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JtktOF.ORnl* JOURNAL.
WalTTANCE* BY NAIL—“A pootmutor moy oudooo moooy
^uttirwIkepubliikorof ouew.n>per,lopey thepubMrlptlonofo
Jj^no ood ftouktko loiter, If wrlitouby hlnurlf."—Amo«JTn-
FN O -
— .
VOL. XXXV.
MILLEDGEVILJJS, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1844.
NO. 52.
POLITICAL.
Mtt, CLAY’S LAST LE ITEtt
Arotbbr Slandbr put Down.—The follow-
igoUlier from the Lexington Observer i* nt once a
!(^er, upon those vile wretches who would assort
irinsinuate that Mr. Clay is an Abolitionist at
k|irt, or would court Abolition votes. It also
nili to the counter the assertion that Mr. Clay ad.
•till the right of Congress lo Abolish slavery in
Ibo District of Columbia.
Ashland, Sept. 2,1844.
Mi. Wicklipfe.—The editor of a neighboring
riot, (the Kentucky Gazette, of Lexington,) call-
uiny attention to a letter of C. M. Clay, Esq.,
Uder date of the 10th July, 1844, and addressed
loCohJ.J-Speed, of Ithaca, has appealed to me,
tjih so much earnestness, and a purpose of such
ftcled, sincerity lo say whether I approve or
disapprove of that loiter, that I have not heart to
deny to that editor the very great gratification
ehich he will dorive from the perusal'of this note,
especially when it gives me so line trouble to wriie
Mr.C. M. Clay’s letter was written without my
knowledge, without any consultation with me, and
without any authority from me. I never saw it un
til I read it in the public prints. That gentleman
iim independent citizen, having a perfect right to
entertain and avow his own opinions. 1 am not
responsible for them, nnd he is not for mine. So
fir as he ventures to interpret my feelings, he has
entirely misconceived them. I believe him to be
squally mistaken as to those in the circle of my per-
tonal friends and neighbors generally.
In tty speech, addressed lo the Senate of the
United States, nnd in resolutions which I offered
lo Mr. Mendenhall, about two years ago, and on
various other public occassions, I have fully, freely,
and explicitly, avowed my sentiments and opinions
the subjects of the institution of slavery and
abolition. I adhere lo them, without any reserva
tion. I have neither entertained, nor expressed,
publicly or privately, any others. And my friends
and neighbors generally, so far as I huve inter
changed sentiments with them, coincide entirely
with me.
The sentiments and opinions, so expressed by
me, may be briefly stated lo be, 1st. That Con.
gross hus no power or authority over the institutions
of slavery. 2d. That the existence, maintenance
and continuance of that institution depends exclu-
•ively upon the power and authority of the respec.
live Slates within which it is situated. And 3rd.
That Congress cannot interfere with slavery in the
District of Columbia, without a violation of good
faith to the States of Maryland and Virginia, im
plied, if not expressed, in the terms, objects, and
purposes of the gram of ten miles square to the
general government.
8o far from the success of the Whig cause hav.
ing any injurious tendency, as has been alleged, I
believe it will have a powerful efTect in tranquiliz-
ing and harmonizing all parts of the Union, and in
giving confidence, strength, and security to all the
great interests of our country.
I hope that your editorial neighbor will be now
satisfied. And, as I trust that 1 do not exaggerate
the pleasure which this renewed expression of my
viows and opinions will give him, is it too much to
anticipate,that he will forthwith renounce the error
ofhis ways, and come straight out a staunch and
iterling Whig 7
Yours, respectfully,
H. CLAY.
LETTER FROM MR. CLAY.
His position relative lo the Protection of Agricul
tural Interests, the Bankrupt Law, <f-c.
coaaiirosDEScDBETwaiir oes. cabuthers and mh.clay.
Lebanon, (Tenn.,) Aug. 12,1844
Deab Sir:—It is charged against you in this
State by the Democratic newspapers and speakers,
that you do not embrace in your system of prolee
lion of American industry by a discriminating tar
iff the agricultural interest, and this is attempted
to be sustained by a remark in your speeches that
"the agriculturist needs no protection.”
It is also insisted that you regard a bankrupt law
as one of the Whig measures to be carried out in
the event of their success. To give the sem
blance of truth to this charge, they refer to some
remarks made by you, and reported in the Intelli
gencer, on the bill to repeal the law passed in 1841,
in which you state that the measures of the extra
•aasion were regatded at the lime as a system con-
nected with and dependant upon each other. Altho'
your positions on these subjects are well under
stood by all candid men, yet, as you have manifest-
ed a disposition to affirm and re.affirm your opin
ions on all and every subject to the full satisfaction
of frianda and foes, I will ask of you an answer to
the following questions :
I* 1 ; In making discriminations in a revenue tar-
}n with a view to protection of American indus
iry, would you include the agricultural as well as
manufacturing and other interests ?
