this letter
to those who are denonncli
Breckidridge as disunions
who endorse the proposition dl
las to coerce submission to Federal author
ity. It is a forcible illustration of the home
ly adage, that politics make strange bedfel
lows. The letter is copied from the Consti
tutionalist & Republic, which paper is now
the orgon and defender of Mr. Douglas:
MlLI.EDGEVII.LE, Ga., )
Aug. 30, 1851. )
Gentlemen :—1 thank you for your kind
and pressing invitation to a barbecue to be
given to Col. Robert McMillen, to the South
ern Rights candidate for Congress in the
8th district, on the first Tuesday in Septem
ber next. But official engagements forbid
me the pleasure of its acceptance. Morgan
count will he in session at that time.
My personal acquaintance with Col. Mc-
Milleu is hut limited, but I know him by
reputation as a gentleman of high moral
worth, brilliant talents; and sound republi
can principles. Such men I am pleased to
honor, and sincerely trust the great cause
whose banner he hears by the united voice
of the Southern Rights party of his district
may be triumphant.
The contest in which the people of Geor
gia, in common with her sister slaveholding
States, are engaged, is one of vital impor
tance. It involves the destiny of the South,
and the federative character of our system
of government. It is waged upon the' right
of a State peaceably to secede from the Un- j
ion. The Gubernatorial candidate of the 1
Southern Rights party maintains the affir
mative, and the candidate of the submis
sion party, the negative of this great que-s- :
tion. The one, that the right necessarily
results from the reserved sovereignty of the
States and the nature of the confederacy;
and the other, that it exists only as a right
of revolution. The former insists that the
general government lias no right to coerce
a seceding State; and the latter that such
seceding State must depend for the main- j
tainance of its position “upon the stout
hearts and strong arms of a free people.”—
The one unhesitatingly and boldly avows j
that if a Southern State were to secede, he 1
would not obey a requisition by the federal
government made upon him as the execu
tive of Georgia, for troops to force her back
into the LTiion ; and the other declares he
“would convene the Legislature of the State,
ami recommend them’to call a convention of
tiic people" to instruct him in an emergency
in which the impulses of true Southern
heart should he a sufficient guide. The
great issue then, I repeat, is the right of a
TP
ell I
eeimu
part of his wearing apparel.
This remark 1
res-
uatned
but that if in such an event, the fifteen
Southern States should assume to determine
in town. And
| to the yoting
I guilty of the same violation of the laws of the
\ country. Even our own brethren of the ; on the extent of their danger, and to q'uietTy I The bold and onen manner with whidTit
I press are sometimes guilty of the same eia- ! contended for the principles it avowed. The
i<ition ot hiw TIigv tlio pliArflpfpr > ^ ^ ^ olt, unci fis suco to 1)6 punished j Tr __ ,
I . , , ' m 1 C ar f C,e ; with all the force of the Government. Than i Know-Nothing party was not so much enti-
i 01 An 101101 u 1 e cdtzcn, and to protect them- this we can conceive of no doctrine more I tied to our respect, for the reason that they
j selves from the chastisement their acts de- ( dangerous to the South. It confounds re
Sound tbe Bell
And let its swell
O’er hill and dell
The “Union” platform tell
John Bell Esquire of TemKsseg
pec table "bid gentleman,” has bee:
by a Convention, composed of whigs, know-
nothings, free-soilers, and no few abolition-
' ists, as the candidate of that party for the
Presidency. The general platform of the
party named at tire time of the nomination
was “The Constitution, the Union, and the
Enforcement of the Laws.” This platform
was considered somewhat indefinite, it might
mean a great deal, or a very little, just ac
cording to the construction put upon it. It
was considered a safe a non-eommittal plat
form. The Atlanta Tri- Weekly National
American, however, has given us an expla
nation of its several planks as follows:
PLANE Ft it ST.
Wilmot Proviso Justly Obnoxious,
“A proposition [the proposition to apply
the Wilmot Proviso to New Mexico] justly
obnoxious
citement
W
thoir
speech of which it is a parenthetical sentence ; rigidly enforced, and that every man who
TTie^imionoF
the United States, by tlie votc^^lon^TiFTm^
section, who is pledged to use all the powers ! “boys of 1840.” That
. . , , , .. : » M i\r use (ill IUU powers | Ol iGltb I I
| applies more particularly to those who live j of the Government for the destruction of j party now is the Wlii
I » fz.lm. \ nJ 41G-. . .. . » zl 1 i t)lD PI nrlvf □ 0 11/1 lxit/xnnntn * l, .. ,.*1. »• ' * »’ 1
' .1 ... . , j IhUl) HOV> 13 UlC M Util DU1
this practice is not confined the rights and property of the other section, i t ,,„ j- -v 1Q --
— »'•« Old,, to
We admired the old Whig party for its
allantry, for its devotion to principle, and
read v to kill wmca « would be the duty of the Chief; 1 v
! Magistrate to punish with the peaceable , revamp ot the ohl Whig party,
to visit upon ; secession ot States from a compact no longer pies for which the old Whig
serve, they load themselves with “concealed j s 'Stance to established law, by individuals
weapons,” and profess to be
any man who may venture
them merited punishment. The laws of our
State, making “the carrying of concealed
weapons a pena
that the carrying of weapons openly for
defence, is no crime. If some desperado
threatens personal violence to another, he
has the right to bear arms, to defend his
person or his life. The right to bear arms,
attempted to carry out their designs by secret
movements. But that party was only a
The princi-
compact no longer [ pies lor which the old Whig party have
consistent with the interest or existence of ; contended, have again and again been repu-
lts constituents; but it treats the Union as a ■ v i , ,, . . , ,, .
