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Vol. I.
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g—ll i»i i ‘■s.-Pr*'. WsiMW r .v - ®
I’r- in :ho ConstHUlionalia'.
HON. ORRIN HOLT.
our paper of last Tuesday, we call-1 '
rd the attention of the reader to the ii’ronsis- '
icncy munifi id by the southern whigs, in [
(■Milling at the elec ion of northern whigs'!
against friends of the administration, when it, !
is well known in the smith, that the election ■ '
of such northern whigs gives additional!'
strength to tl<> enemies of the south and of
southern institutions. We now beg leave to
call the attention of the leader to another re-1
m.'.rkabio instance of the inconsistency of the ,
southern whigs, and of the anti-southern fed. I
ling which, opposition to the present federal
administration, leads many of us to emertain
and exhibit.
The recent elections in Connecticut have
terminated in favor of the whigs, who, sup-j
ported by their friends and allies the abolition
ists and conservatives, have succeeded in
dieting their governor and a majority of the
members of the Legislature. This result'
••/as received by the Southern whigs with
joy and grntulntion. They exclaimed that
Connecticut was redeemed and disenthralled’! J
But this is not all. 'They rejoiced at the,
prospect of a northern whig being elected to
the S nato of the United States, instead of
Mr. Niles, th*' present member, and of the
election of whig candidates for the House of
IL'pres ntatives to Cot ■>, "tend > f the
i rt m mbers, who are all friends of the
administration. Can this result in Connecti
cut, and the prospi t of sending w’ ig mem
bers tn Congre's, boa n itter for rejoicing to
so ilia tn men? We cannot believe it. Yet
when we find them rejoice .< the electio of a
member of Con >ress in Main, who is pledged
t< supp r! boh nist . w d'otdd b lievo th t
■J c 80* . il whigs would • ph' • d. she I
. abolition st- be elected hi Conm-c.
ti< pr.iv. ji I :he\ opposed the admini,"tra
il i. V ith< een> t' a ..I with indifference,
the southern u i ig* wi-nld see tbo.se Connec- 1
tient i-mbem vi. with the most violent and
fiumical 0 tiie .abtditmn st*. As southern
men we w -a our it ends to remain in Con
gress, because friends are needed there: we
have a sufficient number of enemies iw that
body already to keep us on the watch and in
alarm. To show that we would change ar
dent mid devoted friends io the south, for
enemies, we will state that the present dele,
gat.on of Connecticut me opposed to the nb
olitiouu s, have hern absurd and denounced
by those fanatics, because by their votes in
Congress they mamtested their respect lor
the federal constitution and the laws, and the
object for which the federal compact was for
med. Among those members of Congress
from Connecticut, none deserves the respect
and gratitude of the South more than Gen.
Ornn tloh. And the southern whigs would
glorj tn the dee al of such a man’! But l<*•
us show to our readers what this ‘Vti. Holt
js. and let us show that the defect of such a
nau would be a serk „ loss to the South, a:;J
deprive Conj ,ssof . >se f u j ~j enlightened
member.
i A few months ago, several of the anti- j
slavery societies of Connecticut passed rcso- |
lutions, censuring and abusing the members of I
Congress from the north, who voted against I
abolition petitions, and condemned the course '
pursued by the abolition leaders. Gen. Holt '
was especially designated in those resolutions, j
Gen. Holt thought proper to notice the pro- :
f ceedings of those societies, in a letter address
! ed to the Hon. Luther Warren, of Connecti.
cut, and dated Washington, February, 1838.
In this letter he gives his views at large upon
the subject of abolition, and all its bearings.
If we could with propriety publish the whole
letter, we would do so with pleasure, as it ,
would convince every unprejudiced southern >
man, that the friends of the south are not to
be found in the ranks of the whigs. We will, i
however, make a few extracts, from which it ,
will be seen that the purer patriot, a more I
determined supporter of the federal constitu. i
i lion, and a more generous and unflinching j
friend of the south, does not exist any where
than General Orrin Holt, of Connecticut.