2d. In case of your success, would you bo in
■avorof the revivul of the bankrupt law or any
“w of a like character; and when you voted
Hainst the repeal of that law in 1842, before it
Into force, did you conaider yourself instruct'
why the Legislature of Kentucky to vote differ
I *m, with great respect, your friend and obedi
«n servant, R. L. CARUTHERS.
Hod. H. Ulav.
Ashland, August 20, 1844.
My Dbar Sir: —l recoivcd your letter <d the
*2th instant. You surprisj me by the statement of
•J>me opinions which are attributed to mo. No-
king can be more unfounded tlmn the assertion
hat I am unfriendly In the protection of ngriuul-
“'*• I conaidor that interest in ail its departments,
••the predominant interest in the United Stutes.
”J* on i hemp, wool, manufactures of tobacco, nnd
mher articles of agricutluial product are protected;
*"<■ if Ihe mensure of protection bo inadequate.
°msn in the United States would be willing logo
tacit , * lan ^ wou ^ * n oxlending sufficient pro-
i ^ * wv ® never or expreseed any otb.
•ud < "'k' ne,, .t*’ ^ ,|le oubstance of what I have said,
is ,i ' c '* j* 10 I* 6 found ic my published speeches,
1 mat agriculture iu the United Statas, owing to
—- _„, u| rea„ euuniries, needs ou
in’* rffrtcl protection. But the principal aim in
introducing and protecting manufactures is to ben
efit agnouliure by opening a new nnd home mar.
Rot For its surplus productions. Expressions dis.
pa raging to agriculture, or, rather, to the habits of
those who pursue it, have been put into my mouth
and paraded at the head, oven of newspaper*. 1
never used these oxpressions. They huve boen
forged or fabricated by political enemies. Of all
the pursuits of man, 1 consider the cultivation of
the earth the most honorable. It is my own pur
suit, and any .reflecting man must at once perceive
that I could say nothing derogatory of it.
1 have already stated in a letter which bns been
published, that the General Assembly of Kentucky
gave me uo instructions to vote for the repeal of
the bankrupt law. Instructions were pending be
fore the Legislature, but they fell by a disagree-
inent between the two Houses.
I consider that the American people hove ex*
pressed a decided disepprobation of the bankrupt
law ; and for one, in deference lo that opinion, I do
not desire to see that law revived,or any other
bankrupt law passed,
I congratulate you on the satisfactory result of
the August elections, and remain your friend and
obedient servant, H. CLAY.
Gen. R. L. Cabuthers.
Mb, Clay on the Public Lands.—The Chic
ago Democrat (edited by Hon. John Wentworth,
M. C ) publishes the following private letter from
Mr. Clay which it intimates was not honestly obtain
ed from the gentleman who received it in confi
dence. It is a patriotic, manly, statesman like let.
ter, eminently worthy of its frank and Hue heart
ed author.
Washington, 22d June, 1838.
Dear Sir : I received your letter of the 14th
and feel greatly obliged by the friendly motives
which prompted you lo address it to me.
There was no full report made of what I said dur
ing the progress of the Pre-emption Bill through
the Senate and none which was corrected by me.
Tho Globe habitually misrepresents mo, and I am
compelled to believe from design—I never used the
words “They are a graceless set of robbers—land
pirates, poor miserable! pre-ernplioners,” The lan.
guage 1 used was substantially the same as that em.
ployed by Mr. Van Buren in bis message at the
opening of the session.
I certainly made strenuous opposition to the pas
sage of the Pre-emption Bill; I did it on princi
ple, and from a serious sense of duly. I thought
and still think, that the Public Lands which are the
common properly of al 1 the people of United Ststes,
ought not to be liable to be tresspassed upon and
seized and appropriated by any person who choos
es lo enter upon them, not only without the author
ity of law, but against its positive commands.
The experience of the Government had satisfied
me that a system of Pre-emptions, especially in
connection with that of floats, were perverted to the
worst purposes of fraud, perjury and speculation.
But notwithstanding my aversion to the system, I
should have cheerfully acquiesced in the late Pre.
emplion bill, under all the circumstances, if its
friends would have consented to insert a clause ter.
minating for ever that mode of disposing of the
Public Lands ; but that they refused to do.
I wrilo this letter lor your satisfaction, and not for
publication. I would rather submit to the effects
of calumny than to betray any undue sensitiveness
about it. 1 have outlived other calumnies, and
by tho blessing of God, shall survive this and oth
ers.
With great respect,
I am your friend and ob’t serv’t.
H. CLAY.
S. Lisle, Esq.
not consult Mexico, but he announced that her * t-
sent to the annexation was altogether unnecessary-
And he proceeded to conclude a treaty, embracing
a large extent of Territory and a numerous popu
lation, not comprehended in the Texas which the
United Stales ceded to Spain in 1819.
In the mean lime too, a powerful opposition had
arisen in the United States against the annexation
of Texas to them. Several Slates had declared,
through their Legislatures, agninsl it, and others, if
not whole sections of the Union, were believed to be
11 d verse to it. This was the opposition to the
measure, to which in my Raleigh letter. I alluded,
when I spoke of u considerable and respectable
portion of the confederacy.' I did not refer lo per.
sons but to States or sections.
