Newspaper Page Text
“u well know
pfore the adoption of the
__ ies Buchanan and
John C'. Breckinridge, in 1856, were pledged
to the doctrine of non-intervention bv Con
stitution) a citizen might vote . gress with slavery in the Territories.” Mark
»t. .. T* l.ntuu.norl tlmt nIt !□ tliaca ** n nn.Intorvontinr* ”
UKVIHEII AM) CORUK< TKI).
1 beg pm, iny neighbors, friend-., and old
constituents, to* be insured that I feel pro
foundly grateful for the cordial welcome you
have extended to me. The circumstances
under which I appear before you are unusu
al; Ido it in obedience to the request of
friends whose wishes I have been accustom
ed to observe, and if it be an uncommon
thing for a person in my position to address
assemblages of the people, 1 can only say, I
hope to discuss the topics which I shall han
dle to-day in a manner not altogether un
worthy tin- attitude which I occupy, I shall
certainly indulge in no language which, in
my opinion, will fall below tin- dignity of
political discussion. The condition of my
health makes it impossible to extend un
voice over this vast assembly, but 1 hope it
will become stronger as 1 proceed.
I appear before you to-day for tlie purpose
rirst, of repelling certain accusations which
huve been made against me personally, and
industriously disseminated over oilier States;
and next, to show that the principles upon
which 1 stand are the principles of the Con
stitution and the l't ion, (great applause;)
and surely, if at an . lime :i justification
could be found by any man Ibr addressing
the people, in the position I occupy, it will
be found in my case. Anonymous writers
and wundering orators have chosen to tell
the people that I am a disunionist and a
traitor to my country, and they declare that
the atrocious form in which lmve exhibited
that treason makes, by comparison with it,
Barr a patriot, and the memory of Arnold
respectable.
But, fellow-citizens, before 1 eotue to those
topics, I desire to make u brief but compre
hensive statement in regard to my position
in connection with the presidency of toe
United States. I have been charged with a
premature ambition ; 1 have been charged
with intriguing for this nomination; I have
been charged with leaping before the wishes
of the people, and desiring to thrust myself
before them for the highest office in their
gill. To all this I answer that it is wholly
untrue. 1 have written to nobody for their
support. I have conversed with nobody so
liciting support. I have intrigued with no
body; I have promised nobody.
To those statements 1 challenge contradic
tion from any human being. (Cheers. A
voice, “That’s so, John ) Nay, more; 1
did not seek or desire to be placed before
the people for the office of President by any
TTOivfcntion or any part of any convention.
When I returned io the State of Kentucky
in the spring of 1859, and was informed that
some partial friends were presenting my
name to the public in that connection, and
certain editors, whose presence 1 see here,
had hoisted my name for the presidency, 1
said to them all, “Friends, I am not in any
sense n candidate for the presidency,” and I
desire, that my name might be taken down
from the head of their eolmns. It was done.
A very eminent citizens of the Common
wealth of Kentucky was presented by bis
friends for that office; 1 wes gratified to see
it, and united cordially in presenting him
for the suffrage of the American people.**"At
no time, in or out of the Stale of Kentucky,
did I do nit net or utter a word which would
bring my name in conflict with his, or that
of auy other eminent American citizen who
desired, or whose friends desired for him,
that position; and if you have taken the
trouble to read the proceedings of the Charles
ton Convention, you will remember, when I
received the vote of Arkansas, one of my
friends rose and requested that the vote might
be withdrawn, declaring that I would not al
low the use of my name in competition with
that of the distinguished Kentuckian to
whom 1 have referred.
And when that-Convention assembled at
Baltimore, my feelings and my conduct were
still unchanged. Alter the disruption which
took place there, my name, without any soli
citation on my part and against my expres
sed wishes, was presented to the country for
the office of President by a Convention and
under circumstances which certainly deser
ved the most respectful consideration. No
man could he vain enough to anticipate
that his name would be placed before the i
country; hut having heard that such a tiling j
was possible, 1 constantly said that “I did |
not. desire to be presented to the American ;
Anywhere in the State. It so happened that
after the labors of the canvass and the courts
I had gone on mr annual hunting trip to
the mountains. There was with me a party
all
the word as it is there, “non-intervention.
“I made speeches from the same stand with
J. C. Breckinridge, in 1856, when he was
„ l did not choose to answer a ques-
proclaim in Kentucky, anlRTBl^^^Ssr tion that had been so often responded to, ! deci
Iv embodied in the platform of our party. * >l ? t r ®f erred bun *° t * i€ judiciary to a»cer- j it
* “He said it bad been charged that* the turn Whether tlie power existed. I believed
democratic party intended to employ the j existed; others believed other-
Federal Government to propagate slavery, * ^jHj^^e^^cc^to^ dtlFer; agreeu _to
mn.it—i mi incuse appianse.j
Just here, my friends, 1 want to say a
and that it was,
federal relation
.! (. . BrecKinrtage, in itw,snen ne was , pro . s i averv partv . This, lie
advocating Ins own claims to the \ ice Presi- lru „ ^he democratic nartv was
of six or eight gentlemen, all of them be- dency, and beard him go the extreme length 1
longing to the whig party; and on the day in favor of popular sovereignty in the Tei
of election thev proposed to me that instead ritories.” Then speaking of certain otlie
vered a contrivance by which word about the doctrine of non-intervention,
1 the decision might * be eva- which is a Iroitly mixed up with tlie phrases
which we thought secure be ; “popular sovereignty” unit “squatter sover-
ies. Let us see how it was to eigiity,” with a view to confuse the people.