And this is the man at whose defeat the south
ern whigs would rejoice!! But for the extracts:
“Dear Sir: Having received certain letters
from individuals in the State of Connecticut,
containing sentiments which, to say the least,
differ widely from those expressed by myself
, in my vote on the floor of the House of Rep- 1
j resentatives, touching the abolition of slavery j
in the States and Territories, 1 have felt con- i
strained to bring to your notice the charac
ter of those sentiments, and to ask you calmly ,
nnd dispassionately, whether you consider the
inhabitants of our State prepared to sanction
such doctrines, unconstitutional as they are, J
and pregnant as they must necessarily be, .
with destruction to our native land.
* * * * »
I
I “It is well known to you that the Consti- I
j tulion never could have been adopted, had it
not been for mutual concession and forbear- j
i ance, and that the slaveholding States, among I
which was Connecticut, had the property ,
which they then possessed guarantied to them
by that instrument, and slaves were embraced
in the schedule.
“It contained a mutual pledge, in substance • <
as follows: We, the people, agree to protect
each other, and to perpetuate equal rights.
“Il was adopted by the Convention, and sub
mitted to us ns well as to every other State ;
in the confederacy for ratification, and hav
ing received that last solemn and deliberate
sanction, it became the mugna charta of the
whole people, the great law of the land.—lt ;
being then unconstitutional for Congress to
abolish slavery in the States, without the con- ;
sent of the same, let us consider the right of
Congress to dispense with it [nolens volens]
in the District of Columbia.
“Maryland and Virginia, in my judgment,
had no right to concede to Congress, or the
United States, the property of the people of
those States.
“If they did so, it was the height of uncon
stitutionulityr and if insisted upon by Con
gress, would vitiate the whole of the constitu
tion itself: for when by acts, as Legislators,
we deprive the people or an individual of
those rights, guarantied to him by the com
pact, we render the whole instrument void.
I admit the right of Congress to legislate in
such manner as to protect the people and their
interest in the District. At the same time I
deny that they possess any power to deprive
the inhabitants of their property, any more
than (hey have 'ho powe to deprive the in
habi'un " of Virginia and Maryland of their
Constitutional rights.
*****
‘ Whenever those who have the exclusive
control over this subject 'eel tlispos* d to abol
ish si very, I s heeiluuy co-operate w,th
them in the measure: but neither the threats
of abolitionists, the love of office, or the in
fluence of wealth, will deter me from render
ing my count; v those services which she re
quires at my hands.
*** * * ♦
“It seen s from all the publications of the
abolitionists, that fifty-one members from
the free states, including myself, by the pass,
f a resolution offered bv Mr. Patton,
of Virginia have virtually denied the right of
petition.—l deny this conclusion; and if the
fault finders w ill consult the 4Sth Hide of the
House, they will be convinced that I am cor
rect: —“No member can present a petition
without first rising and stating to the House its
object.” Is not the whole House as capable
of Judging of the merits of a petition, as a se
lect Committee? Are not the petitioners trea
ted with courtesy, when their prayers are re
ceived, and the House decides that they arc
of such a nature, that they cannot be enter
tained further than by laying on the Table!
Surely they arc-then why have the abolition
ists complained?
“ A petition may be offered; but it docs not
follow of cours-y that the prayer of the pe
titioner will be grunted—and if it is offensive
in language, il will surely not be heard; no
bode of m> n are 1 mind to sit still and listen
to insult or treason, and it is easy to conceive
that insult and treason, both, may be contain
ed in a petition to Congress, us well as to any
Wi s d o m , Jisst ic c, and Mode ra t i on.
ROME, FLOYD COUA'TY, GEORGIA, MAY 15, 1838.
I other deliberative body.
“Supposing that a petition should be intro
duced to the Legislature of Connecticut, pray-
I ing for the execution of a man, whom every
' member of that body knew to be innocent of
! crime; would such a petition be entertained
i for a moment?
“The Constitution acknowledges the right
of petition, but it does not, nor could it be
supposed to mean, that an individual could
with impunity petition to Congress to break
the Constitution itself. There must be a lim- ,
it, and that limit is found in the Rules and
good sense of the Senate and House.
* * * * *
“It would seem by very many of the opin
ions of the abolitionists, that our southern
I brethren in this great Republic were ‘barban- [
' ans,' not possessing the common sympathies
of men: but from my own observation let me
inform them, through you, as friends and phi
lanthropists, that they very much mistake the ,
character of the inhabitants of the south.
