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Vol. I.
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COMMISSIONERS OFFICE, >
(Jhcrokee Agency, Ten. April 25, 1338. 5
In pursuance of instructions contained in the
following communication, recently received
fan C. A. Hnrwo, wenmniasinnor of In
dian affairs, we hasten to give the information
required, and hope those who are interested
in it will avail themselves of the short time
that remains unexpired by the terms of the
treaty, to transact their business in our office,
before their departure for the West.
It is believed that doubts can no longer ex
ist in relation to the intention of the Govern
ment, to carry out the treaty in accordance
with its letter. And it is fondly hoped that
our Cherokee brethren, who have heretofore
refused to make arrangements for emigration,
under a hope that some more beneficial ar.
rangement would be made for them, will no
longer be deluded by false hopes and neglect
to secure tho benefits of the treaty, as it now
and ever will exist. And wc would most ear
nestly and respectfully request our fellow citi»
■zons who reside amongst the Cherokees, and
especially those on whose lands Cherokee fam
ilies may reside, to refrain from doing any act,
that might obstruct the peaceful removal of
them from amongst us,and especially to abstain
from expelling them from their habitations un
til the Government has time to effect that ob-;
ject. Any other course will create difficulties,
and certainly be a reflection on the communi
ty that would cause or suffer it to be done.
JOHN KENNEDY.
JAMES LIDDELL.
THOS. W. GILSON. |
Wax Department, )
Office Indian A fairs, April 11, 1638. J >
Gentlemen: —I enclose a copy of general!
order No. 7, by which you will perceive that \
Major General Scott has been assigned to the
command of the troops in the Cherokee coun- •
trv. It is his intention to be at Athens by the;
16th of May, and in accordance with his in
structions, to put the Indians on the route for
the West at the earliest moment, alter the ex
piration of the time named in the treaty for
lheir removal. You will disseminate this in
formation generally, and exert yourselves to
J»ave all the arrangements committed to you
completed, and to give effect to the operations
ot the Major General.
Ver}* respectfully,
Your most ob’t serv’t,
C. A. HARRIS, CmawnV.
.Afro/#. John Kennedy. TWw. If. Ifi/roa,
.and James Liddell.
or Mislaid.
A Nets of hand given by Harris Smberry to
‘W William T. Pries for one Thousand Dollars,
due Mth December, 1837, wtih two Credits thereon;
for owe Hundred and foriynins Dollars **‘ d
mt* dated soms time »a January JB3B. she other
for two Hundred Dollars, dated some ume »n March,
J®». The maker is furwaroed from payw»g •* to
any person but myself.
WILLIAM T PRICK.
May U-K-*
♦
From the Washington Chronicle.
MR. CLAY AND THE ABOLITIONISTS.
The Lynchburg Virginian regards it as
unfair in us to connect the name of Mr.
Clay with the Abolitionists. We certain
ly mean to do Mr. Clay no intentional in
justice. The attitude he has assumed in ref
erence to these infuriates is one of bis own
choice, be that what it may. We regret to
think it is not such an one as the interests of
the South would have indicated,' and we will
frankly tell the Virginian why we think so.
Not that we hope to change the opinions of
the editor, (fortified as they are by feelings of
strong personal and political attachments,)—
but merely with the view of justifying our
own.
That Mr. Clay is not as sound as he might
be in regard to this great question we infer
from his expressed opinions, his acts, and his
political connections; And
First. As to his opinions—Mr. ‘C. docs not
hesitate to declare that he regards slavery as
“an evil, moral, social and political.” This,
we believe, he declared in his place at the last
session of Congress. In this he concurs en
tirely, with the Abolitionists; and the only
point of difference between them is, as to the
means of removing this evil. We never can
regard that man as sound on this subject who
admits our system of domestic slavery to be
a sin in the sight of Heaven —and a source of
great political and social mischiefs. In a let
ter now before us, written by Mr. Clay to
Messrs. McEllory and Mash, dated from Ash
land, March 271 h, IS37—he does indeed ab
jure abolitionism, immediate abolitionism
but in terms by no means satisfactory, wheth- ,
er we regard their tone or substance. He ;
says, after talking of “the evil which afiVtt
our country, in respect to its population.” 1
‘*l regret extremely the agitation of the
question of immmediate abolition. Without
impugning the motives of those who are con- j
cerned in it—indeed with great respect for |
some of them, I must say in all sincerity, that j
1 do believe it is attCuuCu With unmiXed inis- .