offence” have orovided I P er Petual bond, exacting imconditiona 1 sub- ; dlatcd b Y 1,10 American people. Many of
’ piovKit-u | mission f or ever, from a weakerto a stronger | tlle advocates of those principles have lden-
sectiou. It strips the States of the chief lit
tribute of Sovereignty, to wit: the right to
determine when their existence is put to
hazard, as to the means necessary to their
preservation, and affirms that, while it is
legitimate in the people of the North bavin:
that it was “justly obnoxious to Mr. Bell.
Mr. Bell and “the South" are not synony
mous terms.
PLANK SECOND.
The Flay of the Union must protect our
Property in every foot of the Territory.
‘ The Constitution, proprio vigoue, the
flag of the Union, protects the citizen in the
enjoyment of Ins rights of property of every
violates this law will be severely punished,
and that the same opinion about such char
acters will soon prevail as extensively in our
State as it does in South Carolina:
“We pass over much that we would be
glad, if we could write out fully, that the
Judge said, and commence with the first
portion of the Penal Code his honor gave in
charge, that of carrying concealed weapons.
I Hp tlmt this Inw was to crnaivl nirninst. !
obey
the orders of their States in opposition to
Federal authority.
Fraught with' error as this doctrine is,
subversive of that constitutional theory, in
which alone the rights of the States are to
be found, it has, at this moment, and under
the circumstances, a bloody significance.—
The enemies of the South, in the Northern
States, have selected Abraham Lincoln to
lead them in the “irrepressible conflict,”
which he has proclaimed. Mr. Seward, the
most distinguished counsellor of Mr. Lincoln
tilled themselves with the Democratic part}'.
So with the Know-Nothing Order. Many
of the members of that organization having
become convinced of its corruptions, and
the dangerous tendency of its doctrines, are
now fighting in the Democratic ranks. The
remnant of the old Whig and Know-No
thing parties are now making an effort to
keep the fragments of the old Whig and j been charged—with secession, disunion and
Know-Nothing parties together by support- j e '. eo lreus, ’ n - The great party to which we
! the
Wednesday night, aTtben^
way. General Lane was xfalfiKl upon by a
committee of the Volunteers, at the Everett
House, and from there proceeded as above
mentioned. After the organization of tlm
meeting Gen. Lane said:
“National Democratic Volunteers, I tliank
you for your kind invitation to meet you,
and for the cordial greeting with which you
received me. Had you convened a public
meeting and called upon me for a speech, I
shot|p have here stated about: accepting the
invitation, for I am averse, considering the
Dosition I occupy, as a candidate for Vice-
President, to enter actively into the cam
paign. I may be permitted, however, on
this occasion to make a few brief remarks,
and a few only will be necessary after the
eloquent addresses you have heard from
your chairman. Dr.'Miller, and from Mr.
Daniels, Mr. Genet, and Mr. Lawrence.—
Gentlemen, we have been charged—John C.
Breckinridge and I have been charged—the
ticket which you feel jiroud to support ha9
cannot well be questioned or disproved; and ; 0 f jfig unarmed fellow-man, should he have
if the question related to a Territory, situa
ted as Oregon was when the United States
came into possession of it, property in slaves
a difficulty with him. He said that honor
was “equality.” He said, that he wished
the voting men to hear him and that lie was
would be entitled to the protection of the sorr y that there were no more to hear him.
Elijah has descended upon Elisha—and the
Laws and Constitution of the United States.
******r
“Whatever the jesuitical doctors of the
North may say, the clauses in the Constitu
tion relating to the importation of persons
under certain limitations and fixing the ba
sis of direct taxes and represeutotion in
Congress, I affirm; do amount to an express
recognition of slavery.”
This “plank” is not objectionable, but is tt
Bell’s ? We do hope and trust our obli
ging, intelligent, courteous, and affable con
lative absence of any right, outlie part of
_ , * . tire federal government, to fo>-ce such a State * temporary—the Tri- Weekly National Ameri-
Salutatory ot the new Editor is one of tbe = back into tljLUnion. It cannot be evaded by '" ‘' ni 'excuse rnTfor qnea&MgE&e fa-T
best articles we have in a long time read — ! apw* ot * >-n„ ™ i «*» " 111 excl1 * e us tor questioning me ia .t,
( Under the able management ot Dr. Logan
and his colleague, the Medical Journal has
made itself a wide-spread reputation as one
of the most reliable of its class in the coun
try—a reputation which ihe new incumbent
will ably maintain. We can confidently
recommend it as one of the best—perhaps
the leading—medical publication of the
; South.
iTS" The billowing named gentlemen
have been appointed by the Democratic Ex
ecutive Committee ot Georgia sub-electors
for the following named counties, iu the 4th
’ Congressional District:
THE SENSELESS CL AMOR OF UNION. , , , - .