“Let me ask the democracy of Connecti- '
cut, who stood by the country during the last I
war with Great Britain? was it not the south?
and did not the chief apostle of democracy, |
the immortal Jefferson, who penned the Dec- I
laration of Independence, spring from those I
‘Barbarians?' and was be not the owner of
slaves? I might go on and mention the great
Washington, and a host of others, but enough
has been advanced to disprove all that they
have stated, derogatory of the south and its
inhabitants.
* * * * ♦
“They basely misrepresent the philanthro
pic feelings of the south. 1 can tell them
plainly that the people of the south will not
be driven into those mad schemes. They
have not interfered with our rights or our lib.
erties, nor can we interfere with theirs with
impunity. When they attempt such a course,
I (although denounced by the abolitionists as
not possessing moral courage) will be found
fighting manfully at my post, in defence of
the rights of the State and the District which
I have the honor to represent: but until then,
1 cannot join in a merciless cruisade against
either southern men, or southern measures,
so long as the former act within the spirit of
the constitution, and the latter promote the
best interests of the people.
“1 stand here sworn to support the constitu
tional rights of the whole people, and will do
so, in spile of the denunciations of the Anti-
Slavery Societies of Hartford, and Windham
counties.
*****
“Cao my immediate constituents, as the de
scendants of the brave Putnam who was a
slaveholder, and of Knowlton and Hale, who
gloriously fought and died to perpetuate the
institutions of Equal Rights, join in this imho
ly warfare? Let me entreat them through
you never to prove “recreant'' to the sacred
i trust deposited in their hands, by an interfer
cncc with the rights of the slave holding
States, whose Stars shine as brightly as our
own, and whose glories are traced in common
with their Sisters, in living characters upon
the broad Tablet of Freedom.
“Knowing that they possess as much intel
ligence as any other portion of the Union, let
me take the liberty to advise them not to be
deceived by the excitements which agitate
the breasts of a few in our land at the pres
ent time, and to examine this matter thorough
ly and temperately, before they suffer them
selves to bathe their hands in the blood of
their countrymen, by making war upon our
glorious Constitution.
*****
As it relates to Gen. Holt and the stand he
has taken in Congress, we give the foilowing
extract of a let'er to us from a friend now
in the north:
“You will have seen in the Brooklyn,
(Conn.) G; zettc, a letter from the Hon. Orrin
Holt, a democratic representative from Con
necticut, upon the subject of slavery, and in
justification of a vote he gave upon the “re
ception of abolition petitions’" The position
assumed by Mr. Holt is one of fearful respon
sibility, for it so happens, that the district he
represents is worse infected with abolition than
almost any other district in New England.
1 hope you will give it an early insertion in
your paper; and I most ardently wish that a
copy of it could find its way to every citizen
of our State. The elections in Connecticut
appear to be hailed by the opposition as a
glorious triumph; yet the change has been
principally effected through the bold and fear
less stand assumed by the friends of the ad
ministration against the abolitionists. I am
credibly informed that every indwidtial, either
directly or remotely affected with abolition,
joined our enemies in effecting the recent po
litical change in that state. They are wel
come to the victory, and God forbid we should
ever be driven to look to this band of fanatics
for succor and support. Mr. Holt is a most
worthy man, and devotedly attached to his
country and her institutions.”
Not only is Gen Holt the friend of i!m*
south against the abolitionists, but he, ns well
as the other republican representatives in
j Congress from the north, support the admtn-
lustration in its efforts to comply with the ob
-1 ligations of the federal government to remove
j the Cherokee Indians from the territory of
I Georgia. The republicans of the north are
with us upon the Cherokee question, while the
whigs in Congress, and the northern whig
I presses are lavishing their abuse and their de
nunciations upon Georgia, for requiring jus
tice and maintaining her rights. If there
were a whig majority in both houses of Con
gress, how would Georgia be dealt with?