The names of Clay, Webster, and other
la tion* a refeTSt' to thirl udiciary; we agreed to abide The opinion of tot Supreme Court was : eminentstatesmen, have been invoked to
was not bv tlmir decision,’’ " delivered in 1857. In 1858 Mr. Douglas was sustain this doctrine of territorial power,
" „ ‘I think I have shown that uiiuit the noint a candidate for ve-eleotlOU from that State, and the compromises of laid have been to
other
of going, as i intended, to the nearest voting gentlemen from t he South who had ad-
place, some fifteen miles, we should devote dressed the people in the North, he says:
“in every one of their speeches they advoca
ted squatter sovereignty in its broadest
place. _
the day to the chase. If they had voted
there would have been six or seven votes
cast for Taylor, and but one cast for Cass sense.”
and Butler. [Cheers.] I accepted the pro
position, and we went hunting, [laughter,]
and if every man had done as well as ray-
ton open
Here, in tlie space ot twelve lines, you
have the words “non-intervention," “squat*
ter sovereignty,” and “popular sovereignty,”
tes He uroceeded to sav that each ffient qf tl }e constitutional question. 1 »’*!>£>“ >! tody he fltme IS pointed out w the right to clenne or exclude property pen-
au- W IS entitled toforints constftu Now bear with the while I read a very ! the following language, employed by Mr. ; ding the territorial condition. When did
,, ,1,„ I-.,;' LA,'; little from the opinion of the Supreme Court I Douglas ill discussion with his competitor, Clay ever hold such doctrines? When
tion, and enter tlie Union without discrimi- j the opinion ot the Supreme Court u 5 '
nation hv Congres, on account of the allow- tle United States in tlie Dred Scott case, ; , .
were such doctrines ever embodied in tlie
nnoo or nml.ibirinn of s1.mw.vc Ttencp "if rendered in the spring of 1857, and three “The last question propounded to me by compromise measures of f85Q ? The legis-
anceor prohibition at ahiyeiy. Hence, it tll „ tll „ m , Mr. Lincoln is; Can the people of a Terri- tion of %u period shows that non-taterven-
‘ - to apply equally to Con-
rritoriat gore mint nt.
of that day looked to the
liould come into the Un-
lie time when the territo-
Yct Mr. iiougiasTsays that Congress "never
yet passed a law for the protection of am
man’s property in a Territory but that
“he mustalw-ays rely on the local law.” Qt
course I do not doubt that he belieYes.tht
statement; but I relieve his truth and jntegri--
ty at the expense of his information, [Laugh
ter. A voice, “I wouldn’t oare to be so re
lieved.”]
Fellow-citizens, the principles I have
tried feebly to vindicate here are the princi
ples upon which the constitutional demo
anything were necessary beyond my word.
[A Voice, “None; nothing more needed
here.”]
Another charge actively circulated through-
legislation of the country. [Cheers.] It
was non-intervention in respect io slavery
bv Congress, and by it* treatin'?, the territo
rial legislature, leaving it to the people, when
out tlie Southern States, asserts that I was they should form a constitution and become n £ t , jrfJ W)() ^ | )e p ast !)j
Tljat question vye agrepcj, ip U;e Kansas
bill, to refer to the Supreme Court of the
That question was decided,
Southern States, called the Tuskegec (Ala- presently in another connection,
bama) Republican, and which contains u But I assume that Mr. Douglas, in this
letter written by one ol our ow n citizens, in statement, meant to declare that I, in 1856,
reference to my public position, and even in , from the same stand with him.advocated the
regard to my private affairs. It was written
by Hon. George Robertson to a Mr. Alexan
der, of Alabama, and is dated August 23d,
1860. I quote so much of it as I desire to
comment upon:
“J. C. Breckinridge has not been counted
here an emancipationist, however much he
may have been suspected by some for sym
pathy with liis uncle, the Rev. Robert J.
Breckinridge. He does not keep house, and
owns no slaves^ unless lie retains two that
came by liis wife. I know- nothing of the
investment in Ohio concerning which you
inquire. But we all know here that lie was
committed to squatter sovereignty ever since
liis nomination in 1856. until finding that
Douglas would overwhelm him in tlie North,
lie changed liis creed, and, in liis Frankfort
speech last January, turned Southerner and
advocated protection by congressional inter
vention.”
As to the part of that letter relating to
my personal affairs, I have to say that-1 do
not envy the taste or character of a gentle
man who would be engaged in writing let
ters through the Union touching the private
business of his neighbors. Whilst he is in
correct in some of those statements, 1 will
not merit, the contempt of this audience by j
entering into details in regard to my private j
affairs. [A voice, “That is manly.’*]
That part of the letter which relates to
squatter sovereignty will be disposed of i i
answering the accusations of other men; but ;
1 am now on the question of emancipation.
Observe tlie wording of tlie sentence: “John j
C. Breckinridge has not been counted here
emancipationist, however much he may have
been suspected by some for sompathy with
his uncle, Rev. Robert J. Breckinridge,”
Now, if there is an individual here, among
tlie thousands within tlie sound of my voice,
who ever heard or knew of my sympathiz
ing with the doctrines advanced by Rev. R.
