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c J> en vn uV>: lo hi? majesty,’r«)ujJand isffiter.t as to the actual appoint*’dress la vale. Those \vh. ia.v-i iia-|tir»s md
.i is triu
ilvit the sc V'nit -d Spates ought notlmcntor respectability of a successor,
' J have corrected Tift*. We can to whose mission he .gives a mere or
dinary complexion.
Persons of all parties, our com-
■'asily account k>r this insult—as a
nation they are entirety ignorant of
th. \ gnu v ot a representative go
v«rn inept—they have no idea of a
responsibility to the People. Mr.
J.uuivn insuks-our government, but
nulling must tie t-aitf or done until
iiiu government is informed, and then
\vc arc .to rely on the* interposition
cl - their authority, as though we were
unable to protect ourselves and our
government from the ihsolencc of
their minister. The gross ignoranci
which in this instance, the British
secretary betrays, of our institutions,
is alone sufficient to shew that h<
was no way qualified for the nego
tiation. 1 gaorance is always accom
panied with impudence. We are
i old, Mr. Jackson mein no insult !
There is so much rudeness in this
covert insinuation, that we are ar a
loss to conjecture the motives which
.could have led to the declaration.
This unaccountable production, ter
minates with an assurance which
Mr. Jackson had already communi
cated to the public thro’ the British
prints in N. York—that no othei
minister would be sent out—but that
he, Jackson, would be instructed, “ to
deliver over the charge of his majes-
ct tv’s affairs in America to a per-
,l sou” (i. o. Phincas Bond,) “ pro-
“ perly qualified to carry on the or-
“ dinary intercourse between the two
tC governments"—we presume this,
clause of tfie letter was written in
the lull expectation that their friends
“ the Ah'A'ex'junto'’—had triumphed,
that Mr. Pickering was at the head
ot affairs, and some minister already,
ou the wav to England/ to atone for;
the gross insult Mr. Jackson had ex
perienced. To he serious, there is
more meant by this expression than
meets the eve. Mr. Jackson will
as we have seen
Leges Angjifo JVIutarior
own more clear and not less forcible him sent to jail tor having described
prisoned him, have refused to listen
to my voice, weakly expressing the
strong principle ot the law, the un
deniable claims ol this Englishman’^
mercial citizens, and the inhabitants!* 4 birthright.”—Your voice may come
of our trading states, have seen with more force, may command
in the adherence to the British or-greater respect, and I am not with- punish him. And moreover, it is in
ders in council, the rejection of Mr.jout hope that it mav prove irresisti-jtne nature of all power, and espeeiai-
Erskinc’s arrangements and this lct-'ble, if it proclaim to this House ofjly ol assumed and undefined power,
ter of the British secretary, the evi-jCommdns, in the same tone a3 the|to increase as it advances in age,
dences which his Britannic majesty’s tongues of our ancestors proclaimedland, as Magna Charta and the law;
government chases to give of its dis-to the kings of old, 44 Nonlumus of the land have not been sufficient to
positions towards America.
Mr.-Jackson, for his deportment
at Copenhagen, is rewarded by the
American mission, which besides its
general value and importance was
peculiarly valuable and important, at
i moment when the successes of the
enemies of Great Britain have dri
ven their whole diplomatic corps
from the continent of Europe, ex
cept the two ministers who reside
with their Portuguese and Spanish
armies. We are to see-how the king
of Great Britain wil) reward Mr.
Jackson for his innocent deportment
towards the government of the U.
States.—Democratic Press.
November, 180,". When Ln.glun l
has proclaimed her sovereignty tini-
'versal,by the preter.rion of subjecting
■the universe to a tax on navigation.
one man actually irnail ior dispict
ing those gentlemen, but the fate
this one man (as the effect of all j\
ishments) will deter others from ex- and by extending the jurisdiction ■ f
pressing their opinions of the cor.-(her Parliament over the industiyct
duct of those who have the power tojthe world. His majesty thought that
it was the dutv oral! independent na
tions to defend tlu ir sovereignty and
to declarers denationalised (denation
alises) those vessels which should
•urge themselves under the dominc-
ion ol England, by recognizing, ti e
sovereignty which she arrogated t -
vtir them.
SIR FRANCIS BURDETT,
TO HIS
CONSTITUENTS.
Gentlemen,
The House of Commons hnv- t ,
ing passed a vote,which amounts to a 1 c *P^ e '"as, that was so daringly \ io
language, 44 The laws of England
shall not lie changed.”