THIS GLORIOUS UNION ! The inteirri- i after * ,ts “PPearance in its columns, but some-
tv of the Union is not assailed by the South
ern Rights party in Georgia- Its true
friends are those who insist upon maintaining
the rights resulting from the Sovereignty of the
; States. Its real enemies are those who, from
behind it, as a “masked battery,” level their
destructive artillery against its strongest out-
])osts, by counselling submission to aggression
INJUSTICE and ROBBERY, because, like
“a wolf in sheeji’s clothing” they come under
the HYPOCRITICAL GARB OF COM
PROMISE. Then let a vigilant people look
well to the true and only issue involved in
the pending campaign—the right of a State
peaceably to secede from the Union.
I would not, if‘time and sjiace justified,
how we are a [“Gradgrind,” and wish to re
fer to the documents.
On referring to the speech of Mr. Bell on
the Compromise Bill, in the United States
Senate, on the 5th of July, 1860, where the
above “plank” is taken from what do we find ?
Do we find the language quoted the lan
guage of Mr. Bell ? does it show forth his,
Mr. Bell’s, views on the question in the first
paragraph—protection1 Let us.-see. We
quote from the Appendix to Congressional
Globe, 31st Congress, 1st session,*p. 1004:
Thus, sir, slavery, jf it goes, into New
enter into an argument in favor of the atfii- i Mexico at all must force its way there, inde-
Merriwether.
Troup
Heard
Coweta
Carroll
Campbell....
Fulton
DeKalb
Cobb
Clay Win
E. C. Mobley.
Jno. A. Speer.
... J. E. Featherston.
W. L. Ligon.
J. C. Wootton.
W. M. Butt.
D. Pitman.
M. A. Candler.
W. R. Phillips.
S. S. Fears.
mative ot this issue. I believe it is under
stood by the people. It has been a cardinal
tenet of the republican creed from 1798
down to the present day, maintained by
Jefferson and Madison and Macon, Lown
des, and Troup, and all the distinguished
Statesman of that school, who properly nn- !
spite of the obstructioi s of the local laws,
and of the interdict imposed by this bill on
the territorial legislature. Still it is conten
ded that the South is secured in the full
benefit of the doctrine held be some of the
He spoke of a distinguished gentleman from \
South Carolina he met in Savannah that had
been in the field of honor twice, a man of ;
universally recognized bravery, who said to j
him if a young man, it mattered not what j
jiosition lie might have occupied in society, |
nor how much wealth he could boast of, if ■
lie should let it be known in South Carolina i
that he carried concealed weapons, his ac
quaintance would be cut by all respectable j
! persons, and lie be branded as an outcast i
from society, even if he were a Governor’s 1
; son. He said, that not long since lie read
1 from the writings of DeQuipev of a man by ■
the name of Stewart, a pedestrian, wlio had ;
travelled nearly all over the world, among :
’ almost all nations, from the savage to the !
enlightened European, and never carried a
weapon in his life. He appealed to the
young men to desist from so unnecessary a 1
violation of honor and of law."
[Planters Weekly.
Hopes of the Bell Ringers.
The party which has assumed the above
cognomen, seem to have an easy time of it
in Georgia. Except, an occasional thrust
! from the Breckinridge party, they have
their own way. Bell’s “freesoilistn,” as ex
pressed in the resolutions of the Newnan
Know-Nothing Convention, in 1859, is ig
nored by the supporters ofMr. Douglas, and
the only fire upon .Bell and Everett, comes
; from the Brccjjinridge party. This is a
| nice state of things. Here, in our own
most distinguished champions cj^ts rights, ! midst, are hundreds, we will not say thous
ands of men in Georgia, who are sympa-
American sentiment which is at once
parent and the soul of constitutional liberty.
who maintain that the Constitution, propria
ion protects
the citizen in the enjoyment of his rights of
jirojierty of every description recognized as
such, iii any of the States, on every sea and
and i »®,\^1n%%ovnmnt rfhMSHf ! thizin S with Bell, tliefreesoiler, (accordin
to the opinion of the aforesaid Newnai
Convention) and Edward Everett, whose
l> to tbe projierty of every description recognized as j to the opinion of the aforesaid Newnan
Warning to Free Negroes at Ev
ansville, Indiana.—The following hand
bill ha« been posted up In Evansville, Indi
ana :
Notice to Free Negroes.—The laws of Indi
ana provide that after a certain date no free
negro shall emigrate to this State. Other
, cities and towns iu Indiana are expelling
the negroes from among them, and owing
to the laxity exhibited by our authorities
and citizens generally, Evansville is being
overrun and cursed liy the worst class of
this lazy, worthless, drunken, and thieving
race, and to such an extent that those who
have suffered from their bad conduct are
resolved to suffer no longer. This notice,
therefore, is given, that at the end of five
days from the date hereof, every negro, of
either sex, who is not by law entitled to a
residence among us, must not be found in
the city, else lie will be dealt with in a sum-
nary manner by the
VIGILANCE COMMITTEE.