J. Breckinridge, let him now speak, or for
ever hold his peace. [Cheers.] And when
Hon. George Robertson will produce one I
respectable man, in or out of the county of;
Fayette, who will say lie believed or sus
pected that I was an emancipationist, I will
even confess that it was proper to write that
letter. [Cheers.] If the gentleman means j
that there has always existed between Rev. j
Mr. Breckinridge and myself those relations j
of cordiality, respect, and affection which arc
natural and proper, the insinuation is true.
But that is not the purpose of the letter. It j
is in connection with the subject of eiuanci- I
pation that lie was speaking, and he would .
convey tlie impression that I had been stts- j
pected of sympathy with my uncle upon
tecanoe, and heard my speech, in which j
lie*denied I had ftdlllittpq this doctrine of;
the territorial power. He sept me a slip I
containing liis speech. In tlie same month, ]
(October, 1856,) some time before the presi- |
dentialelection, in the course of a letter to j
him, I said:
“ You hare reported me correctly, and
thank you for it.
“Hands off the whole subject by the Fed
eral Government, (except for one or two pro
tect ice purposes, mentioned in the Constitu
tion)—the equal rights of all sections in
common territory, mid the absolute power of
each new State to settle the question in its I
constitution—these are my doctrines and
those of our platform, and, what is more, of j
the Constitution.
I consider the assault upon me so absurd j
as to be unworthy of further notice.”
ing of the acqnsition of territory the court;
Now, fellow-citizens, to tlie statement of
tlie distinguished senator from Illinois, in
which he undertakes to proye allegations
doctrine that tlie territorial legislature has
| the right to exclude slave property pending
the territorial condition. I presume he uses
all these expressions iu that sense; and, in
deed, that is tlie question which has been the
whole bone of dispute.
Well, fellow-citizens, I have first my owu
statement to oppose to that of the distin
guished senator. At no time, either before
or after tlie passage of the Kansas-Nebraska
bill, did I ever entertain or utter the opinion
that a territorial legislature, prior to the for
mation of a State constitution, had tlie right
to exclude slave property from the common
Territories of the Union. No. And no au
thentic utterance of mine can be found which
sustains that charge. You find it stated in
this extract which I Just now read to you,
and which I never saw until the other day,
an irresponsible statement made by I know
not whom, never revised nor seen by me,
and as I will show you, against the whole
tenor of my public speeches. I have suf
fered a good deal by incorre
speeches. It would be
some respects, since now,
graph and the press, ev
off by the first impression,
of gentlemen iu the East,
their speeches before deliv
do ~
stand ueiore me people, i uo noi uouui me i t Tinneeanoe
competency or desire to be correct of the ' K'toto,, Sen prior
gentlemen making reports; hut it may Ire- : eleetion 0 f 1856:—all t..
cjuently happen tram the rapidity of utter- cfms ; s t en t. with each other
ance or indistinctness ot delivery that they
fail to catch the expressions and,’meaning of
the speaker. Indeed, it is wonderful that
tlie errors are not greater and more numer
ous. I would in this connection request of
the reporters to give me an opportunity of
revising what is said to-day.
Now, fellow-citizens. J will detain you
briefly by as clear an exposition as I can
make’ of the circumstances under which tlie
Kansas-Nebraska bill became a law in 1854.
The friends of the measure, North am?
South, agreed that the Missouri line should
he repealed and the territory opened to set
tlement. But there was o»e capital point
on which they differed:
Southern friends of the bill, and a few from
the North, denied that the power existed in
Congress or iu a territorial legislature to ex
clude any description of property recognized
in the States during the territorial condition.
Others, and among them Mr. Douglas, held
that a territorial legislature might exclude
slave property. It was a constitutional
question, and they agreed not to make it a
subject of legislative dispute; but. to pro-
“ But’ as \ye baye before sa.i(|, it w as ac
quired by tog Genpral Government, as the
representative and trustee of the people of
short extracts from the celebrated report
made by the Committee of Thirteen, (ol
which Mr. Clay was chairman,) which re-
shown you, by the court, the suited in the compromise measures of 1850.
| year beiore uiis speech was made by Mr. It is calm, lucid, has no (jflPdl’ftP phrases,
; Douglas, in which decision they say neither 1 and its top? is [ike (lip plear and elevated
i CQHgres? nor[he iPITiSOTinl [PgisltUto? Ufts ” *' - • - "
• VQRgres? no r tnc terfijoridl iPgjswmr-P bus
. p»WPl’ to hut tiphr on]y right and
,! duty arp to guard and protect. I have shown
you that Mr. Douglas agreed to submit the
and representative, the General Government, I constitutional right ot Southern citizens to
who in fapt acquired the territory in ques- j bold and enjoy their property in the Terri-
.. « « Vj . . . • fnrioa I Iwi mmutiAn muir li.x
language w the Supreme Court:
“It is high time that the wounds which it
lias inflicted should be healed up and clos
ed, and that to avoid in all future time the
the
question
ol
others
the true principle which ought to regu
late tlie action of Congress in forming terri
X ; tion. and the Government holds it for their j lories. The question may be called “ah- torial goyerumpnta far eaph newly-acquired
‘ common use, until it shall be associated with ! ^lf a Pti yut it js ope (uyojyiug tlje equality i domain is to refrain from all legislation on
y/ I . 1 “ T _ . * .. i A* tliO Utotnc /if til to T'llioit o»wl tlwi ttllnl ' it. 1 * • “
the
No
but
position of
proceed to say that until the time arrives
\vhr*n tlifi Territory is or/mnizeii as a State
rv power
tution and form of Government. Tlie pow-1
ers of the Government and the rights and!