The principle, follow-citizens, for
which we are now contending, is the
same principle for which the people
of England have contended from the
earliest ages, and their glorious suc
cess in which contest are now upon
record in the Great Charter of our
rights and liberties, and in divers o-
tlier subsequent statutes of scarcely
ess importance. It was this same
great priciple which was again attack-
d bv Chailes I. in the measure of
ship monies, when again the people
of England and an uncorrupted
1 louse of Commons renewed the cou
test ; a contest which ended in the
imprisonment, the trial, the condem
nation, and the execution of that ill
advised King. The self-same prin-
in our protect Mr. Jones
the conduct of one of the member
outrage upon public feeling,
as an
H is Majesty distinguishes the
search (ia visite) from the recogniti-
ivhat security have we, unless thisjon (recconnaissar.ee) of the vessel.,
power of imprisonment be given ttp.'-d he recognition has no other end
that we shall not sea other men sentjtuar. to ascertain the reality of the flat,
to jail for stating their opinions of I he search is an interior ir.qucs* b
leclaration, that ati Order of theirs is
to be of more weight than Magna
Charta and tile laws of the land, i
lated bv his son James the Second ;
for which violation, he was compelled
to flee from the just indignation of
think it my duty to lay my serftiments people, w ho not only stripped
him ol his crown, but who prevented
thereon before my constituents,
hose character as free men, and e-
ven whose personal safety, depend
in so great a degree, upon the deci
sion of this question—a question of
no less importance than this : whe
ther our liberty he still to lie secur
ed by the laws o' - our forefathers, or
be to lie at the absolute mercy
most probably, before Ins departure, pm-t of our fellow subjects collected
make this deputation, and if our gu-
\ eminent receive, either the .com
munication or the credentials of tin
new tool, they will disgrace, irre
deemably disgrace, thecountrv which
will pour the full mearsurc of indig
nation on-their devoted heads.
If either of the English consuls
dare to present any such documents,
we hope the President will annul his
Exequator. What! shall we refuse
to communicate with Jackson and
he compelled to communicate with
his deputy ! Forbid it all that’s
manly and honorable !
After this issue of our negotia
tion with England, a resident min
inter at London can no longer be ne
cessary. With them, promises are
but the vibrations of sound ; and the
most sacred engagnients are but the
engines of conveniency ; moral rec
titude is no longer the basis of Na-
t.onal Intercourse, and European
C ourts seem to affix, a superior va
lue on that minister who is capable
of the greatest duplicity : but the
idea of placing our importance in the
s ale of nations by the rank of the
minister they may chuse to nomi-
m mate for the station, is us ludicrous
«s it is inefficient.
We shall very soon have to deter
mine our course amidst the evils
which corrupt and treacherous Eu
i ope leaves for our choice ; but one
thing is certain, ii we are true to
ourselves, we shall view their folly
with a conscious dignity and heart
that crown from descending to his fa-
nily. In ail these contests, the cour
age, perseverance, and fortitude of
our ancestors, conspicuous as they
were, were not more so than their
wisdom ; for talk as long as we will
about Rights, Liberties, Franchises,
Privileges and Immunities, of what
tvail are any, or all these together, if
opinions
i otten boroughs, respecting placemen
and pensioners sitting in the House ;
or, in short, for making any declara
tion, giving any opinion, stating anv
fact, betraying any feeling, whether
by writing, by word or by mouth,
or by gesture, which may displease
any of the gentlemen assembled in
St. Stephen’s Chapel ?
Then again as to the kind of pun
ishment ; why should they stop at
sending persons to jail. If they can
send whom they please to jail ; if they
can keep the persons, so sent, in jail;
as long as they please ; if they can
set their prisoners free at the end of
the first hour, or keep them confined
for seven years; if, in short, their
absolute will is to have the force of
law, what security can you have that
they will stop at imprisonment
together by means which it is not ne
cessary for me to describe.
In order to give to this subject all
the attention to which it is entitled,
and to avoid the danger to lie appre
bended from partial views and per
sonalfeeling, it will he advisable to
argue the question on its own merits,
putting the individual (however we
may deplore his present sufferings)
out of view; though, at the same-
time, every man ought to consider the
case his own ; because should tin-
principle upon which the gentlemen
of tlu: House of Commons have-
thought proper to act in this instance,
cells, and load them with chains and
bolts? They have not gone these
lengths yet; but what is there to
restrain them, if they are to be sole
our persons can, at the sole will and judges ol the extent of their own pow
although the variety* of the flag be
ascertained, and of which the result
is either the impressment of indivi
duals, or the confiscation of merchan
dise, or the application of arbitrary
laws or regulations.