chief. It does no good, but harm to the slave; ,
feelings and prejudices between different parts ;
of the Union, and it injures the very cause '
which it professes to espouse. Instead o! ad
vancing, I believe that it hits thrown back to
an indefinite time the cause of gradual eman
cipation—the only mode of getting nd ol
slavery that has been ever thought to be sale,
prudent or wise in any of the States in which
slavery now exists.”
These termes do not sound well in our ears
—coming as they do from a Southern man.
The difference between immediate and gradu
al emancipation is not a matter to be discussed
with the Abolitionists; nor is the proper tone
assumed. Mr. Clay must have known that
these incendiaries were organising themselves
into a political party; and standing before the
country as he does, he should have usedjan
guage less liable to be construed into a con,
ciliating appeal to the favor of the party. It
would be next to impossible lor those who
suspect the soundness of his opinions and feel
ings in regard to slavery, to infer any other
conclusion from the style and tone of his letter,
than that he was disposed to neutralize, at
least, if not to conciliate these incendiaries.
But we will not stop to indulge in remarks;
but, passing over his opinions in regard to
slavery, both as a member, and as the Pres
ident of the Colonization Society, we would
direct the attention of the Virginian to the
i present course of Mr. Clay—for,
i Secondly— as to his acts —Mr. C. has some
I need to explain himself to the Southern Peo
j pie. Why did he absent himself from the
I meeting of the southern members last Decern
ber, when the insulting animadversions of his
; political friends, Messrs Adams and Slade,
I drove them from the Halil Why did he not
join in tho deliberations of his colleagues?
Why did he not unite with them in devising
the means of vindicating the rights and honor
of the Southern people’ We have seen but
one answer given to these interrogatories;
i and if that be the true one (we do not vouch
1 it,) we do not hesitate to say that, incur hum
; blc opinion, Mr. C. is more to be dreaded by
the South, than are the entire array of Nor
! them Abolitionists. Will the Virginian be
i pleased to assign what he considers, or may
i be authorized to say, were the reasons of this
desertion of Mr. Clay, when the whole of
the Southern delegation in Congress were so
indignant and deeply agitated?
Again —When Mr.JCalhoun introduced his
resolution in the Senate containing a consti
; tutionnl exposition of the righis and obliga
tions of the States, especially in reference to
' slavery, why was Mr. Clay so silent during
. the discussion that ensued? Why did he pre
' fer to give silent votes on a subject of such
I deep and absorbing interest to the South’
‘ Surely his silence could not have Resulted from
! any usual disinclination to express his senti
• ments. On all matters of common concern,
; small and great, he usually bears his part in
' the debates; but on this one, this most impor
tan! of ail, he is either silent, or if he speaks,
j speaks only to embarrass and oppose. The
I sth and oth resolutions of Mr. Calhoun were
Wisd n . Ju st ice, and Moderation.
' *
ROKEIS, IFWYD COUNTY, GEORGIA, MAV22, 1838.
in the following Words:
“5. That the intermeddling of any State or
States, or their citizens, to abolish slavery in
this District, or any of the Territories, en the
ground, or under the pretext, that it is immor
al or sinful; or the passage of any act or
measure of Congress, with that view, vould
be a direct and dangerous attack on tie in
institutions of all the slaveholding Staten
“6. That the union of the States rests on
an equality of rights and advantages among
its members; and that whatever destroysthat
equality, tends to destroy the union itself;and
that it is the solemn duty of all, and more es
pecially of this body, Which represents the
States in their corporate capacity, to resistall
attempts to discriminate between the Stetes
in extending the benefits of the Government
to the several portions of the Union; and tlat
to refuse to extend to the Southern and Wes
tern States any advantage which would teid
to strengthen, or render them more secure, ar
increase their limits or population by the ai
nexation of new Territory or States, on the
assumption or under the pretext that the insti
tution of slavery as it exists among themj a
immoral or sinful, or otherwise obnexious,
would be contrary to that equality of rights
and advantages which the Constitution was
intended to secure alike to all /he members
of the Union, and would in effect, disfranchise
the slaveholding Slates, withholding from
; them the advantages, while it subjected them
‘ to the burdens of the Government.”