Under such circumstances 1 could not but regard
the annexation of Texas, at this time, as compro-
milling the honor of my country, involving it in a
war, in which the sympathies of all Christendom
would bo against us, and endangering tho integrity
of the Union. I thought then, and still believe,
that national dishonor, foreign war, and distraction
and division at home were too great sacrifices lo
make for the acquisition of Texas.
But, gentlemen, you ure desirous of knowing by
what policy I would be guided, in the event of my
election as Chief Magistrate of the United States
in reference to the question of the annexation of
Texas. I do not think it right to announce in ad
vance, what will be the course of a future admin
istration in respect to a question with a Foreign
power. I have, however, no hesitation in saying
that, fur from having any personal objection to the
annexation of Texas, I should be glad to see it,
without dishonor—without war, with the common
consent of the Union, and upon just and fair terms.
I do not think that the subject of slavery ought to
affect the question, one way or the other. Wheth
er 'l’exns lie independent or incorporated in the
United States, I do not believe it will prolong or
shorten the duration of that institution. It is des.
lined to become extinct, at some distant day, in my
opinion, by the operation of the inevitable laws of
population. It would be unwise to refuse a perma
nent acquisition, which will exist as long as Ihe
globe remains, on account of a temporary institu
tion.
In the contingency of my election, to which you
have adverted, if the affair of acquiring Texas
should become a subject of consideration, I should
he governed by the state of fact, and the state of
public opinion existing at the time I might be call
ed upon to act. Above all, I should be governed
by the paramount duty of preserving this Union
entire, and in harmony, regarding it as I do, as the
great guaranty of every political anti public bless
ing, under Providence, which, as a free people, we
are permitted lo enjoy.
1 am gentlemen, respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
H. CLAY.
Messrs. Thomas M. Peters,
LETTER FROM MR. CLAY.
Ashland, 27th July, 1844.
Gentlemen I have received your favor in
forming me that my views, as disclosed in my let
ter from Raleigh, on the question of the Annexa
tion of Texas, are misconceived, if not misrepre
sented in your quarter; and that it is supposed
that I have changed my opinion from what it was
in 1819. I endeavored to express myself in that
letter as explicitly as 1 could and I do not think
now that it can be fairly misinterpreted.
In 1819, when 1 addressed the House of Repre
sentatives, the Executive had negotiated the treaty
with Spam, by which Texas was ceded to that
power, bulCungre8s had not then given any sane
lion lo the cession. 1 believe now, ns I thought
then, that the troaty making power is not competent
without the concurrence of Congress, to cede
away any Territory belonging to the United States.
But Congress, by repeated ucts, subsequently man
ifested its approbation of the treaty; and these acts
rendered it us valid and obligatory upon the Uni
ted Stales,as if Congress had given its assent, prior
to Ihe conclusion of the treaty. Al that period of
1819, Texas as claimed by us, was unpeopled. No
hostile incursions had been made into it by citizens
of the United States. In 1825 and 1827, there
were but few inhabitants of Texas, consisting of
some colonists, planted there under the authority
of Mexico. At neilhor of the three periods above
mentioned had any State or section, in this Union
manifested any opposition to Texas composing a
purl of it. It has been said that Mr. Admits’ ad
ministration offered to negotiate with Mexico for
Texas, notwithstanding Ihe existence of a war be
tween Spain nnd Mexico, and (hat it could not
therefore have believed that the acquisition of Tex
as, at that time, would have involved tho United
Stales iu war with Spain. Hero it is argued that
the ratihcalian of tho lulo treaty could not huve
comptouiitlcd our peace
Mr. Adams thought it desirable to obtain Texas.
Two foreign powers claimed it. Mexico was iu
possession, and Spniti was doing nothing to assert
and enforce her claim. Her representative had
even gone so far as to stipulate in a convention, to
acknowledge the Independence of Mexico, although
that convention was not ratified by Spain.
Mr. Adams had u right to authorize the negolin
tion of a treaty fur the acquisition of Tuxas with
both or cither of the powers claiming it. It was
natural that he should begin with that power which
had the possession of Texas. Spain had interpos
ed no obstacle. She mado no declaration tliut
she would regard the acquisition of Texas as an
act of wur. In point ol fact, no overture was
formally made lo Mexico to purchaso Texas, no
negotiation was opened, no treaty wna concluded.
If a negotiation hud commenced, ur if a treaty Imd
been signed, and Spain had protested, the prudent
nnd cautious policy which characterized Mr. Ad
ams’administration,would undoubtedly huve prutnp
ted him lo quiet Spain, and accommodate the inut
ter, previous to the annexation uf Texas to the Uni
ted Slates, and without plunging them in war with
Spain. How totally different are all the circum
stances under which, with Mr. Adams’ authority, 1
authorized the overture to Mexico, from those
which ultended the recent treaty of Mr. Tyler ! So
far from Mexico being silent, she repeatedly and
solemnly declared that she would consider annex
alion ns war with her. Texas was no longer at
uninhabited country. It had been wrested from
tile dominion of Mexico by citizens, many of whom
want armed from the United Stales. The war be-
and Johnson M. Jackson
:1
Mr. Clay and the Cilley Duel.—The atroci
ous and oft-repeated yet still reiterated slander up
on Mr. Clay,in regard to the Cilley Duel, is thus
emphatically and forever disposed of (in the minds
of all honorable men) by a letter from Mr. Cluy
himself to Dr. Goble of Newark, published in the
Tariff Advocate of yesterday. Will those presses
which have defamed Mr. Clay in this matter have
the honesty to publish this denial ?—N. Y. Tribune.