It matters not as to the right to go into
the Territories under the Constitution ! The
Congress, or tlie territorial legislature, but
I to leave the question to be decided by tlie
» i‘: 1 7 Vd mS 1 Who’ Si Z ! 7‘ : The Territory being a part of the United | «
ami before thepeople. I do not doubt the . h ... TilMjeftino< ,. and finally, mv let- ! Stai
Here is the opinion of VVebster, uttered
lv affirm, consistent also with my uniform
opinions. [A voice.
i|Jg.”l j
It would li.ot be difficult to accumulate ■
; testimony on this paint to any extent, but 1
j think I have proved eoneto'siVPjy that the
power nypr his pejrsqn or
Now you* are talk- i property beyond what that instrument con-
} fers, nor lawfully deny any right which it
has reserved.”
Then, proceeding with the judicial exacti
tude :
barge is unfounded, and I will* add that
this was tlie position held by nearly all the
i Southern friends of the “Nebraska bill,” and
by a portion of its Northern supporters.—
| These were our opinions; and they,were
j uttered on all proper occasions; hut we did
j not attempt t.q force otiiers to accept them.
I We had agreed to rg/'tff the question to the
capital point j fimpegt judicial tribunal jii {be Union.—
N«i]'^ air tlrn ! [Cheers]’ w .
Go to the records of Congress j read the
dehatea of tlpd period- The}' will dispel
the clouds and dat’kue.ss with wljich a mul
titude of words lias obscured this subject.—
No historical fact is more certain than that
protect!
, ,r, rr , , s ... patronage qf (lie QeqpralGovernment. ....
it may ho occluded, [Brqlqngiid applause.] ; territorial legislature has a constitution pre-
This declaration has never been withdrawn, i scribed by Cougress. They have no power
and he asserts to-day that the people of a Ter- j not given bv that Congress. They must
ritory may exclude the property of Southern ; act within* the limits of the constitutiou
vidcs that no person shall be deprived of life, ,1
liberty, and property without due process of -Aeortuttaotu, ,
law. And an act of Congress which deprives '
a citizen, of the United States of his liberty |
or property, merely because iie came himself
or brought, his property into a particular Ter
Gentlemen, to answer to the* accusations
against me of first lidding and then aban
doning this doctrine, and which I have dis
proved, I have to say that it is not states-
that subject. That is the meaning of that, vide a mode in the hill by which tlie ques
tion might be promptly rd'eyped to the Su
preme Court of tbs United States for depis-
ritqry oftlig United States, and who com- man !u? t m a controve r r f- v on ®
mitted no offence against the laws, could < ons t‘tutional point to tlie bupieine Coin t °j
hardly IO dignified with the name of due ! cou P f, y> an d_ when toe court lias decided to sec or, _
process of law. ' ' ; tolfltoS 1 JRa, to say. No matter bow it may | subordinate legislutiye aqthofitt’, to see that
i wade, wijj trod iqegns tq evade u, if
! against t)je,”
ereignty. They are, ifyou so please to de
nominate it, in’a state of inchoate govern
ment and sovereignty. If we well consider
this question upon the ground of our prac
tice during the last half century, I think we
will find one way of disposing of it. It is
our duty to provide for the people of the
territory a government to keep the peace,
their property, to assign to them
of disunion. If they are the principles of
the Constitution and the Union; then we are
constitutional and Union men. [Cries of
“That’s so. v ] Aud yet, for two or three
months back, you lnive beard loud and in
cessant clamor that I, and those with whom
I am connected, are a disunion organization
who seek to break up this Confederacy ot
States. My friends, 1 hardly know, so* far
as it .9 a personal charge against myself,
how to answer it. [A voice, “Tell them it’s
a lie."]
Tlie whole stock-in-trade of many anony
mous writers and wandering orators all
over tlie country is “disunion,” “disunion.”
“This man and his party attempt to break
up the union of the States.” You may ap
peal to them by reason in vain. You s«v
these are tlie principles of the Constitution,
as determined by the practice of the Govern
ment. The answer is, “disunion." You
progress
the South insisted on the repeal of the Mis-1 “.Thu powers over person and property of
souri line to opun the Territories to com- j winch wo speak are not only not granted to
mon colonizat ion from all the States, and ; Congress, but are in express terms denied
that when met with the dogma of territori- I an “
al power to exclude her, confident in the i . !'
re forbidden to exercise them.
Congress itself cannot do this
const it ut ionalstrengtii of lwr‘position' she i k >-? '' e .vf nd tl,e power conferred on tlie Fwb i J^usStut tonal ri-di't^ UlCl1 U ma) <1estro - v a
- - - - - - - - ’ - 1 — rnment—it will he admitted, we ‘ou^uunionai ngiit.