Now, we would ask, whatis there in these
resolutions to which a Southern man, —a sound
Southern slaveholder might not readily yield
his assent? Is there any tling inserted in
them to which Southern geniemen can rea
sonably object? Do they not, indeed, embody,
not the spirit of the Constitution only, but the
opinions of the Southern people generally,
without distinction of party? We are persua
ded they do, and, if the vote could be taken,
we do not believe that five hundred men South
of Manson’s and Dixon’s fine, could
who would vote against them. And why did
Mr. Clay speak and vote against them? Why
did he throw in the Senate the brands of di
vision and discord, and finally defeat their
passage, when our firm and manly friends’
from the North, showed every disposition to
maintain them? Why should the opposition
have come frwin him —a Suutliciri man, and a
slaveholder? These, too, are questions to be
answered, —and acts to be explained.
Thirdly— as to his political connections.
We need not tell the Virginian that the Na.
tional Republicans, in Congress and out of it,
are the political friends of Mr. Clay—that be
himself is a National Republican, and gave to
the party at one and the same time, a leader
and a name. We need not tell the country
that these National Republicans, (of the
North ) speak and vote against us on all these
delicate questions growing out of our system
of slavery. We have, in recent cases, shown
this from the Journals of Congress—and the
fact stands out in bold relief, undisputed and
undisguised, every day. They vote against
their own political associates of the South on
these questions; and show, by the fact, that
they act upon antagonist principles, or are in
fluenced by opposite persuasions and feelings,
stronger than the tough ties of party. This
conclusion is inevitable, —and carries with it
no weight? Shall we aid in placing men in
power, who feel and act thus in such a ques
tion as this? AV hat, we would ask, is the
real, the essential diflerenco between the Nor
thern Nationals mid Abolitiemsls, in regard to
the power of Congress over the subject of
\ slavery, and the expediency of exercising
I that power? Will the Virginian tell us? for
5 we protest, before Heaven, that we have been
I unable, with all the opportunities we enjoy, to
: discover the difference. We, therefore, call
I on the Virginian to state the difference, if any
;there be.
And with what party are the Abolitionists
acting? From what wo see of their papers,
we are compelled to believe that they are uni
i ting and acting with the Nationals, on ac
' count of the identity of their views. It is
! true, they, or some of them, pretend to put all
mere party considerations under foot; but no
’ one can doubt as to their course. A writer in
i the last Boston Liberator, (Garrison’s paper,)
! dees, indeed, deprecate an union with political
parties; but in such away as to show, he
| contemplates such an union.
From the Globe.
| Policy of Mr. Biddle and the Federalists
in Postponing indefinitely a resumption ojSpe~
I de Payments.— Were 1 a friend to the Feder
; alists, I would advise them, as they ever hope
for victory over the settled dislike and long
! cherished suspicions of the people of the Uni
ted States, to abandon their desperate policy.
I But 1 am not their friend, at least while they
persevere in their ruinous course; nor will I
* pretend to be. The advice of an honest,
iopen enemv, is, however, at their service;
I and I beg leave to assure them, it is not to be
; despised. I was born among the people, have
I lived among the people, and mean to die
. among the people; I therefore flatter myself
I know something about them.
In the first place, I beg leave to assure the
Federalists that the generality of the people
of the United States are no fools. They
comprehend the difference between siding
with the enemy and siding with their country;
they can tell an argument from a declamation,
and truth from falsehood; they can even tell
their friends from their foes, in a clear day;
and, what the Federalists may deem very re
markable, can make out to distinguish the
man that empties their pockets from him who
fills them. In short, they know the difference
between freedom and slavery, almost as well
as their betters. Such being the case, I
would respectfully advise the Federalists to
treat the people of the United States as ra
tional beings. This is the first step to regain
ing their confidence.