Ashland, loth August, le-t*.
My Dear Sir-. I received your friendly letter,
with the enclosed slip, cut from a newspaper, and
I appreciate, and am thankful for the motives which
prompted you to address me. 1 wish you would
obtain and peruse the correspondence which pass
ed between Messrs. Wise, Graves, and me, respect
ing the lamentable affair between Messrs. Graves
and Cilley, published about three weeks ago. I
have not a copy of it; but you can obtain it in New
York.
It establishes 1st. That the draft which I sug
gested of the challenge was made expressly with
the view of leading to an adjustment of the dispute
amicably, and not, as alleged in the slip you for
warded, to close the door.
2d. That I never believed that the controversy
would occasion a hostile meeting, hut continually
thought that it ought to be, and would bo amicably
settled.
3d. That I was ignorant that the parties were lo
meet in combat, and at what hour they were to
meet.
And 4th. That when I accidentally heard that
they had gone out to fight, although I did not know
the hour, nor the place, I advised the police to be
called out, and they were called out; hut they miss
ed the parties in consequence of their taking an un
expected route.
I was not upon the ground, and had nothing what
ever to do with the conduct of the combat. My
agency, as far as l had any in the whole transac
tion, was directed to the object of an amicable set
tlement of the difficulty.
I am respectfully, your friend and ob’l servant,
H. CLAY.
Dr. J: G. Goble.
Tho bill was then passed, Mr. Hubbard asking
for the yeas and nays, by the following vole I
Yeas—Messrs. Allen, Benton, Buchanan, Clay
of Ala. Clay, of Ky., Clayton, Davis, Fulton, Grun
dy, Hubbard, Lumpkin, Lyon, McKean, Merrick,
Moulton, Niles, Norvell, Prentice, Roane, Robins,
Robinson, Ruggles, Smith of Conn., Smith of la.
Strange, Swift, Tipton, Trotter, Walker, Wall,,
Whito, Williams, Wright, Young—31.
Nay—Mr. Sevier—1.
Mr. Clay’s Privatb Character.—We do not
believe it all necessary, before an intelligent com
munity, to enter into a defence of Mr. Clay against
the malignant attacks of his envious opponents.-—
He belongs to the Nation, hns been fora third of a
century intimately connected with public affairs,
nnd his acts and his influence are stamped on every
page of the history of the country for that period,
tie is known at home, and throughout the civilized
world, as a high-minded, intelligent Statesman,
open-hearted, candid, Trunk, generous almost to a
fault. It supposos the people of the United States,
who of all others should be well read in his history,
public and private, it supposes this people ignorant
of what every school boy should know—to enter
into a defence of him, against the stream of vilu.
peration poured upon him by Jacobins and Dema.
gogues. So we think—but others among us think
these attacks should be met and put down.
At the solicitation “ of many conscientious, up
right iren," who had been deceived as to Mr. Clay’s
moral cimracter, the Secretary of the Newark, N.
J. Clay Club, addressed a note to Rev. Dr. Bsscom,
President of the Transylvania University, well
known here, asking him to state whether Mr. Clay
was e sabbath-breaker, gambler. &c. The follow,
ing is Mr. Bascom’s reply:—Index.
TRANSYLV\NIA UNIVERSITY,
Lexington, Ky., July 24th, 1844.
My Dear Sir:—In reply to your letter of the
9lh inst., I owe it lo truth, virtue, and tho claims of
society, without any reference lollie political strifes
of the day, to say, 1 have been in intimate and con
fidential intercourse with the Hon. Henry Clay.
both in public and private life, for more than twen.
ty years, and know the charges enumerated in your
letter, against the private character of Mr. Clay, to
be utterly and basely false. Mr. Clay, as is known
to the whole nution, offers no claim to Christian
piety, in the parlance of our churches, but in view
ol the ordinary accredited principles of good moral
character, no charge can be brought against him,
without violating the obligations of truth and sound
justice. To each interrogative charge, therefore,
contained in your letter, and reaching me in the
shape uf a question, I return for answer, that I re
gard one and all of them, as shamefully unjust, be
cause not true, in whole or in part.
Very respectfully, yourob’t. serv’t.
H. B. BASCOM.
Dr. J. G. Goble.