Evansville, Ind„ Aug. 28, I860.
“Private Citizen !”—Judge Linton Ste
phens made a speech iu Augusta, a few days
ago. in which he very bitterly denounced
; Mr. Cobb for voting for the Wilmot Proviso
1 in 1845 and ’47. lie sjioke, lie said, only as
a private citizen, holding no office and de
siring none. If uiat be the ease, the fever
has but shortly got off, and the cold stage is
likely to he of still shorter duration. But
to the charge against Mr. Cobb. Mr. Ste
phens not only voted for Mr. Cobb for Gov
ernor in 1851', aflei that Wilmot Proviso
vote, thereby endorsing .Mr. Cobb's past
political course, but Mr. Stephens may re
member a certain occasion, only five years
ago, when he was nominated for Congress
at Eatonton, when he sat side by side on the
stand with Gov. Cobb, and not'only accept
ed Mr. Cobb’s “aid and comfort,” but en
dorsed him as a true man, and a worthy poli
tical associate. It may be a little unpleasant
to Mr. Stephens to recall this little circum
stance at this time, hut his late charge
against Mr. Cobb is so ungraceful and un
generous, after accepting 'Mr. Cobb's ser
vices to help him in his Congressional race,
that deserves to be reminded of it whenever
lie allows his thirst for office to drown the
memory of his past kindness.—Federal Un
ion.
“Left” is Right.—A few days since one
of our railroad agents—a better fellow than
whom does not “live, move or have his be
ing”—received a letter from a gentleman in
a neighboring city, inquiring for a trunk
which had been misplaced or lost, adding,
by way of description, “The trunk has ‘A.
B.’ marked on the left end.” Whereupon
he received from the agent the following an
swer : “After a careful inspection of all the
baggage at this depot, aud very mature de
liberation thcreujion, we are of the opinion
that Iwith ends of your trunk are left !
£3T A younjrlady of Cincinnati, just re
turned from Europe, states as a positive
fact that an aristocratic Englishman inquir
ed of her if Cincinnr ti was a slave State.
force it. If the people shaking off the trammels I doefrinc if is said, il *vejl found ex , and if it
of party, and spurning the timid counsels ; sliallbe so declared bythe Suprelne Court,
of TEMPORISING SUBMISSIONISTS ! will authonzethe introduction olftaverytn-
Argument is not needed to elucidate or en- j *, n cv ® 1- y Territory of die Union.' rAnd^ this '■ recor( j on t| (C slavery question, is as bad, or ^
worse than.tliat of Abraham Lincoln, and
many of ourSoutliern people think ‘all’s well.’
And who compose this Bell and Everett par
ty ! The ground work of the whole fabric
of this Bell and Everett party, is Know-No-
thingism, how muehsoever, its friends and
advocates may try to conceal it. Then in
AND SELFISH TRADESMEN in the
great mart of POLITICAL BARTERING,
to New Mexfi-o. The sounds:
eneral doctrine held ujion tl
CONSTITUTION
To detract from the importance of the is
sue in j-.ublic estimation, it is insisted that
it is a mere, abstraction—that will be time
enough for Georgia to determine it when
she shall be called upon to exeicise the
right of secession. This is but one of the
hundred subterfuges of those who man the
“masked battery." The issue is vital. It has
not been made by the State of Georgia, nor by
the Southern States. It has been forced upon
us by federal aggressions. It has been dis
tinctly tendered by high authority. It was
tendered by Henry Clay in his great speech
property in slaves would be entUftgl to the this same organteation you find Tariff men,
protection ot the laws and Constitution of i „ . _ ° _ . * _ \
the United States; but the question is more United States Lank men, and every sort of
of
doubtful and formidable to the interests of; men, who for the last quarter of a century
the South,-where it interests of the South,
where it is raised in reference to New Mexi
co, where there has been an organized socie
ty and government tor two ceafftries, and
where slavery was prohibited by the local
sovereignty before and at the date of the
cession to the United States; end where un
der that prohibition, slavery had ceased to
exist. The Constitution, in its application
to this Territory, is expected not merely to
have been fighting the Democracy. Yet
many of our Democrats in Georgia are
giving “aid and comfort” to this Know-
Nothing party in disguise, by supporting
Douglas instead of Breckinridge. There is
no use in blinking the question. Every
Democrat in Georgia, be lie native born or
foreign born, who supports Sir. Douglas, is
bloody close.