L tliat it could not authorize a terri- . That looks almost as much like higher
; No, It is not for a statesman to point. | and to maintain them
i out to a subordinate legislative tribunal some | grow into sufficient it.
device, whether it be non-action or unfriend- J population, to be admit
offered to test it by the opinion of tlie Su
preme Court, and that offer was solemnly
mild have been even
to he published,
the case much.
better to write it for the public than as a
confidential letter. Don’t you think so ?—
[A voice, “Yes.”
But. I have other things to consume my
time to-day than such “confidential” letters
people, hut was content, and more than con-1 as that. [Laughter.] I come to the fact.—
letter. Judge Robertson, when called upon
to regard to the authent icity of the letter, re- _ . _
plied that it was genuine, but that it was a ion, and all patties were to abide by the de- accepted- 'Ifol tlie acreemen
“confidential letter.” [A voice, “Confidential ewion of that august tribunal as a final set- ra . ort ] s of tlie country
iid."| I don’t think that mends tlemeijt of the constitutional question. For | Aml ,tow, having Y'imjica
eral gov
presume
ment placed on the
tent, with the honors which have been heap
ed upon me by my State and country.” And
I looked forward with pltasure to the pros
pect of serving Kentucky in to
the United States for the next six years.
(Cries of “Good.") My name, however,
was presented, and 1 felt’ that 1 could not
retuse to accept the nomination under the
circumstances, without abandoning vital
principles and betraving my friends. ( Ap
plause.)
It is said that 1 was not regularly nomina
ted, and that an eminent citizen of Illinois
was regularly nominated for the Presidency. ........ ,...... » _ „
But this is a question which I have not time against him, [cheers,] because we were re- States;
opposite principles ; and just so
Tlie only time that the question of emanci
pation has been raised in Kentucky, in my
day, was in 1849, when we were electing
Senate of I delegates to tlie convention to form a new
- ' constitution. Then Dr. Breckinridge and
; Mr. Shy were emancipation candidates. I,
as a candidate for the legislature, canvassed
the county to tlie best of my ability in op
position to emancipation, believing the in
terests of both races in the Commonwealth
would be promoted by the continuance of
their present relations, and on that issue, as
you know, I was elected. At tlie polls Dr.
iiujicated myself and
the constitutional democracy Iroip toe
j charge of having abandoned the position we
j held in 1854—56, I turn upon my accuser
and undertake to show that he himself
I abandoned toe ligreenjent he solemnly made
■ at the tinje the Kansig:-Nebraska hill passed
: the Congress of the United States, [great
i applause;] and I do not make myself a wit
! ness against bin) to do it. J will prove it by
, . ... , him-- self f\ T oipe, “Good good,” and ap-
Now, during the period between the pas- i n ].,„ Pe ]
fin. ! * I
this purpose, whilst ordinarily an appeal
cannot he taken from a U>iTitorhl court to
the Supreme Court of the United Statpsj un
less the matter in controversy amounts to a
thousand dollars, a clause was inserted in
the Kansas hill providing that in any case
involving the title to a slave an appeal might
be taken to the Supremo Court without re
gard to tlie value of the amount in contro
versy.
torial government to exercise them. It could
confer nolpower on ant’ local government es-
tablishelfby its authority to violate tlie pro
visions If the Constitution."
Again*
ft'ft saints, however, to be supposed that
there faa THfference hglwppn property in a
law” as some other “higher law” we heard
ot further East. [Laughter and applause.]
And now, if I was disposed to imitate an
the protection their persons and the. security
of their property are all regularly provided for,
... u o,„ 0i i n f/ ta f state until they
importance., in point oj
admitted into the Union as
a State upon the same footing with the. origin
al States."
Do you suppose that Daniel Webster, af
ter the opinion of the Supreme Court which
1 have read to you, would have considered
it becoming in him, as an American -dates-
eminent, but baci example, I might say man, to point out some contrivance or
“there is not an honest man in all America,
who can deny that when the friends of tlie
Kansas bill differed upon the question of the
slave and other property,’and ’that, different P^b'C 1 ' Of Congress or a Territory to exclude
rules niav be applied to it in expoundin'." the ; pt’qpejity (toying t.fja tei wtoeial eondi-
a— -•*. a. ”- nr 7tiie i ,lt to’ “to-' agreed to refer tins constitutional
question to the Supreme Court; that Mr.
Douglas was a party to this agreement;
Constitution ofMip United States. And the
laws a id usages of nations, and flic writings
of eminent jurists upon the relation of nia
sage of that bill and the decision of the Hu
preme Court, all persons on each side enter
tained their own opinions. We, in the
South, held that tin* territorial legislature
diq not possess the power. Mr. Douglas and
his friend* held that the territorial legisla
ture. did possess the “power. Buf
In a debate in the Senate of the United
States, on the 2d July, 1856, upon a bill to
authorize tlie people' of Kansas fo form a j
constitution and State government, prepar
atory to admission into the Union as a State,
when a question arose as to the
of tlie Ivansas-Nebraska bil
these opinions all were agreed; fst, that the ] agitation on ‘ tlie power ot the
action ot the territorial legislature nuisf be
Mr. Trumbull offe
to discuss to-day, and it lias already been
thoroughly exhausted before the people.