His Majesty could place no reli
ance on the proceedings of the Unit
ed States, who having no ground of
complaint against France, comprised
her in their acts of exclusion, and
since the month of May, have for
bidden the entrance of their ports to
French vessels under the penalty of
confiscation* As soon as his majes
ty was informed of this measure he
considered himself bound to order
reprisals on American vessels, not
only in his territory, but likewise in
the countries which were under his
[•‘influence. In the ports of Holland,
? If
they have the absolute power of ini-^P a ' n * °* and Naples, Aine-
prisoning and releasing, why may ncan vessc s “ a ' c ^ ctn seized, be-
thev not send their prisoners to Yor"k' cause
jail, as well as to a jail in London r
Why not confine men in solitary
the
command of any man, or set of men,
be seized on, thrown into prison, and
there kept during the pleasure of that
man, or set of men ? If everyone
of you he liable at any time, to be
sent to jail without trial, and with
out oath made against you, and there
be detained as long as it pleases the
pat ties sending you there (perhaf
to the end of your life) without any
court to appeal to, without any means
of redress ; if this be the case, shall
we still boast of the laws and liber
ties ot England ? Volumes have
been wiitten by foreigners as well as
be once admitted, it is impossible fori 1 '.'' our own countrymen in praise of
any one to conjecture how soon he P art0 ^ our ^ a ' v > which, in soad-
himself mav be summoned from his mirahle a manner provides for our
dwelling, and be hurried without tri
al, and without oath made against
him, from the bosom of his family,
into the clutches of a jailor. It is,
therefore, now the time to resist the
doctrine upon which Mr Jones has
been sent to Newgate ; or, it is high
lime to cease all pretensions to those
liberties, which were acquired by our
forefathers, alter so many struggles,
and so man)’ sacrifices.
Eitiier the House of Commons is
authorised to dispense with the laws
of the land, or it is not. If the Con
stitution be of so delicate a texture, so
weak a frame, so fragile a substance,
that it is only to be spoken of in terms
>1 admiration, and to be viewed
merely as a piece of curious but un
profitable workmanship ; if Magna
ft it satisfaction, that we do not par-'Charta, and all the wholesome laws
' .cipate m their eventual disgrace.
Let Dome, ticjllirmfacttires be fos
tered, a National Spirit cherished,
and the nation itself be armed and
disciplined. We must rely upon
ourselves, and the sooner this convic
tion becomes universal the better.
The Debut of the Marquis, of Wellesley.
The* British secretary for foreign
affairs (Lord Wellesley) appears for
;he first time to the people of the U-
nited States, in his recent enmmuni
ations to our minister, Mr. Pink
ney. It is fair to.remember, that
when only speaking unrecorded
word*, he rather blamed Mr. Jack-
eon, gave voluntary, correct and sn-
tislSetory assurances, that lie would
be withdrawn, and replaced by a res-
pectabl - successor, with a view to a
desired adjustment. But in his lei-
i r ot March 14th, which he com-
lnHt.d to write lor ten weeks, he
; vows that the British government
do not iilame Mr. Jackson, or in <
t ur winds acquit him, refers to hi
•ai, '-.ueh as Harvey, Drake, llailt
of England, be a dead letter ; in that
case the affirmative ot the propositi
on may be admitted ; but if the con
stitution lives, and is applicable to
its end, namely, the happiness of the
community, the perfect security of
the life, liberty and property of each
member, of all the members of the so
ciety, then the affirmative of the pro
position can never be admitted ; then
must we be free men \
no better security, no
ml protection, for our rights and li
berties, than the Laws atiu Constitu
tion. We seek ior, and we need seek
for nothing new ; we ask for no a,ore
than our forefathers insisted upon as
their own ; we ask lor no more than
they bequeathed unto us ; we ask
for no more than what they, in th
Testament which some ot them had
sealed, and which the lest of then
were ready to seal with their blood
expptssly declared to be “ the birth
ugin ol the people of England,*
hiamel j ,“ the laws of England.’’—T
!these Jaws, we have a right to look
vith confidence, for security , i
personal safety against any attacks of
men in power.—This has, indeed,
been in all ages, the pride of our coun
try ; and it is the maintenance of this
principle which enabled us to escape
that bondage, in which all the States
and Kingdoms in Europe are en
thralled by abandoning and yielding
it up ; and we may be assurred that
if we now abandon it the bright days
of England’s glorv will set in the
night of her disgrace
But, I would fain believe that such
is not to be our fate. Our Forefa
thers made stern grim-visaged Pre
rogative hide his head, they broke in
pieces his sharp and massy sword.
And shall w e, their sons, be af raid to
enter the lists with undefined privi
lege, assuming the powers of Pre
rogative ?
I should be told, perhaps, that
there is not much danger of this pow
er being very frequently exercised.