In the second place I would earnestly ad
monish the Federalists to give these good peo
pie a little credit for patriotism. lam will
ing to confess—for 1 live with and know them
well —that the everlasting clamors, discuss
ions, and controversies about banks, currency,
and the credit system, have generated among
them new and exaggerated ideas of the im
portance of money, and made them love it a
little too dearly. The constant agitation of
these subjects, and the succession of fluctua
tions, have inevitably forced them deep in
their minds, and given, perhaps, a sordid tinge
to their character. But he who believes that
this has smothered the spark of patriotism in
their bosoms, reckons without his host. Only
put them to the knife, and I dare swear you
will find them true game. Even Mr. Biddle’s
great specific of “suffering” will not entirely
quell their inborn attachment to liberty and
their native land.
In the third place, I would advise them, if
they will not consent tea divorce of Bank
and State, at least to divorce from
the rag barons", the scrip nobility, who have
the English name of “Conservative,”
in order to cloak ther sneaking kindness for
aristocratic distinctions. The ancient and
patriotic race of Federalists, who I really be
lieve loved their country better than banks,
paper money and high dividends —though I
must confess they had a queer way of show
ing it—the men of real substance, property,
and respectability, will only be ruined in the
end by an alliance with the iipstart spawn of
this ignoble Ragocracy. The two great an
tagonist principles in political economy are
real value and imaginary value. . These can.
not exist together, for any length of time,
without the former being devoured by the lat
ter, which is an insatiate hungry phantom, a
vacuum that swallows up every thing real
and substantial.
On the contrary, there is a natural and in
seperable alliance between labor and property.
They are futhev and son, and should never be
divorced except by death. Labor first ac
cumulates property, and without the assistance
of the labor of others, property would be the
most worthless of all possessions; for it is
from the exertions of labor wealth derives all
its enjoyments; yet, strange to say, property
and labor are almost always at logerheads
together. Whose fault is this? Is it the
fault of tho rich or the poor, or both? Or
shall wo lay it al the door of that old scape
goat, human nature.
But this would lead to a long disquisition,
which, like most things of the sort might re
sult in no practical good. All I shall say on
the subject is, that the sooner the real sub
stantial wealth of the land cuts itself adrift
from this dangerous alliance with the cham
pions of irredeemable shin-plasters, and re
turns to the embraces of its honest old help
mate, labor, the better for the safety of its
permanent interests. Tjie paper phantom,
like the Madagascar bat, will settle upon it
one of these nights, and suck all the blood
out of its body.
As the first step to this, let them throw that
profane, unsanctified Jonas, the Bank of the
United States, with its pitot, overboard. They
think it their sheet anchor, but it is only a
great mill-stone about their necks, sinking
them deeper and-deeper into the ocean of in
extricable ruin. In attempting to crush this
monster, the Democratic Republicans are the
best friends they have in the world. Wheth.
er as principal or auxiliary in this war against
real property, industrious labor, and equal
rights, that institution, under the direction of
its obstinate or pliant master, is destined to be
the “Cleopatra for which Marc Antony lost
the world.” It is a source of innate, incura
ble weakness to the party; and of all the
perverse blunders of Federalism, identifying
itself with that obnoxious bank, is the great
est it ever committed. Why, it is the rally
ing point—l might almost say, the only rally
ing point —against which the Democracy of
the North, and the State Rights men of the
South and West, can unite; and united, they
will always be irresistible. Throw Jonas
overboard, then, I ray, or your vessel is lost
forever. A LOOKER-ON.
Al way* proclaim th* fault# of other*. Ther*
should be no accrete in a republican government.
LOOKING AHEAD.