I refer you to the able letter < f vour’dele-
gates from this congressional district; 1 re
fer you to the masterly and exhausted speech
recently delivered by my noble friend in
whose grounds we met. 1 can only say that
the convention which assembled at Front
Street Theatre, nt Baltimore, in my judg
ment, was devoid not only of tin* spirit of
justice, but even of the forms of regularity.
(Cheers.) Tin* gentleman \\ horn it nomina
ted never received the vote required by the
rules of the democratic organization. Whole
States were excluded and disfranchised in
that Convention, not to speak of individuals.
The most flagrant acts of injustice were per-
,_ , . ““Ill no* , “c j government.
Breckinridge voted against me, and I voted “subject to the ( oustltution of t|)e United {owing amendment, as au additions
-• • ■ Y ' States; Vd, that the limitations imposed by j to t i, e i.jjj.
the Constitution should be determined by 1
can enlarge the powers of this Government,
presenting
would it be agaiu under similar circumstan
ces. So much for that charge.
1 have seen pamphlets published and cir
culated all over the Union for the purpose
of proving that I was a know-nothing in the
year 1855, in the State of Kentucky. [Laugh
ter.] I have no doubt that a very consider
able proportion of those listening to me were
members of that order; and if there is a man
among you who belonged to the order, who
ever saw me in one ot your lodges, or who
does not know that I was recognized from
the beginning as one of the most uncompro
mising opponents, let him he good enough
to say so now. [A voice, “He ain’t here.”]
Wliv ffpntlcmpn T IipIifvp T \v;k gup nfilip
“And be it further ergiptcd, 'fhal tlje pro- i or ta tefromthe citizens the rights they have
the Mipreme Court; ana,3d, that aU should j v i s * l0 n in the act to — ~ ^—-* r - ~
4 .. , . , ... organize the
acquiesce in the decision when rendered, j of Nebraska and Kansas,''wlijch declares it
[Cheers.] ...... to be the true intent and meaning of said
Vr* 1 . r. { rrsrnyiii
Territories
Tfauy say:
Lnd if the C.institntion
vice by which the territorial legislature
; could violate the constitutional rights of the
i States. Not lie ! Nor would Mr. Clay, nor
j any of the great and good men who’ illus-
| trated the earlier days of vour history.—
, [Cheers.]
| Why, how is it with these territorial gov
ernments? From the beginning they have
as subordinate and tempora-
attribute of sovereignty.—
nd governors, find most of t he
1 pommon fjonujin: and, final- ! other "officers.t re appointed by the Presi-
Douglas, notwithstanding the ! dent and Senate, and paid out of the pub-
i, -‘Treasury; and even toe daily expenses oi
the legislature which they invoke to ex-
itories
>ney to
by tax-
of the
new
doctrine. Take an illustration which has
always seemed to me to be conclusive. The
theory is, that in the common domain ol
the United States tlie States and their citi
zens are on a footing of equality and enti
tled to the protection of their persons and
x - . . - , . . . property. This sounds like a national aud
| pass cm to a View of this subject in another constitutional doctrine. Now suppose that
aspect of it • * • ’ 11 ' -
and let the public draw
sions.
Fellow-citizens, the serious illness under
which I have suffered lor some days makes
ree j >t almost impossible forme to address this
' ” ' vast assemblage so as to be fully heard, and
renders it necessary that I should be brief.
the view taken by myself, I proceed to read
two or three extracts from a speech deliver
ed by me in the House of Representatives,
in 1854, before the bill passed Congress:
"We demand that all the citizens of the
United States be allowed to enter the eola
tions in their own way, subject only to the j . f a H- u . ,--V
Constitution of the United States,’’ «us in-; ll . , tei-slatjyc-,
tended to, and does, i “ “
“to the people of the
full power, at any
rial legislature, to
mon territory, with tlje Constitution alone j saia Terrto.rv, or to recognize and regulate
in their hands. It that instrument protects | p therein.’” *
the authority nf the United Sfatps, whether
a vessel were going out of tlie port ot Nor-
the title
the master to his slave in this i
earlier part of this opinion, upon a different , v, v, . -- v - 5 * - *
point, the right of property in a slave is dis- adjudicated by the Court, qnd do nqt we ex
Now gentiemeu, lioq is this question . folk for another port, laden with frefoht and
met ? Ifo not tlie constitutional deniocracy having on board also a number of slaves! It
property in slaves under our
ail, and cannot get beyond State
ut special legislation. This ship
league from shore, andis in
i • * syond the limits of any State.
Go've not stgqd upon the Constitution as Can a British pruium' come up and take these
slaves froip the dgpk of tlje vessel and sav
tout Convention, declaring that it was not
National Convention of the real democratic
organization. Nearly tlie entire delegations
from fifteen Southern States, and the entire
delegations from California and Oregon, and
large and imposing minorities from other
States of the Union, making in whole or in
This statement may not be very acceptable idea of the equality of the States under the
to some gentlemen within tlie sound of my Constitution, and their common property in
voice; hut I do not want to deceive any
man. I stand upon my principles, and am
willing to avow them without the slightest
regard to consequences. [Applause.]