» , -- ■ -, J---.. - --w
Young mse, wlo adroirs mo veesnl* ,
toe, Integrity, courage, dtvwiM, n4 .
ness—Who hate Alsebood, eoMltag tot
Democrat*, who, ahkxtgh ibajr my bo opposed
to some of Ms mesusufes, rospoct him for hMUIsnts,
for his unbending patriotism, «ttd Me aoew*rvleg
Truth and Hoaor j—Whi|
bine and with one uniti
lice—.
•3 pa
Alt, ALL, will COOS-
pnrpoeo, vindicate Ms
Mr. Clay’s Opinion of Dueling.
In April, 1833, a bill to prevent dueling was un
der consideration before the Senate. Upon that
occasion, Mr. Clay addressed the Senate. We
unnex his remarks, and the vote which followed.
They speak for themselves - We commend the
remarks to the careful perusal of the reader. Do
they not fairly state the evil and the remedy! So
thought all the Sonators hut one :
“Mr. Clay rose and said, that he had taken no
pnrt thus far in the debate—not that he had felt no
interest in tho question, hut that lie thought it bet
ter to postpone his remarks until the hill came from
tho committee. No man, said Mr. Clay, could
more heartily wish for that state of public opinion
and society which would prevent the practice de
signed lo be prevented by the bill before the Sen
ate. No man, continued Mr. C. can he happier
than I shnli ho, if this practice could be forever
suppressed, eradicated and discountenanced.
■- Mr. Cluy said lie thought the great object of
the hill before the Senate should be to direct itself
to the purification and correction of public opinion.
It wus public opinion which constrained a man in a
certain section of the Union from resorting to this
mode of resenting insults and inju-ies; audit was
ulsu the same public opinion which in another sec
tion of country exacted from individuals a resort to
this practice in order to settle their disputes, iu
this latter section of the country, the only alterna
tive offered a man who had been injured or insulted
was whether lie would live in ignominy and dis
grace or expose himself to the loss of a life in a
personal encounter, hnd under this alternative
there were but too few that felt able to refuse that
exposure ot human life. When public opinion
should be rectified in this particular, then we might
expect to sea this practice, averse to religion and
abhorrent lo humanity, wholly eradicated. In the
mean time, it was the duty of the Sonate to do what
it could lo bring about that result. Mr. Clay, with
a view to this end, said he should moat cheerfully
MR. CLAY’S STANDINU AT HOME:
The Lincoln Telegraph publishes the following
extracts from a letter recently written by the Rev.
Dr. Nash, a dislingusislietl divine in the Episcopal
Church, who lias resided for ten years near Mr.
Clay, and who fully corroborates Dr. Bascom’s
slatesments in reference to Mi. Clay’s character.
Tlie paragraphs quoted show conclusively how tile
great Statesman is regarded by the moral and re
ligious men of his own neighborhood and State,
who know him best. Christian voters, read and
ponder ! The letter is dated,
St. Albans, 24th Aug.,1844.
‘‘As a criterion of the estimation in which he is
held at home, it will not he out of place to state
here—which I do unhesitatingly, having had atn.
pie opportunities for ascertaining the truth—that
Mr. Clay has the confidence and political support
of a very large proportion of the moral worth, and
I may add, of a very large majority of the members
of the different religious denominations in Kentuc
ky. There are twelve or fifteen clergymen of
the different denominations residing in Lexington.
All of these, I behove, with one exception, are the
friendsof Mr. Clay, and most of them are frequent
visitors at his house. There are about twenty
Episcopal clergymen residing in Kentucky. Ail
of these are friends of Mr. Clay. Of the one hun.
dred and five or ten clergymen—1 do not recollect
the exact number—composing the last conference
of the Methodist church in Kentucky, all but three,
as I was informed by a member of the conference,
are tho political friends of Mr. Clay. 1 am not so
accurately informed respecing the political opin
ions of the ministers of other denominations, as I
am respecting tho opinions of the ministers of the
Episcopal Church, and of the Methodist Church.
I am confident, however, that there is nearly, if not
quite as large, a majority of these friendly to the
election of Mr. Cluy as those last mentioned. Out
of the four or five hundred clergymen of different
denominations in Kentucky there are not,I am ai
most certain, fifty political opposers of Mr. Clay.”
“The opinion of a great majority of tho religious
people—ministers and others—living in the neigh,
borltood of, and intimately acquainted with, Mr.
Clay, I am confident is, that if he is elected to the
Presidency, there will be while lie continues Pres-
sident, a far healthier moral influence around the
Presidential chair that there has been since the
close of J. Q. Adams’ administration.”
vote for the bill, under the hope that if it could not
tween"Mexico and Texas had not been terminated I entirely abolish the practice, it would at leastdi-
by any treaty of Peace. Mr. Tyler not only did 1 sniliish it,and aid ultimately in producing such a
Another Falsehood Nailed.—The Loco Foco
papors in Kentucky have been unusually busy of
lute in circulating a story that Mr. Clay played
cards on the Sabbath, during a recent visit to the
Blue Lick Springs. The statement was original,
ly made by the notorious Gen. McCalla, and lias
been widely repented on his authority, both at the
West and in the pnpers of this vicinity. It is ef
fectually branded as a wilful nnd most shameless
falsehood, by the following card from tho Lex
ington Observor and Reporter.—N. Y. Cour.
and Enq.