To defeat the movements of politicians wo
must exercise incessant vigilance. The pe
culiar character of our free" Government sub
jects it more than any other to the mischiefs
resulting from demagogueism. No scheme
however wild and delusive will be long with
out advocates in high places if it gain favor
with the multitude. Politicians, (for by such
name they are called,) are ever on the alert
to seize the occasion and the subject to ad
vance their designs, no matter at what ulti>
mate costs to the community. Hobbies ever
stand ready caparisoned on which they mount,
or from which they dismount, just as the ex
istinff rsflnirps. (iur thr*
Nationals, are the most remarkable people
on earth for these hobbies. They are ever
riding on some one or other, Jehu-like, neck
or nothing. The Bank—the Tariff—lnter
nal Improvements—Abolition—Morgan ab
ductions, and Lovejoy martyrdoms—every
thing—all events great and small, seem to
furnish them with hobbies. And what is
worthy of remark they never fail to ride them
to death.
There are two, however, which appear
to have better wind than any they have yet
had in training. We allude to the bank and
the Tariff. They started these in 1791—and
though again and again broken down, they
have been, after allowing time to blow, brought
out on the course. The former is now fully
caparisoned and ready for the word “Go.”
The riders, however, (for there are two of
them,) are of fearful avoirdupois;—-and there
is every reason to apprehend a stumble and a,
fall. The latter is merely in training, and
will be ready to start some years hence. Mr.
Webster has already given notice that after
1842 he shall examine its condition, and if
found ot sound wind, will start it again. In
anticipation of this, several journals are throw
ing out suggestions, and preparing the public
mind for the event. The last Cincinnati Ga
zette, in some remarks on free banking, lets
fall the following observations:
“Notwithstanding the policy, adopted after
much experience, it is now loudly claimed in
New York, that banking must be free;— as
farming is free, so must banking be free; —
that every thing does best when free, — -free
Iraae—rfree banking— -free everything. Wo
have tried an approximation, to free trade,
and the result is, we shall have to trot back to
the Tariff, pretty fast, or do worse— create a
magnificent public debt.”
This is easy to be understood. The fear of
a “magnificent public debt,” is to drive tho
country back into the Tariff snare, just as
the present outcry against the “union of the
purse and the sword”—“one currency for the
Government and another for the People,”—
“separating the Government from the People,”
dfc. 4*c. i$ ta force us into the embrace of a
National bank. These are the cunniag de
vices of skilful tacticians; and though tho
stratagems may fail of their intended effect,
it is well to keep an eye on them and their
authors. We must be prepared for the emer
gency when it arrives, and not permit our
selves to be caught sleeping on our posts. .
If the national, or Federal, or Consofida
tion, or Whig party once gain the ascendency
in the councils of the country —if power
should ever pass into their hands —we have no
earthly doubt, but that it will be employed
to revive and establish these two kindred and
odious measures. Federalism in this country
cannot possibly exist without .them. They
furnish the daily food on which it subsists. —
Without them it would be starved out of exis
tence.
Observing the course of this party—and
i knowing well its favorite policy, it is an in
cumbent duty of those who control the affairs
of Government to anticipate the movements
ahead, and to strip their opponents of all pre
texts for u revival <>f these overthrown and
detested measures. ’’First, By separating the
Government from the banking institutions,
and returning as speedily as possible to the
wise policy prescribed by the Constitution.
knd-~Secondly, by adopting a rigid system of
economy in the public expenditures. These
are essential to success. No administration
can be popular that disregards these wise and
salutary precepts. Splendid schemes which
once won the popular approbation by their
magnificence, have had their day—and can
no more delude. Economy—accountability,
and a strict adherence to the plain principles
of the Republican party, are the only means
left to ensure popularity to any administration.
By these, and these only can we hope to de
feat the sinister contrivances of the Federal
party, and secure the permanent ascendancy
of the doctrines for which we have contended
from the foundation of the Republic.
Virtue is the only true nobility.— The inso
lence of pedigree, the pomp of titles and the
pride of wealth are reduced to nothing, when
contrasted with the dignity of genuine virtue.
Wealth, fame, influence and power c*n
none of them be attained without much pain
and application.
NO 18.