I Would not the treaty of 1835 with the Cher
okees be declared null and void? If there
were not such men as Holt, Niles, Toucey,
Fairfield, and others, in Congress from the
north, would the abolitionists be checked in
their mad career, and could the Cherokee
; question be brought to a satisfactory termina
tion to Georgia? No. The whigs have or
ganized a solid Phalanx against the removal
of the Cherokees and the treaty of 1835, and
■ when every Georgian should rejoice at the
[election of a northern friend of the south, we
find the southern whig presses hail the choice
of men who, as soon as they take their scats
in Congress, begin to abuse and slander Geor
[ gia, and vote against measures calculated to
' carry into effect the Cherokee treaty of 1835,
| and to fulfil the solemn obligations of 1802.
i We published last week a scurillous and abu
sive article about Georgia and the Cherokees
from the Boston Atlas. Among many other
articles of a similar character, which we have
seen in whig papers, is the follow ing from the
Philadelphia United States Gazette, another
; whig leading print:
“Some citizens who feel for the honor of
the country and the wrongs of sufferers, have
prepared, and arc now circulating for sub
scription, a memorial to Congress, asking for
some Legislative interference in behalf of
the Cherokees, who are hunted away from
their home and their fathers’ graves—whose
wrongs are open, palpable. It may be that
[they cannot be redressed—it may be that
these men will be driven away from the fruits
of their labors and the enjoyment of their
rights, but it does not seem meet that this
wrong should be inflicted in the name of the
nation, and the voice of Philadelphia not be
heard in behalf of the oppressed. She may
not lessen their grievances, but she must re
, cord her solemn protest against the wrong.”
From the Washington Chronicle.
' VIEWS OF THE LABORING CLASSES.
The National Laborer, a paper published
; in Philadelphia, as the organ of the laboring
classes of the North, has the following para
graph at the head of its editorial columns:
; truly noble efforts of Senator
> Calhoun, to retain the specie feature in the
• Independent Treasury Bill, merits and will
receive the approbation of the people. His
i excellent remarks on the bill as amended by
I the motion of Mr* Cuthbert, will appear in
our next number-”
It gives us much gratification to perceive
that a paper conducted with so much ability
as the Laborer, and representing the interests
of so large and respectable a portion of the
community as the laboring classes, takes the
correct view of this great question- There
is no class of society which it more nearly
concerns. Depend upon it that so long as the
agricultural interests arc laid under contribu
tions to support the money monopolists,so long
must the chief burden fall on the laboring
classes. It cannot be otherwise. Who are
the real producers of Wealth but the laborers?
And how can the wages of labor be sustained
while the profits of stock are absorbed by the :
money-changers? How docs honest labor
; now subsist? Upon worthless shin-plasters—
exchanging the sweat of their brows for
thy doulas;!” Can these things be, while a swin
dling oligarchy feasts daily on rich plate?,
, Mr. Biddle, the great vendor of paper, has
just been presented with a service of plate,
costing twenty thousand dollars—and Mr.
Win. C. Rives, his co-adjutor in the Senate,
dines, we learn, on gold plate—shaming even
the magnificence of the nobility of France
and England! How is this 7 Shall privileged I
classes be permitted longer to grind down I
honest labor in the dust? No—no. The spir- !
it of resistance against these unjust and cruel I
i exactions perpet rated under the forms of law, 1
i is rising rapidly, and in terrible strength, i
i We shall see the result.
l The same paper contains the following:—
i call the attention of the working
i men of the city and county of Philadelphia,
■ to the subjoined notice of a public meeting io
• be held on Monday evening: thev sleep, whilst
I their enemies are always on the alert. Let
• the producers of wealth be up and doing’ the
, opponents of their interests twit them for their
• negligence, and proclaim aloud that tliey no
■ longer advocate those measures which they
1 have been for years struggling to obtain.
» Now is the appointed time to strike with effect;
t let them but take counsel together, as men
5 having a common interest, and that, the in
terest of the human family: let them unite in
' their efforts for emancipation, from under the
1 accursed domination of chartered mfim nee.