A Card.—The subscribers, proprietors of tho
Blue Lick Springs, huve learned with surprise
that John M. McCalla, of Lexington, is busily en
gaged in propagating that Mr. Clay, during Isis late
visit to this place, wasengaged in gambling, and
that lie and some other gentlemen had won several
hundred dollars. A few weeks ego Mr. Clay
passed several days at this place, during which it
rained every day. Ho passed his mornings in
reading and writing, with which he appeared to
be much occupied, and in receiving company ; and
the evenings generally with the ladies, retiring lo
bed invariably before 10 o'clock. It is impossi
ble that any person’s conduct could have been more
gentlemanly, dignified, or correct. Mr. McCalla
was not here, nnd we do not know from whai spy
or infamous informer he derives his information,
but be lie who he may, it is u gross slander.
T.&.L. P. HOLLADAY.
Blue Lick Springs, August, 1844.
The subscribers, citizens* of Loxington, accom
panied the Hon. Henry Clay* to the Blue Licks, on
Thursday, the 23d of July, 1844, and returned
with him the Monday following, having travelled
togother in the same carriage hired for the occa
sion. They have seen with inexpressible surprise,
a statement in a Cincinnati paper, that Mr. Clay
was engaged in gambling on the Sabbath, and
whilst so occupied a clegvmnn was introduced to
him. We think it due to truth to declare that the
statement is an atrocioua and unfounded calumny,
in all its particulars. Having gone to that water-
iitg-place as friends end neighbora of Mr. Clay, we
were every day, nay evory hour, except when in
bed, together; and if a fact, go inconsistent with
the sacredness of the Sabbath had occured, ae that
alleged, it could not have eccnped our knowledge.
We scarcely need add that Mr. Clay’s conduct
throughout the period of our sojourn al the Springs,
was marked by his usual gentlemanly, correct, and
dignified department.
DANIEL NERTNER.
JOHN BRAND.
Lexington, August, 1844.
MR. CLAY AND HIS REVILER8.
In nothing does a political party more strongly
evince its weakness and want of principle, than in
its abandonment of the legitimate issues, and in
lieu of their discussion, resorting to personal nbuse,
slander and calumny. Such a course is positive
proof of the untenableness of their position, of tne
i in possibility of maintaining themselves by fair
argument, and an acknowledgment that as they
have determined to resort to foul.—This has been
the course of the Locofoco party leaders in the
present canvass. Driven from their positions be.
fore the people on the Bank, Tariff, Public Lands
and Texas questions, by the irresistible force of
Whig argument, they have i.o foothold left to them
but in slander, mendacity and calumny. Personal
abuse of Mr. Clay is their last remaining resource
—their only hope for the achievement of success.
And they have set about this with a unity, reckless
ness and boldness that eclipse all former examples.
There is scarcely a crime in the whole catalogue
of offnnees to the laws of man and of God, of which
he has not been accused, either by the Locofoco
Blump speakers, or their newspaper organs. He
is denounced by them as a PROFANE SWEAR.
ER, a GAMBLER, a SABBATH-BREAKER, a
COMMON DRUNKARD. UUILTY OF PER.
JURY.n ROBBER, an ADULTERER! and a
MURDERER! These charges against his pri
vale and moral character, besides innumerable o-
thers aguinsl Ins public and official character, have
been made and repeated over and over again by
iieurly every Locofoco stump orator and newspa-
per throughout the Union ; nnd it is by thus hold
ing up Mr. Clay ns a monster of wickedness nnd
moral depravity; that they expect to turn Ihe hearts
of the people ngaiest him and effect his defeat.—
That every charge they have made, and which are
above recited, is totally untrue nnd without founds,
'ion, nnd thnt those persons who have made them
Allow them to be false, wo need not say. No man
in his senses can for a moment believe, that a man
guilty of the crimes of which mendacious Loco
foco leaders have charged Mr. Clay, could hold up
his head in any civilized and christianized com
munity on eurtii* If they were true in one-
twenlicth of their particulars and enormity, the
penitentiary or the gallows would long since have
claimed him ; and now living, he would be a con
victed felon or an outlaw ! But so far from this
being the case, there has been no office or honor,
no moral and political distinction of any kind what-'
soever, to which Mr. Clay has aspired, that his
own Slute, his own country, his own town have
not triumphantly supported him for, during the last
thirty years. Never since he entered public life
has he been in a minority, in his own Blute, coun
ty and town;—nnd duringall this period, undeniably,
his supporters have been the staid, moral nnd re
ligious portion of the community. Wo mean no re-
flection upon our political opponents when we say,
that four fifths of tho church members, of all de-
nominations, in Lexington, Fayette county, and
throughout the entire Stuto of Kentucky, have
been during his entire public life, and are still, the
ardent supporters of Mr. Clay. Ho hns been their
favorite, and ho and they have been repeatedly de
nounced as blue nosed Presbyterians, Methodislical
Maw-worms, sanctimonious Pharisees, t)-c., <j-c,, in
nearly every political contest in which they have
been engaged, in order to array uguinsl him and
them, a less religious circumspect class of the com
munity. These facts are testimonials which can
not be mistnkon—from which there is no appeal
except to the Bur of Heaven for a morul character,
nnd which any man living, at the closo of a long
life, may regard with a just pride and satisfaction.