This same apology may be made foi
the exercise of any power whatever
I do not suppose that the gentlemen
of the house of commons will send
any of you to jail, when you do not
displease them. Mr. Yorke did not
move for the sending of Mr. Jones
for we need'to jail, until Mr. Jones displeased
more power- him ; but it is not a very great com
pliment to pay any constitution, to
say that it docs not permit a man to
be imprisoned, unless he lias done
something to displease persons in
power. It would be difficult, I should
suppose, to find any man upon earth,
however despotic his disposition,
who would not be contented with the
(.c
, respccti
■tun, and
•civ
C\
Ml'.'WCd
ncnhagi
in; ticsc law;
>y: a d i. is
tii • individual
thro’ m ,
now iinpi:
icd for re
Americans have seized
French vessels. The Americans
cannot hesitate r.s to the part which
they are to take : they ought either
to tare to pieces the act of their inde
pendence, and to become again as
before the revolution, the subjects of
England, or to take such measures
as that their commerce and their in
dustry should not he tariffed (tariffs)
by the English, which renders them
more dependant than Jamaica, which,
at least has its assembly of represen
tatives and its privileges. ’ Men
without just political views, -.vithbUt
honor, without energy, may allege'
that payment of the tribute imposed
by England may be submitted to,
because it is light; but whv do they
not perceive that the English will no
sooner have obtained the admission
of the principle than they will raise
the tariff, in such way that the bur
den at first light becoming insupport-
necssary to fight
ers, and if they are to exercise those
powers without any control, and with
out leaving the parties, whom they
choose to punish, any mode of ap
peal, any means of redress.
That a power such as this should
exist in any country it is lamentable
to be obliged to believe ; but that
it should be suffered to exist, aiul
that its existence should be openlv
and even boastfully avowed, in
country, whose chief glory has been
its free constitution of government,
is something too monstrous to be he
lieved, if the proof were not before
our eyes. Had the least doubt hung^e,"it will then be
upon my mind of the illegality ol the f or ] lonor
proceeding in the present case, it
would have been altogether removed
by* the answers given to the referen
ces made by* me to the Great Lu
minaries of our law, and to the laws
themselves. The arguments bv
which I endeavored lo convince the
gentlemen of the house of commons,
that their acts in the case of Mr.
[ones were illegal, I shall now lay
before you in a more full and connect
ed way than it possibly could have
been done by the parliamentary re
porters ; and in doing this I shall do
all that remains in my power towards
the correction of this, as I deem it
most enormous abuse of power, and
most dangerous of all encroachments
upon the rights and liberties of En
glishmen. I remain, Gentlemen,
your most obedient humble servant.
FRANCIS BURDETT.
Piccadilli/, March 23, 1810.
___ DOMESTIC.
OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS
Triplicate.
Extracts of a letter from Gen. Arm
strong to the Secretary of Slate,
dated Paris 17th February, 1810.
“ The note from Mr. Champag-
ny, a copy of which is enclosed, was
received yesterday* ”
This goes by the way of Eng
land and may not he much later in
reaching you than my* dispatch of
the 28th ult. which took the same
route.”
1 lie undersigned has rendered an
account to his Majesty the Emperor
uul Kitic. of ih
g, ot the conversation he lias
rower of sending to prison, duringliiad with Mr. Armstrong, Ministei
lis pleasure, every one who shouhi Plenipotentiary of the United States
lure to do any thing to displease America, iiis Majesty authorises
.im.—Besides, when I am told, that him to give the following answer:-
here is little danger that the Gen- His majesty should consider his
■uun ol the House of Common*-
vill often exercise this power, 1 can-
iot help observing, that though tin
xamples may lie lew, their effect will
.uturally be great r.r.d general. Aijcouucii, and above
The undersigned avows with frank
ness that France has every* thing to
gain from receiving well the Ameri
cans in her ports. Her commercial
relations with neutrals are advanta
geous to her. She is in no wav jea
lous of their prosperity. Great, pow
erful and rich, she is satisfied when
by* her own commerce or by that of
neutrals, her exportations give to her
agriculture and her fabrics the pro
per developemcnt.
It is now thirty years since the Uni
ted States of America founded, in
he bosom of the new world, an in
dependent country, at the price of
the blood of so many immortal men,
who perished on the field of battle,
to throw of the leaden yoke of the
English monarch. I hese generous
men were far from supposing when
they thus sacrificed their blood for
the independence of America, that
thei e would so soon be a question
whether there should be imposed up
on it a yoke more heavy than that
which they had thrown off, by sub
jecting its industry to a tariff of Bri
tish legislation and to the orders in
council of 1807.
If then the minister of America
can enter into an engagment, that the
American vessels will not submit to
the orders in council of England, of
November, lS07,nor to any decree of
blockade, unless this blockade should
be real, the undersigned is authori
sed to conclude every species of con
vention tending to renew the treaty
of commerce with America, apd in
which all the measures proper to con
solidate file commerce and the pros-
peritvofthc Americans, shall be pro
vided for.
I he undersigned has considered it
his duty to answer the verbal over
tures ot the American ministtr by* a,
1 ritten note, that the President of the
United States mav the better know
iecrces ot Berlin and of Milan, a
lolating the principles of eternal jus
u e, ii they were not the compelled
onsequence ot the British orders i- die friendly intentions of France to-
all, of thn.»o ol; wards the‘United States, and her fa