Gentlemen, I am represented to this day
part delegations from almost two thirds of • as having declared that I would make a pol
the States of the Confederacy, denounced ' ’ ‘ ' r
an J separated themselves from that ill-star-
red body. The result furnishes a striking
Warning that the arts of political manage
ment an* not always perfect substitutes for
truth] and justice. *
But after all. the great question is wlial
are the principles which ought to commend
themselves to the American people, at issue
in this canvass.
ticu! discrimination between one of my own
religious belief and another, and between a
native and naturalized citizen. 1 never utter
ed such a sentiment. [Loud cheers.]
The underlying principle with me was
tills—that the condition of citizenship being
trace obtained, no question, either of birth
or religion, should lie allowed to mingle
with political considerations. [Applause.]
I deem it only necessary to make these
tlie Territories, that, the citizens ot the slav
holding States may remove to them with
their slaves, ami Ui.it the local legislature
cannot rightfully exclude slavery'while in
territorial condition; but it is conceded
that tlie people may establish or prohibit it
when they conn* to exercise the power ot a
sovereign State. Oil tlie other hand it is
said toc't slavery being in derogation of
Common rjgbt. can exist only by foro<* «.{
positive law; aq<J if is denied that the Con
te quei
j ly, which they had agreed to leave
Court. General (’ass says:
“The South consider that the C'onstitu-
. tion gives them the right of carrying their
slaves anywhere in the Territories. Ifthey
are right, you can give no power to the ter
ritorial legislature to interfere with them.
The major part of the North believe that
the Constitution secures no such right to
the S uil!i. They iwTeve, of course, that
tliis power is given to the legislature. I re
peat that there is nothing equivocal in the
act. Tin* different constructions of it result
io the I the duty of guardin
owner in his rights.’
Now, lily fellow-'
. - . the anxiqns attention
anil protecting the best men, engaging the attention of your
highest judicial tribunal, debated in the Hen* ' . . . o
• i “v-citizens, l eminot conceive ate, in the House ot Representatives, before I see to a speech made by the senator
ot a simpler or clearer judicial exposition.— an anxious people who want to know the Illinois, in Petersburg, Va„ he uses the
The points of the opinion arc briefly these: truth. ... °’
the Territories have been acquired and are
held by_pi lend government as trustee for
the St^fe-, aud the citizens of all the States
may say they are tin* principles of the (’on
stitutiou as determined by the highest judi
cial tribunal of the land. The answer is,
“disunion!” You may say “we are asserting
principles thus sanctioned by means of rea
son and the ballot-box, under tlie Coastifo.
tion.” And still, the large number of young
gentlemen who are engaged ill enlightening
the people upon the Qunatitution of the
country, by the ringing of hells, with tongues
as long and heads as empty as the hulls
they ring, shout, “disunion.”' [Prolonged
laughter and cheers,]
From sources yot more eminent comes the
accusation that I, atari! the political organiza
tion with which I am connected, are laboring
for tlie disruption of the confederacy. I do not
reply now to what Mr, Douglas says all over
New England, ill Virginia, and wherever he
goes, because it may be quite natural for a
gentleman who feels as profound a personal
interest as be does in pending questions to
think that any man who opposes torn must be
a disunionist.* [Cheers and laughter.] Indeed
by liis declaration, we must be all tlisunion-
ists in Kentucky; for be declares that those
who assert that the territorial legislature has
no power to exclude slave property, aud
that Congress should interfere for Its pro
tection when necessary, are in effect disun-
ionists; and that is what the whole legisla
ture and all the people of Kentucky said
last. year. [Applause.]
Fellow-citizens, even in our oWu §rttc“ J
where I certainly thought my chaActer and
antecedents were known, one of the oldest
and most eminent of our public men has not,
indeed, said thill I am a disuuionist, hut in
timated that if J am not myself I am con
nected with an organization whose hone
and body is disunion, I refer to Mr. Crit
tenden, and to a speech recently made by
him at Louisville.
Gentlemen, I have known and admired
Mr. Crittenden since I was a boy, He has
also known me; towards him and his I have
ever cherished, and expect to cherish rela
tions of tlie most respectful and cordial
esteem. There are reasons I do not care to
allude to to public, which, even if 1 had
grounds for an opposite course, would
prevent any but the most perfect courtesy
in reply. After speaking of Mr. Lincoln
in terms fully as complimentary as his
principles merit, and ol Mr. Douglas in
terms of warm eulogy lie conies to speak of
his own fellow-citizen in the language fol
lowing:
“We are no\v left only to compare Mr.
Bell with the third candidate who stands in
opposition, Mr. Breckinridge. And here
again, as in respect to Mr. Douglas, my ob
jection is not to the candidate as an individ
ual. I should hope that Mr. Breckinridge
was not a disunion man. [A voice, “Yes he
is.”J He ought not to he. He belongs to a
tribe of faithful, devoted Union men—the
tribe of Kentuckians. [Great, applause.]—
He must have,been seduced away from the
path of his duty—far from the path to
which all the impulses of his blood ought to
carry him if lie lias become a dUu.Uiqurit.
But Mr. Breckinridge lias made himself the
head of a party, He i> part and parcel of
the present purpose of that party* and, as in
the case of Mr. Lincoln, we must judge of
his public course by the party that lie con
sents to represent.”