Knowing and feeling tho facts to be as we have
stated them, and that, unless, tho bond which hns
united the moral und religious community to Mr.
Clav could bo broken, no impression could be
mado upon him in the present polical contest, the
leaders (we do not include the party us a inass) of
tho Locofocos—men who sustain the atheistical
doctrines of Fanny Wright, Robert Dale Owen
the blasphemous Pilcher, und every other Christian
upoBtate, here set themselves to work to demolish
lus private and moral character, and to sever tho
union which hns so long, so uniformly and happily
existed,
Mr. Clay is now in the sun-set ofhis days. His
life in its morning brilliancy, in its meridian glory,
and its more tempered and declining radiancy has
been spent in the service of his country—in nil
honest, upright endeavor to promote her honor, her
glory and hor prosperity. If ever country had a
faithful son, a luithful servant, that country is ours
—that son and servant is HENRY CLAY. On
him—on his noble nnd self-sacrificing patriotism
—his great heart, we have relied in every crisis
and peril, and our confidence has never been tnis
placed —we have never been deceived, or found
him unequal to tlie occassion.—Ills name and his
fame are interwoven with the history of our country
for nearly a half of a century ; they are tlie bright-
marks upon its pages, nnd will forever, not only il-
lust rale them, but ornament the history of man, and
sparkle in every region where mind, moral light
and political libetty ure known and appreciated.—
In the course of nature his long stirring and event,
ful life must soon come to a close ! This is tho
lust time in all human probability, yes, the last,
that lie can ever appear beforo his countrymon
as a candidate for their suffrages—tho last oppor
tunity they can ever have of rewarding nn old, and
faithful public servant, for his long devotion lo them
and their interests. His career is now to close !
We ask the people of Kentucky—the people of
the United Slates—if they are willing that he—he
who has stood firmly by them in their most trying
perils, sliould quit the stage of public life, and de
scend with his grev hairs to the grave, dishonored
by false charges of GAMBLING. DRUNKEN-
NESS, SABBATH BREAKING, PROFAN.
ITY, PERJURY, ADULTERY and MURDER?
Will they do this and thus sncrifice the reputation
of the most illustrious man living, and imprint an
everlasting blot upon ’.heir own history,or will they
with a just appreciation of their duty to him and
to themselv-s, rouse with indignant might, crush
with the arm uf justice his vile and maglignant shin-
derers, and crown the closo ofhis life and carreer
by a halo of their approbation—by an act of solemn
sanction that shall forever silence cavillers and
calumniators ? They will—we know that they
will. The hearts of the people, whatever may
be their parly politics, are armed with Justice
—they will with one accord, confront malice, pros
trate calumny and vindicate the truth : for “Truth
is omnipotent, and public justice certian.”
Old men, whose head* have grown gray with
hi*—who fought with him in the republican ranks
from the timo of Madison down to the present-
through the war, through Ihe Missouri question,
though the Nullification crisis—who then stood
name and his fame from the foul slander* attend
and propagated againat Mm, and crown Mm with a
garland that shall flourish ImperLbaMe, whan Ms
honored ashes are mingled with the dust,
Lexington Observer.
Ma. Clay's opinion uf Fouieneia—We in
vite particular attention to the following attract of
a speech delivered by Mr. Cloy in the Sanato of
the United Slates in 1832. It proclaims in a man
ner not to be misunderstood the highly favorable
light in which he views and ever has viewed natur
alized foreigners, who having expiated themselves
from their native homes, have come to the “land of
the free and home of the brave,” cast their lot
among us in order that they might enjoy that free
dom which was denied them in the land of their
birth. The genuine impulses of Mr. Clay’s warav
generous heart induces him to open wide his arm
nnd embrace them as brothers. The naturalized
foreigner cannot fail to be warmed towards the el
oquent and patriotic statesman while reading can
did and unbiassed outpourings of that breast whoso
pulsations have ever beaten warmly for the op.
pressed of foreign lands. And yet with that
wrecklessness which sets truth at utter defiance
and revels in defamation, Mr. Clay hat been pro
nounced an enemy to the foreigner, who haa (ought
shelter among us after having fled from the tyran
ny of his nutive home ! Palsied be the hand which
could write, and blistered the tongue which could
pronounen such a base calumny. Well has it been
remnrked by a contemporary, that no living states
man of this or any other land had done so much
for the cause of freedom in other lands. His ef
forts in favor of the Grecian, struggling with the
despotic Turk, animated him with unwonted fire,
and nerved his arms with new life—while hia
speeches in favor of the patriots of South America
were read at the head of the armies of Bolivar;
and infused every patriot soldier with new feelings
of liberty and freedom, and rendered deadly his
hostility lo old Spain. His voice at all times, whe
ther for freedom at home or abroad, has been as
terrific to tyranny as the rour of the cannon and as
potential as an army with a hundred thousand
swords and bayonets. But enough for the present.