1 Their union will sustain the truly great men
• of the country, who have i atriotieal’y array-
| ed themselves on the side of the people; anil
if honestly and fearlessly sustained by the
people, the indepenence of the nation will no
I longer be a mere dead letter. The chartered
I public marauders, must, and then will, be
“scourged back” into the penitentiaries, the
fitting abode of those whose brazen impudence
urge them to outrage public property, in the
display of their nefarious rewards of plate
given for swindling the whole people of the
United States -
WORKINGMEN’S MEETING-
AN adjourned meeting of the workingmen
of the City and County of Philadelphia,
will be held at John Divin’s Adelphi [louse,
ih fifth street, below Walnut, on Monday eve
ning next, April 2, at 7 o’clock, to discuss
matters of deep interest to them, and to take
such measures as may seem most likely to
guard and protect their interests in future.
JOHN CANEY, President.
Thos. ONeil, Secretary.
From the Globe.
HARSH MEDICINE OF THE JOURNAL
OF COMMERCE.
It will be scon that the Journal of Com
merce, a paper devoted to the bank and mer
cantile-interest, takes, in the following arti
cle, precisely the views of the duties of tho
banks, in the present crisis, that we have again
and again endeavored to enforce - The editor
talks of “« hard bottom" for “a solid prosper
ity;" of “the harsh medicine" of a resumption
. as indispensable, and that there “is no health
without it,” with more pointedness than tho
Globe —insists that “many individuals and
. firms will be ruined”—declares that “such a
- tempest, as has swept over us cannot pass away
! without leaving some ruins," with all the
, strength of General Jackson’s earlier predic
tions; and yet this harsh healer of disorders
of the credit system will not own himself a
. : loco focof
■ j New York Banks. — The Philadelphia Hcr
i aid holds the following language in regard to
) the banks of New York:
t “By grinding the merchants, they have stic
r cceded in getting in their own notes, and pre
- venting the payment of large sums due in
’ Philadelphia, while a Philadelphia bank in
creased its liabilities immensely by stepping
forward to aid New York, when the banks of
that place were at a dead stand. Having
shifted the responsibility upon Philadelphia,
the Now York banks are florishing away as
if their necessities and those of their custom
ers had riot been the immediate cause of tho
suspension; and as il the action of a Phila
delphia bank had not enabled them, the New
York banks, to lift up their heads and point to
their unaccountable vaults.”
We do not perceive the wisdom or the pol
icy of getting up a war between New York
and Philadelphia. The topics suggested by
the Herald invito remark, but we are rather
disposed to avoid it. We do not see why a
resumption of specie payment by the New
York banks should create any hard feeling in
Philadelphia, either with banks or with indi
viduals. As nothing but the most’urgent ne
cessity could have justified a suspension in the
first place, so nothing but necessity can justify
its continuance.
Furthermore, we arc convinced that until
we plant ourselves upon hard bottom, there
can be no solid prosperity. Therefore, pol
icy, as well as duty, urges to a speedy resump
lion. It is now almost a year that our banks
have been in a state of dishonor; how much
longer would any one have them continue so?
The Herald admits by implication, that they
are now able to resume; why, then, should
, they not resume? Must they wait for their
■neighbors? Who are their neighbors? If
they wait for Philadelphia, must they not, for
the same reason, wait for Baltimore, for A ir
ginia, for Charleston, for Savannah, Mobile,
New Orleans, and Natchez? And how long
will it be before all these places will be, ready
Ito resume? Long enough, if the same exam-
I pic should be followed throughout the country,
'to throw its finances, in connection with the
value of property, into inextricable confusion.
The process of getting back to specie pay
j ments is necessarily a hard one. It is like
j taking a harsh medicine in sickness. But it
must be done. There is no health without it.
For ourselves, we entirely approve of the
general course of the New York banks on
I this head. We expect to sec the fruits of it
1 in the early revival of business here, and of
‘ prosperity. New York was first in, so far as
the Northern States were concerned, and, if
we mistake not, she will be first out. Many
individuals and firms will be ruined; this is not
to be doubted, however much it is to be de
plored. Such a tempest as has swept over us,
cannot pass away without leaving some ruins.
But the elements of prosperity remain; and
there will not be wanting men to bring them
into action. Every merchant, in view of the
present state of things, may well say with
old Archimedes, 6'/re me hut a firm foothold;
i and if they cannot move the world, they can
ut least make business move, and will dose,
re® 17.