Fellow-citizens, I thank my venerable and
distinguished friend fer the lingering hope
he yet entertains that I mu not a disuniou-
ist. [Laughter and applause.] Like a hu
mane lawyer, lie gives me personally the
benefit of a doubt, and for tliis, too, J thank
him. [Renewed cheers.] As to my con
nection with principles or a party which
tends in that direction, I may speak of it
presently. My object is now to relieve my
self, personally, from tlie imputation of being
a disunionist, and ill this case.I wouldgreau
lr prefer to receive a strong and direct blow
than to have it sound as it does, like the re
luctant confession of a sorrowful friend.
[Applause and laughter.] In passing, I may
say in regard to tlie distinguished gentle
man associated with me as candidate tor the
Vice-Presidency, that his whole life is a re
futation oi tlie charge made against him-—-
Born in North Carolina, reared in Kentucky
long living iu Indiana, more recentiv from
far-off Oregon, he lias been in all parts of
his country, tried in al], honored iq gif Ha
has served his country with high distinction
in peace and war, and hears on his person en
during memorials of his patriotism and
courage. His last act of treason was to add
another star to toe galaxy of tlie Union.—
[ Loud applause.]
When a man is before the people for pub
lic trust a great deal depends on his person
al character and antecedents. Much then
depends on tlie tact whether I am a disun-
ionist. (Cries of “You’re not.”} Born with
in sight of this spot where we are met,
known to many of you for nearly forty years
—your representative to the legislature of
Kentucky, in tlie Congress of the United
States, and other stations of public trust, I
invite any one to point to anything in my
character or antecedents which would sanc
tion such a charge or such an imputation.
. lowihg language to toe people of that State: | I may have on eartn to point out an act, to
4 he question should be discussed on the “You have toe same right, under the : disclose an utterance, to reveal a thought of
strictest principles of tlie Constitution, di- Constitution, to go and carry your property j r- : -' ’ •
, ,, ..... . vested of all prejudice and passion. Yet into the Territories that I have mine. You i
max hold anil enjoy thi-ir property in them this is the style of appeal commonly an- have tl
until they take on the functions of sovereign- ployed by Mr. Douglas and the most heated your cn
ty and are admitted into the Union. of his followers: carrv a
Territories, whipl] are likewise the common
domain of the Union. [Loud applause,] __ r
One other word on tliis general subject, j (Cheers.) I wilfnot degrade the dignity of
r from j my declaration on this subject by epithets;
fol- | fi ,u I proudly challenge toe bitterest enemy
to
of
mine hostile to the Constitution and ___
ion of the States. (Laud cheers. A voice,
‘He couldn’t do it.”)
No, my frien Is, t.ie mm docs n n
the same right to carry your slaves, or
•attic, or your horses, that I have to !
The chiton ('liters the common territory
xvith ttofUnnstiuttion in his hand, and the
“You shall not force slavery down the
throats of an unwilling people.”’
* consists of an appeal to the
carry any property that I possess. When ! or out of the Commonwealth of Kentucky,
you get there, you and I stand on a footing
of exact equality under the law. You bring
. . your property with you subject to the he
section of the L nion against cal law’, and I bring mine with me subject to
the Lnion. Mr. Douglas the same local law.”
But, before 1 proceed further, 1 will group statements here succinctly and pass on, be- base their respective arguments on opposite
both parties appeal to tbe Constitution and j viduals in different sections of the Union
together and answer a number of personal
accusations, some of which had their .origin
in the State of Kentucky, and others elso-
cause I aiu speaking to assembled thousands
who know the injustice of toe charges.
But, feUow-citizeus, to come to more ex-
w here, by which, through me. it is attempted tended topics. It has been asserted that I,
to strike down the organization with which aud the political organization with which I
put their owe constructions on it. We are
constructions (it that instrument, the hill j necessarily’ brought to that $tali* Qf things, to tterdJP those pow
wisely refuses to make a question for judicial There is no power which the Senator from i on any local goverr.ru
Illinois can use—no words which be can
put into au act of Congress—that will re-
. moyt this constitutional doubt until it is
no matter how exalted his station or charac
ter, who has power enough to connect my
name successfully with tlie slightest taint of
of (lislnj’alty to toe Constitution and Union
of my country. [Applause. A voice, 'No,
you’d die first.’]
But, fellow-citizen-
it iliere la- nothing in
construction the subject of legislative
flict and properly refers it to toe tribunal
created bv the Constitution itself tor the
~ i <-* . . , .,. sometimes admitted that, under Observe, he savs you have the same rtolit
r n ° ’ iUl l,llr s ys ter fo slave property stands upon toe under the’ Constitution, to go Sd S
less can it authorize a territorial government same footing with other Dronertv The fin- It. , :.- * —*
ers. It e-annot confer preme Court of the United States has as I has to } ie j cIla J’ aCt ec or anreceJenu to justify tuis
any local government, established by its have shown, decided that under toe Consti- declared preyiously in the Semte ttou^f the aCCUSiU, . <,n : T bHt ‘^bere m the pnncqto-s
uutiiorfy, the power to violate the Constitu- tution it stands upoa toe same footing and Constitution carrie’d it there, no power on
D . , . it lias the same right to protection, and that earth could take It away. Now, he says
Between slave property and other proper- all property alike must be guarded and pro- when you get there. it*is subject to a local
tion.
upon whicli X stun i.- ii is not pretended
that these resolution, .vuic.i relate to tuc
acquisition of Cuba, tlie Pacific Railroad
the rights of naturalized citizens, *fcc., con-