Hear how Mr. Clay rebukes hia libellers. In the
speech alluded to lie said—
Tlie honest, patient and industrious German
readily unites with our people, establishes himself
on some of our fat lands, fills a capacious barn, and
enjoys in tranquility the abundant fruits, which his
diligence gatiiers around him, always ready to
fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of
its laws, when called by the duties of patriotism.
The gay, the versatile, the philosophic French,
man, accommodating himself cheerfully to all the
vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without
difficulty in onr society.
But of all Foreigners, none amalgamate them,
selves so quickly with our people as Ihe natives
of the EMERALD ISLE. In some of the vi
sions which have passed through my imagination,
1 have supposed that Ireland was originally part
and parcel of this Continent, and that by some
extraordinary convulsion of nature, it was torn
fiom America, and, drifting across the Ocean, it
was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great
Britain. The same open-heartedness, the same
generous hospitality, the same careless and uncal-
diluting tndiflerence about human life, character- ■
ises the inhabitants of both countries,- Kentucky
hns been sometimes called Ihe Ireland of Atnerica.
I have no doubt, that, if tlie current of emigration
were reversed, and set from America upon the
shores of Europe, every American emigrant to Ire -
Innd would there find, as every frisli emigrant hero
finds, a hearty welcome and a happy home.”
EXTRACT
From Mr. Clay's speech in Congress, March, 1824,
• • Our agricultural is our greatest interest. It ought
ever to be predominant. All others should bend to
it. And, in considering what is for its advantage,
we should contemplate it in all its varieties, of plant
ing, farming, and grazing. Can we do nothing to
invigorate it; nothing to correct the errors of the
past, and to brighten the still more unpromising
prospects which lie Lefore us 7 We have seen, l’
think, the causes of the distresses of tho country.
Wo have seen that an exclusive dependence upon
the foreign market must lead to still severerer dis-
tress, to impoverishment, to ruin. Wo must then
change somewhat our course. We must give a
new direction to some portion of our industry.
We must speedily adopt a genuine American poli
cy. Still cherishing the foreign market, let us
create also a home Market, to give further scope
to the consumption oflheproduce of American indus
try. Let us counteract the policy of foreigners,
nnd withdraw the support which we now give to
their industry, and stimulate that of our own coun
try.”
“The creation of a home market is not only ne.
eessary lo procure for our agriculture a just reward
of tts labors, but it is indispensable to obtain a sup
ply of our necessary wunts.”
“Let us suppose that half a million of persons are
now employed abroad in fabricating for our con
sumption those articles of which, by the operation
of this bill, a supply is intended lo be provided with
in ourselves. That half a million of persona are,
in effect, subsisted by us ; but their actual mcanB
of subsistence are drawn from foreign agriculture.
If we could transport them to this country, and
incorporate litem to the mass of our own population,
there would instantly arise a demand for an amount
of provisions equal to that which would be requisite
for their subsistence through! the whole year.—
That demand, in the article of flour alone, would
not bo less than the quantity of about 900,000 bar
rels, besides a proportionate quantity of beef and
pork, and other articles of subsistence. But nine
hundred thousand barrels of flour exceed* the en-
tire qunntity exported last year, by nearly one
hundred and fifty thousand barrels. What activi
ty would not this give ! What cheerfulness would
it not communicate to our now dispirited farming-
interest! But if, instead cf these five hundred
thousand artisans emigrating from abroad, we give,
by this bill employment to an equal number ot our
own citizens now engaged in unprofitable agricul
ture, or idle from the want of business, the beneji.
cial effect upon the productions of our farming la
bor would be nearly doubled. The quantity would
be diminished by a subtraction of the produce from
the labor of all those who should be diverted from
its pursuits to manufactering industry, and the value
of the residue would be enhanced, both by that di
minution and the creation of the home market to
'lie extent supposed. And the honorable gentle
man from Virginia may repress any apprehension*
which he entertains, that the plough will be aban
doned and our fiold3 remain unsown. For, under
ull the modification! of social industry, if you will
secure to it a just reward, the greater attraction* of
agriculture will give to it that proud superiority
which it has always maintained.’
“And what is this tariff? It seems to have been
regarded as a sort of monster, huge and deformed
—a wild beast, endowed with tremendous powers
of destruction, about to be let loose among our
people—if not to devour them, at leMl to consume
their substance. But let u* calm our passions,
and deliberately survey this alarming, this terrific
being. The sole object of the tariff is <o tan the
produce of foreign industry, with the view of promot
ing American industry. The tax is exclusively
levelled at foreign industry. That is the avowed
and the direct purpoae of the tariff. If it subject*
any part of American industry to burdens, that is
an effect not intended, but is altogether incidental
and perfectly voluntary.”