At such a moment the proclamation of
such sentiments by Judge Douglas, (coming
immediately after Seward’s Boston speech,)
uttered here at the South, and addressed to
the citizens of a State whose Executive de
clared to General Jackson, that Federal
troops should only cross her borders over
the bodies of her sons—bv a man from the
North, from the neighborhood of Lincoln
himself, a candidate for the Presidency, vol- !
untecring his counsel to Lincoln, and, in the i
event of his election, his aid to wage war j
upon our people and to slay them in battle j
as rebels, or hang them in cold blood as !
traitors, if they shall render obed’ence to j
State rather than Federal authority, is re
pugnant to every sense of right, and merits j
from the people of the South, the severest :
rebuke. Such a rebuke,"we sincerely hope i
will be given the doctrine and its author at
the November elections. j
James Lyons, Richmond city.
John Perkins, Louisiana.
Allen S. Izard, South Carolina.
H. K. Burgwyn, North Carolina.
II, R. Runnels, Texas.
Edward Haile, Florida.
D. W. Spratt, South Carolina.
John Cunningham, South Carolina.
R. V. Barksdale, Virginia.
George R. Drummond, Virginia.
John Miars, “
E. C. Thomas, “
J. G. Keitts, South Carolina.
A. R. Blakey, Virginia.
John 0. Griffin, Virginia.
A. B. Hanegan, South Carolina.
Charles Irliy, “ “
F. M. E. Fant, “ “
J. Dantler, “ “
IV. Ederington, “ “
Philip Howerton, Virginia.
William H. Terrill, Bath county, Va.
N. F. Bowe, Virginia.
Robert M. Taylor, Virginia.
George M. Bales, “
John W. Street, “
IV. A. Street, “
II. B. Tomlin, Virginia.
IVm. Polk, Louisiana.
IV. E. Johnson, South Carolina.
John Prosser Tabb, Virginia:
Miers IV. Fisher, Virginia.
Lcland Noel, Mississijijii.
Langdon Clteves, South Carolina.
IVm. C. Bee, South Carolina.
Wharton J. Green, North Carolina.
Edward O. Satchel!, of Virginia.
George F. Wilkins, Virginia.
A. Saltmarsh, Alabama.
Jos. A. Graves, Virginia.
Thomas B. Lynch. South Carolina.
IVm. R. Peck, Louisiana.
J. A. Riddick, Virginia.
W. A. Selden, Virginia.
John A. Selden, Virginia.
G. B. Sangeltary, North Carolina.
ing Bell and Everett for the Presidency and
Vice-Presidency of the United States. We
regret to be under the necessity of recording
the fact, that the fragments of the gallant
old Whig party of the South have at last
come tfi the predicament, which has long
since been predicted that they would come
to, and that is the support of men who are
known and avowed Freesoilers. The New
nan Convention pronounced Mr. Bell a
Freesoiler, and no one in this region will
deny that Mr. Everett is a Freesoiler dyed
in the wool. IVe regret that the “War
Horse” ot Troup did not give lii9 old friends
and acquaintances a rebuke for their depar
ture from the “ancient landmarks” of old
fashioned Wliiggery in his late speech in
our city.
Great Speech of Senator Iverson in Savannah.
all belong has been called a disunion party,
a secession party. Now, who with any
common sense can believe that John C.
Breckinridge, the high-toned, gallant and
chivalrous Breckinridge, the patriot and
statesman, who loves the Union, and who
has throughout his life fought so bravely for
the Union, and the Constitution—who, I
say, can believe that he is a disunionist or a
secessionist? My friends, as well might it
be said that a fond father desires the dismem
berment and bitter conflicts in his family.—
One statement would be as reasonable as the
other. No: Breckinridge is the best of
Union men; and it is a gross libel to charge
him with disunion sentiments or designs.
No man would sooner lay down his life for
the Union than the noble Breckinridge. I
know him well, and I say what I know of
him. And, as to myself'; why, gentlemen,
ray whole life gives the lie to such a charge.
No man loves the Union more than I do,
and none would go further or do more with
in the power of man to perpetuate it. But,
my friends, if you would preserve the Union
IVe find by the Morning News of the 12th, j you must maintain the Constitution, for they
that Senator Iverson addressed the citizens I are inseparable. If von would preserve the
. ,,, , . , , : one you must maintain the other. The
of Chatham county on Wednesday evening j equa f ity of the states is the principle upon
last. The meeting was, according to the re-j which the confederation was formed, upon
port of the News, the largest political gath- ! which the Union was made, and without
convened in that city since the open- | which there would have been no confedera-
1 tion or Union.
enn
ing of the present campaign. The synopsis j
of the speech in the News is short and to
The equality of the States—that is the
principle now at issue before
the point. Mr. Iverson, among many other : the equality of the States, not partially, not
upon “the Compromise bills.” °He said “if : P rotect property in slaves, as in tire case of virtually strengthening Bell, and thereby
resistance it attempted by any State, or by : Oiegon befoie there was any xeretse ot p romo t; ni r the cause of Know-Nothingism.
