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CIVIC VIRTUE
Sy Malcolm MacGregor, D. D.
V
porate city or the sovereign state —are particular
applications of the generic principles of virtue, or
moral excellence.
It is a rare thing to find a character in which
all the many virtues are well and equally developed.
In most of even the very best people, some one or
other of the virtues is very indistinct. Perhaps,
however, there is no virtue, other than civic virtue,
in which so many otherwise quite virtuous people
are so greatly lacking.
It is a curious and not wholly explicable fact,
that in very many people in whom the domestic and
social virtues are fairly well developed, the busi
ness virtues, and especially the political virtues, are
almost totally absent. Such characters seem to bb
utterly conscienceless and blind toward civic virtue —
neither feeling its obligation, nor recognizing its
necessity. There are many people who, in the more
private spheres of life, are quite respectable, but
who, nevertheless, have but little business virtue,
who have no civic virtue at all.
These people see nothing wrong or dishonorable
in nepotism, grafts, rebates, trusts, jobberies, pur
chase and sale of votes, or similar means of robbing
the government and the people. Indeed, provided
they succeed in evading any possible legal penalty,
they are quite likely to pat themselves or each other
on the back approvingly, for their ‘‘smartness” —
at best a monkey-like quality—in these transactions.
It is strange and anomalous that it should be so;
but so, and very commonly and very increasingly
so, it is.
On the other hand it is an edifying and refresh
ing spectacle —at least to those whose moral vision
is clear enough to perceive and appreciate it—to
see a man who, not only in all private affairs, but
also in all public affairs, is ethically intelligent and
actively and unswervingly righteous. Such a man,
though perhaps not possessing wealth, is worth, in
himself and in the end, immeasurably more to the
honor, well-being and safety of the nation, than any
multi-millionaire, if self-centered and unscrupulous,
can ever be.
The righteous citizen is a protection and an
honor to the State, while a conscienceless citizen is
a peril to it and a shame.
There is, indeed, in and of themselves, no virtue
in poverty and no crime in wealth. Riches, if right
eously acquired and virtuously employed, can be the
means of great and widely distributed good. But
for all that, virtue without wealth is incomparably
better for the State and for every good cause, than
wealth without virtue. This truth ought to be what
it is very far from being—a commonly recognized,
commonplace truism.
It ought to be known and acknowledged by every,
body, that a nation’s greatest good does not con
sist in its vast extent, in its great resources, in its
abounding wealth, in its enormous products and
manufactures, in its surpassing railroad and ship
ping facilities, in its military and naval supremacy*
nor even in its superior intellectualism, nor in all of
these things combined, however important they are
in their way; but in the private and public virtues
of its citizens, in the righteousness of its legislation
and government, and in its equitable and pacific
relations with other peoples. We have the highest
authority for maintaining that ‘‘righteousness ex
alteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any peo
ple.” Indeed, there can be no ratio, anywhere, be
tween material and moral values. They are incom
parably different in kind; and the difference of al
titude between their planes is incomputable. The
worth of civic virtue, or of any other form of vir
tue, can not be expressed in the monetary terms.
IRTUE, as the term radically imports,
is strength of manly moral character,
strength of such moral principles as are
most becoming to human nature. Spe- a
cific virtues, such as the virtue of in
tegrity, the virtue of honesty, the virtue
of chastity, the virtue of magnanimity,
and civic virtue —the virtue of high mor
al feeling and conduct toward the cor-
The Golden Age for December 12, 1907.
In a true and important sense, it is often said
that virtue is its own reward. Nothing can com
pensate for the lack of it. Os itself, it is the
greatest and best thing in the world.
Not only is virtue the highest good in itself, but
in the end it brings in all other kinds of good. Vir
tue is the guarantee of well-being. The unity, pros
perity and permanence of a nation ultimately de
pends upon its civic virtue. Without weP-grounded
and widely prevalent civic virtue, a nation can
not enact, much less execute, the wisest and best
laws. No matter how excellent the laws upon
the statute book, unless there is enough of moral
sentiment and of moral quality in the people to en
dorse and honor them, they can not be enforced, and
they are of no more practical value than so much
waste paper. Without ethical respect for law, with
out firm moral support of the laws, no nation can
long prosper or be secure.
Business life and civic life must have trustworthy
moral qualities as their dominant factors, or law
lessness and anarchy will surely ensue.
Civic virtue in congress and legislature; civic vir
tue in bench, bar, witness-box and jury-box; civic
virtue in the primaries and at the polls; civic vir
tue in manufacture and commerce; civic virtue in
the preparation and distribution of unadulterated
food and drug supplies, is the crying need of our
time.
In a republic, more than in any other form of na
tional life, wide-spread intelligence, and righteous
ness in the citizens, is demanded. Without the
protecting power of these qualities in the citizen
ship, disaster to the nation is inevitable. Moral
decadence is the sure forerunner of every other
form of decadence in a nation, as the moral judg
ment of men affirms, and as all history declares.