♦ i _*ii i-A i • cnvprPKTntv linnn Mia eninprt. onitSfc’iiV nr t.llP in n
the people of any State, he will lift i,f s ; sovereignty upon the subject oneway or the
- • - ' other, but to supersede the local laws in
force prohibiting slavery when the United
States came into possession of it. If the
obstructions interposed by these laws were
removed, then the principitSfofrrHl^G'O'nsti-
tution would be left to their full and fair
operation, and the South might look, with
voice, his heart anti his arm in the support
of the common authority of this govern
ment.” Through Mr. IVebster. the Secre
tary of State, it has been tendered by the
rotton dynasty of the Fillmore administration.
For he lias distinctly proclaimed the policy
of the Cabinet to be coercion, if any State
should attempt secession. This issue, then,
is upon us. Shall we not meet it it ? Shall
ice ingloriously shrink from its derision f It
is true, that to past aggressions, Georgia has
determined to offer no resistance. But the
right to resist, and to resist peaceably, without
the terror of lederal bayonets, slie cannot
yield; and now slie is called upon to make
the decision. Let her meet it with firmness
and unanimity.
IYhosoever oberces the signs of the times
cannot fail to see that the RIGHT OF SE
CESSION will probably at no distant day,
ASSUME THE FORM AND MAGNI
TUDE OF PRACTICAL IMPORTANCE.
The South is in a permanent minority in our
Federal Legislature. The tone of Northern
fanaticism abates not in its frenzy and inso
lence ! It presses on rapidly to the consumma
tion of its diabolical designs. And what check
has the progrees? Hare we any under the es
tablished rules of p>ir'iamcntary laic.’ Can
we expect any justice at the hands of the pres
ent Freesoil Executive and his cabinet.’ Can
we effect anything by argument, and apjieals
to the reason of our NORTHERN OPPRES
SORS? CAN WE OBTAIN SHELTER
UNDER THE BROAD SHIELD OF THE
CONSTITUTION? NO! All these are im
potent as pack thread to restrain an IRRE
SPONSIBLE AND FANATICAL MA
JORITY. What, then, are we to do? I
say let us bear to the last point of endurance
but let us never proclaim, through the bal
lot'
that
insurgents and. revolutionists.
“A Few More of the Same Sort.”
Marietta, Ga., Sept. 12th, 1860.
Messrs. Editors:—For the encouragement
of our Breckinridge friends, I herewith send
you the result of a recent vote taken on the
The Great Eastern to run regularly to New York.
By the arrival of the Bohemian from Liv
erpool, 31st ult., we find that the Great East
ern was to sail for New York on the 17tli
inst. England cannot do better with her
than engage her regularly in the American
traffic. Her passage home, was the shortest
ever made across the Atlantic.
some confidence, to the protection of slave cars f or President, between Marietta and
property in this territory through tbe courts
of tbe United States. But, sir, this bill pro
poses no such thing. The distinguished
Senator from Kentucky himself would not
support a proposition to repeal the local
laws, nor would any gentleman from the
North. The distinguished Senator from
Michigan would not vote thus far, to open
Cartersville on the 11th inst. The result
was as follows:
Breckinridge 31
Bell 16
Douglas 3
From this it may be seen that the cause of
equal rights and the Constitution, as expoun
ded by John C. Breckinridge is upward and
A Cap that Fitted.
The Albion commented a week ago upon
the character of a portion of the American
press. It named no names, first, because
names were uot needed to point its moral,
and secondly, because it desired no contro
versy with any particular newspaper upon a
truth which unhappily applies to more than
one of its American contemporaries. It
stated broadly, in plain, set teruis, that tbe I
| good things, said :
j It was an insult and a mockery to call
j the Convention which nominated Mr. Doug
las a National Democratic Convention, when
only thirteen free-soil States were represent
ed in it, and only thirteen out of the one
1 hundred and twenty delegates from the
Southern States remained in it. The Soutli-
j era delegations who had the firmness and
the patriotism to maintain the constitution
al rights of the South and the equality of
! the States left the convention, and nomina-
nated good and true men upon the platform
of principles which had received the sanc
tion of all parties in the South and of the
true Democracy of the North. He ap
proved their course and would stand by
their action. Let those who may follow the
standard of Douglas in the quagmire of
free-soilism and squatter-sovereignty, he
would not desert his friends and neighbors
—he would stand by those who stood by
the rights, interests and honor of the South.
* * * * * # •«>
It had been claimed by the supporters of
Mr. Douglas that he was an especial friend
of the South, that he was a better friend to
the South than any man in the North, or
perhaps in the Union. Had he shown it by
liis vote in favor of the application of the
Wilmot proviso to the territory acquired
from Mexico ? He had voted under instruc
tions. Voted under instructions against the
South, in violation of the Constitution and
his official oath! A true friend of the
South and an honorable man would have
resigned before casting such a vote. Was
lie a friend when he deserted the South and
voted with Seward, Hale and Sumner
against the admission of Kansas as a slave
State ? Is he a friend of the South now
while travelling through the country de
nouncing the men of the South stirring up
discord and hatred, and slandering men as
good if not better than himself. The South
owed little to such friends.
What Stephen said to his Mother.—
Sliakspeare gives us, with the happy fore-
j sight of the great poet, a graphic descrip
tion, in advance, of the stumping peregrina
tions and canvassing tour of the peripatetic
candidate for the Presidency:
“Mother I am sroing to the market place;
Chide me no more. I’ll mountebank their loves,
Cog their hearts from them, and come home beloved
Of all the trades in Rome. Look, I am going;
Commend me to'my wife. I’ll return Consul,
Or never trust me what my tongue can do
IU1 the way of flattery further.”
| Coriolancs, Act III., Scene 8d.
with any reservation, but in full recognition
| of the original compact. In this you will
j see that Breckinridge and your humble ser
vant are better Union men than those who
make the foul charge of disunionism against
us, because we are for maintaining the Union
upon the principles of the Constitution,
strictly and fairly interpreted, and not inter
preted in a latitadinarian manner for the
purpose of political expediency. Are we
not then the best Union men, for the reason
that we would maintain it upon the princi
ples of the Constitution, while our enemies
who make unfounded and base charges
against us would destroy the Union by sap
ping its very foundations. And now, as to
the party which is identified with and sup
ports the Breckinridge and Lane ticket.—
That party is not a secession or disunion
party. I am not here to defend the past his
tory of men who may now support this
ticket, nor to offer excuses for or explain
away charges against individuals; but I
maintain that our party is, par excellence, a
Union party. If it were not, neither Breck
inridge nor I would be identified with it.
The disunionists are really those who would
sap the foundation of the' Constitution by
denying or destroying the equality of the
States. Preserve in good faith the original
compact of the equality of the States, and
the equal rights of the citizens of each of
the States in the common Territories, and
everywhere else where the flag of these
United States floats, and the Union will be
preserved to all time, and this great, and
glorious country will fill the most-important
pages in the history of nations. Let us be
just, deal fairly by every portion of this
country and by every State of this confede
racy, and this family of States will live to
gether in harmony for all time to come.
Now niy friends, having made these few re-
j marks, in response to your flattering reccp-
: tion, I thank you again, one and all, and bid
I you good night.
I The Faith of a Northern Man in the Election
of Breckinridge.
I All our readers must admire the pluck of
j Mr. Kleik, in making the following bets—
; We sincerely hope that they will be taken
: up and that Mr. K. may win :
i More Bets.—J. R. Kleik, of Cincinnati,
j offers to make the following bets:
f 1,000 that Breckinridge will carry five
i slave States.
$1,000 that lie will carry ten slave States.
$1,000 that he will carry all the slave
Sttitcs
We beg pardon of the memory of Corio- j $ 1)0 00 that he wiU ge t more votes in
lanus for the comparison, however, which Georgia than Douglas will get in the entire
does not hold good in any other respect. j South.
The same “poet of all time” gives an an- J c 000 that Douglas will get more votes in
* ,. 6 I Boston than in the whole state oi North
swer that would have been very appropriate j Carolina.
for any citizen, candidate and gentleman ! $1,000 that Douglas will not carry three
31 <A LCtl 1/1 i /uti 1^ ^ 111 |Hulll^ 'Ll IC1 llliil lllL # ^ 9 q. .
manner in which the portion of the press called on to imitate tlie practice of thedema- ■ Btate s.
referred to reported the progress of the
Prince of Wales, was simply a disgrace to
the door to the extension of slavery, though onwa {. d K -. ep the ball raoti on, Messrs. ! journalism, and regretted that such reports
he is willing to maintain the mat us quo ot TCllitnra . in H » o*ln r inn« vietm-v will he nnrs ! should go before tbe British public as an
this Territory.
Editors, and a glorious victory will be ours
if we are but faithful and true to our princi-
‘ gogue:
“Rather than fool it so,
Let the high office and the honor go
To one that would do thus.”
It will thus be seen that our eontempora- . pj es and ollr God. All is right here.
rv has made a slight mistake, in attributing
to Mr. Bell language that he used as show- ;
ing forth his own sentiments, when the facts -
show the very reverse. Of course our con- j
temporary will cheerfully make the cor-
reetion when his attention is called to it.
The second clause of this “plank” is from
another speech of Mr. Bell, on the 6th of
July, p. 1106, and strange to say,4t is from
the middle of a sentence, making the whole
« i
“plank” composed of “grabbledJ extracts.
We give the passage entire.
These examples may show that there are j
certain abstract truths' and principles which,
however, incontrovertible in themselves, ■
like every other good thing, may be and of
ten are misconceived and abused in their I
application. It is the business oT'Statesmen
Very respectfully,
Your ob’t serv’t,
W. T. BEALL.
[comm cn icated.