The permanent prosperity, security, honor, and hap
piness of our own, or of any other nation, do and
must depend upon its civic virtue.
The culture of civic virtue in our people, as the
supremely dominant factor in our national policies
and civil life, is, therefore, a matter of the very
greatest practical importance.
There are various ways and means of cultivating
civic virtue in our people. True citizens, as lovers
of truth and righteousness, can accomplish much in
this good cause, by making constant and conscien
tious use of the many opportunities afforded by pri
vate life for presenting ethical information with
regard to public affairs.
Parents can render the greatest service to the
State in this regard, by constantly and carefully
implanting and nurturing in the minds of their
children, during their approach to maturity, the
civic, as well as the domestic and social virtues.
Educational institutions —colleges, academies and
common schools—have rare opportunities and fa
cilities for scientific instruction in ethics, in man
ner and measure adapted to the grades of the pu
pils, and for instruction in history, from philosophic
and ethical points of view.
The legal profession, to learned in the law, which
has its central idea and dominant motive in the
natural law of right, can do much, while practicing
publicly in the courts, and while privately counsel
ling clients, to develop and strengthen, in our na
tional life, a popular sense of moral obligation.
The Christian pulpit, without departing from its
own proper sphere, and without intruding into the
domain of mere partisan politics, can develop an
exceedingly high type of civic virtue by more and
more strenuous expositions and exhortations in the
sphere of distinctively Christian ethics, with its pe
culiarly high standards, sanctions and motives.
The press, with its voluminous daily utterances
and enormous influence, by giving closer attention
and greater prominence to ethical principles in their
relations to public affairs, can do the largest and
noblest kind of service to the nation and to the
world, in establishing in the minds of the people
the all-important principle of civic virtue.
In all these instances, the measure of ability is,
self-evidently, the measure of obligation.
Among the Workers.
A religion that does not concern itself with the
immediate needs of men—■-that forgets to feed the
hungry, clothe the naked, and succor him that is
ready to perish —may dress itself up in fine phrases
and claim to be of heaven, but it only is an “empty
boast.” But no more substantial is the religion
whose sole aim is to better the physical and mental
condition of its beneficiaries. If it stops there it
fails of conferring the highest and only lasting ben
efit. —Examiner.
We like this, all except the “succoring him that
is ready to perish.” That succoring ought to come
before they are ready to perish. They need a stim
ulant then.
“Virtue has its reward, but expectation of re
ward is no part of virtue. Those who try to serve
God do not stand in line on Saturday nights wait
ing for their pay envelopes. They try to do their
duty without looking for any return. A man sold
a definite amount from his transferable railway
mileage book Ito one who was going on a journey,
and received payment for that amount. The con
ductor failed to collect the fare, and the traveler
returned the book just as he got it. The owner tore
from the book the proper amount of mileage and
destroyed it. Did he expect any gain from this?
One who looks for pay for a right act is not right
eous, but, as Jesus told the same kind of men, he
has his reward.”
“There is always more than enough brightness
in life to offset Ithe gloom, if we will look for it.
A.nd there is still enough gloom in life to quench
all the brightness, if we are determined to have it
that way. A vigorous young minister writes to a
friend: ‘The fall work is opening up finely, al
though there is plenty to discourage one if you
should take the time to think about it.” He does
not propose to take the time to think about it,
therefore he is an undiscouraged and enthusiastic
leader of his people. The same choice is open to
us all.”
“Life is often judged by its failures. What we
attempt is frequently much more important than
what we do. The result of the famous Charge of
the Light Brigade was more glorious than if they
had captured some strong position in disobedience
to the commands of the officers whom they had
sworn to obey. It is not necessary to go as far as
Stevenson did when he said that, whatever else we
are meant for, we are not meant to succeed. But
it is necessary to recognize that we are meant to be
true, success or no success. It may be a nobler
thing to lead in vain a forlorn hope than to plant
our colors on the very citadel.of the enemy. Fail
ure to be faithful is the only failure.” —Sunday
School Times.
Commenting on the Baptist General Convention
at San Antonio, the Baptist Visitor says:
“The convention left no doubt as to its position
on the liquor question. The representatives of
Texas in Congress are to be asked to support the
Littlefield-Carmack, bill and to vote against the re
establishment of the canteen. In addition to this
the convention endorsed the work of the Anti-Sa
loon League, and favored the adoption of State-wide
prohibition. Within the next five years Texas is
sure to sweep into the line of States that have
adopted prohibition. The saloon men are getting
ready for the struggle. In a meeting held recently
at Dallas steps were taken by the saloon men to
organize for the struggle. r J , ,;>t u on, and
we must keep at it until tb L is gone for
ever from Texas.”
“Governor Campbell was present by invitation
Saturday night and spoke some helpful words. We
quote from his brief message: ‘ls enforcement of the
law impossible? Not if you pay attention to the
officers you elect. To say that the laws can not be
enforced is to say that the people are incapable of
self-government. The laws can be enforced and
all the power belonging to the governor of the
State will be used to enforce them.’ This has the
right ring about it.”