Editors Intelligencer: You will oblige me
by giving the following extract, taken from
the Southern Confederacy, a place in your
paper:
“The position of Stephen A. Douglas upon
the subject of popular or squatter sovereign
ty is as obnoxious and as dangerous to the
interest of the South, as any heresy promul
gated by the Black Republican party. In
evidence of the character of the press of
this country. The occasion called for such
a comment upon the want of good breeding
in men who, in some sort were public repre-
i Beli, in East Florida.— The Elector De-
! clines.—We learn from the Ocala Home Com-
! panion of the 21st that the Bell and Everett
sentatives; it come with special propriety i elector of the East declines the position. The
from a paper which may he pardoned for j Companion says:
Hon. James A. Wiggins being loudly
having, in this matter, Some national feel-
$1,000 that he will not carry two States.
$1,000 that he will not. carry a single
State.
Telegraphic Dispatches bring to us this
morning, from the melancholy scene of the
disaster on Lake Erie, news of the death,
and recovery of the body, of Herbert In
gram, member of Parliament for Boston
(England,) and sole proprietor of the Lon
don Illustrated News. This gentleman, in
1842, was a typo, his brother-in-law, < Mr.
Hr11Amnc T?cvLot*fo o olioniict'c t‘]prIf Tllft
ing; and it could give utterance, in such a called for, delivered a short hut eloquent ■ - ■ ■ . , , , rr ,
ease to a rebuke which, coming from a speec h, in which he stated that he had de- ! T l‘°m as Roberts, a chemistclerk The
strictly American journal, would expose it j c fined the nomination of the Bell and Ever- i Pitting the. rlieads together, Macap
to invtdioHS reflections.
The above is from the Charleston Courier
of the- 12th inst. We are sure it speaks the
sentiments of every respectable paper in the
United States. The reports published in
many of the progress of the Prince of Wales
are u a disgrace” to the journalism of the
‘•public, is a communication, addressed tobim
fact and in truth, upon the subject of slavery, j country. They will hardly be taken, how- by a mcm ber of his own party, and with .
the interrogation:
ital of some $1,500, started the Illustrated
London News, and “Parr’s Life Pills.”—<
When each venture became self-supporting,
Mr. Roberts took, in Manchester, the pill
trade, realizing a handsome fortune, aud
Mr. Ingram continued the newrpaper, ma
^ . king not only a fortune, but a position as a
In the same paper, says the Quincy Re- membe r of Parliament.
ett party of this State, as their candidate for
Elector. He did not, however, define his
position any farther than to s^y that he
would support the candidate lor President
who seemed most likely to defeat the Black
Republicans.
the position of Douglas and Seward is only
a technical difference, the adoption of either
-box. that we have no 'right to secede, and j to apply them with safety, and to give them : of wllose schemes would lead to the same
it if we do secede we are to be regarded the utmost practical influence and effect results. The only difference between -the
It never,
practical
consistent with the existing state of society.
never can be true, that our forefathers, in The most beautiful illustration of this senti-
the struggle of ’76, fought only to achieve ment, and the most striking example of the
that which is the right of serfs—the right of superiority of practical troth over theoretic
revolution. They had that under the British axioms in' the formation of government, _ to
crown. But they struggled for more—for be fonnd in all history, and one which
colonial sovereignty and they won it
. claims the special attention of the people of
Did they turn round immediately and j tnis country at this moment, was exhibited
surrender all they had battled lbr into the j by our ancestors, when, with their ’o’Jrn re- other a covert scoffer.
Seward Republicans and the Douglas De
mocracy is that the former is bald and de
fiant in their positions; whilst the latter at
tempt to conceal their true position by tech
nicalities, abstractions and sophistical con
structions. One is an open enemy; the
ever, as the sentiment of the American peo
ple on the subject. There Is no class of so
ciety without its black sheep and the “press”
of the United States has its number—to
make the American “press” responsible for
heir ill breeding and bad manners would
be unfair and un-English.
•*Do vou stand upon the Richmond plat- ;
form with Breckinridge and Lane, and will
vou support them far President and \ ice county, New Jersey, has sent to market
President of the L nited States ? the past year, five thous:
No Ticket in Florida.—Douglas can’t
get an electoral ticket in Florida. Those
appointed won’t ser-e. Poor Douglas-!-
A 9’tngle farm in Byrain township, Sus-
Tersey, has sent to market
thousand pounds of but-
Don’t grumble at taxes or assesments, says
Missouri for Breckinridge.—Missouri, ! tet-
ike Georgia requires a majority vote to
elect the Presidential electors. Senator _
“Passing Away!”—Three weeks more Green (Breckinridge.) lias just been re-elec- a contemporary, but plant Onions. A lot of
will dispose of poor Douglas. Bell’s friends ted by the Legislature to the United States | 170 by 14Q feet will yield 116 bushels, at
kept him up a little while, in the South Senate; this indicates that Breckinridge will 50 cents per bushel. This is a homeepa-
—now,
lives 1
they are fleeing for their own carry the State beyond a doubt.—Federal i thic remedy. Taxes bring tears, so do On-
Urdon.
ions!