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I;.fihl»klndconlliiuo«loroi:olroproniplaltonlloiialllie
•* ..ffaKOKHU JOURNAL
k^uroTANCHS IIV MAIL —“A poalioaiter may onclo.o lnriao.v
jjUITTL ,|, u , k „r of a iiowoliupor.lopay tbo .iilm rlplioiiofa
. mifronk Iho lollor. Ifwrlllonbyhlmaolf.’—
-I iioooa,
POLITICAL.
= s==== r t , 1 OM TUB SOUTHERN RECORDER.]
m*liwJWE BETWEEN TWO DEMOCRATS.
A mJ A A°-Uou-I morning. Mr S..I uni tiuppy in
i viiii. 1 liuvu junt lieurd ilmt you linii joined
™”wiii|.ri. wliic!) 1 did nol believe, and snid I would
.« aii/lit.
I have nl.
vided with the democrats, but shall not do it
aik vou on sigtil.
y' s.—Y ia have beard the truth
WOJN
pis
Mr.
Perhaps you have been misled by mime
ofihcis Whig demagogues, and it will aliord me
are to disabuse your mind.
P Mr S.—l will heDr y° u with pleasure, though l
think I know what l am about, There is something
“ L among our old friends, but what it is. I can-
IteMClIv loll! all id not going on right, that you
Tv well believe. When they tell me anything, I
am in doubt how much lo believe, because they
have so often deceived me that I cannot tell who lo
'"ri’iev told me in 184V. that the Whigs had op-
lUMJed us with high taxes in the Slute, unnecessari
lv and promised to re ievo us ; we sent them to the
Legislature in 1841. and they did nothing . they
begged us to try them once more, and then they
w Ju!d reiHi.il the high taxes. I tried them again,
,nd instead of repealing them, they iocieased them
om fourth. They promised us in 1841, to borrow
money mid lend it to us lo pay our debts ; we gave
them the power, and they did not even talk about
it,Her they got to Millcdgeville. They told us
,he whips had imposed a high tariff upon the goods
had to huy, and that it wns unnecesary and op
pressive, mill if we would elect them, they would
repeal it. We took them at their word, and elect
ed them to Congress ; we got there the largest
niaj.iriiv I he pnriy ever had—68 voles ! I hey
,,.mined a bill reducing the whig lariffon iron ten.
tkvintht of on- mill par pound, ihey increa-ed ihe
duty on cuurs- flannel* 9 per cent., made the du y
on coarse wool five tunes greater than the wliigs
had it, taxed our wool hats higher, made the
duty on cotton bagging highor, made cotton free
uf all duly, so that the cotton of the whole
world might come here, mid overstock our mar-
(cel, and aink the price of it; and after all re
jected the bill and left the whig tariff where it
tould nut let us
Mr. A.— Woil. I confess I never understood it
before, and that I like the proposition bettur that 1
thought l did.
Mr. 8.—I have not troubled my mind much a
bout this rnatlor, because I am not now culled upon
io net. It requires a majority of two.thirds of both
Houses of Congress, lo puss resolutions recom
mending to the States the ninondnient, nod then if
the Legislatures of three-fourths uf the States a.
gree In it, the amendment is adopted. If I was op.
posed to the modification of the veto power, I should
still vote for the Whig President nud Congress,
men ; for they can only tocuniuieiid to us lo consid
or of it. ami ilieu when wo coine to vote for mem.
hers of the Legislature, 1 would vote according
to my view* nnd wishes. During Gen. Wusliing.
toil’s cundidncy, iho Wliigs vo ed lor him and Ins
party, notwithstanding they desired n particular
alteration in the Constitution, nnd uftcr it wus re-
commended to them, they (the Whigs) rejected ii.
After llie recommendation is made, is time enough
fur me to consider the question, whether 1 am
for it or against 1
Mr. A.—1 am sorry to see you so well pleased
with die Wliigs—do you not know dial their opini
ons nn the Tariff are shocking 1
Mr. S.—Do you not upprove them/ They go
lor a tariff tliut will raise no more money than is
necessary fur an economical support of the Govern
ment—and with the duties so arranged, as will nf.
ford incidental protection to our own industry. In
arranging die duties, they say, put iho highest du.
lies on those nrdclos which come in competition with
liku ones produced by us, and the lowest duties on
such articles as we cannot raise—by this means, the
competition at home will reduce the price, and
throw the duties on the labor uf the foreigner; and
tliis is called incidental protection. It is the plan
recommended by Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Monroe and Jackson, und I intend to support no
other.
The Democrats proposu the reverse of this ; put,
they say, the highest duties on the articles we can.
uot raise—this will niuke our people pay the du.
ties. The English lux our produce very high now,
and I go for taxing their produce higli too. Eng
land produced the revolution by liigli tuxes. Gen.
Washington know how to whip her in war, and to
manage her in peace ; and just according lo jjte
plan lie laid down, 1 am going to follow, and no oth
er.
Mr. A.—But huw can you stand the Whigs?
they Bay high dunes makes low prices, and accord-
iug to that rule, the more toll a miller takes, the
more meal will the furiuer get!
Mr. S.—I have never heard any Whig say so—
that is, what you say they say ; but the Wliigs say
l e money lo make roads, while we have to make
them ourselves—and they have given tnein lumJ.
to raise schools, and we have lo bo taxed to edutty'e
educate our poor. I do uot mean to he cheated
any longer, and 1 Intend lo go for those who will
give us our shurn of the lands, and against those
who will not. They cry tariff", and increase of tar
iff, while thoy have nmde us puy the tariff, and yet
luken away our lands and money, and given it util,
ers. Tlie Turiffis not too high when they want to
give tliuse largo amounts of land und money to the
new 8lnles. noil there is no tuking from the treasu
ry, and having to supply it with increased luxes,
then ; hut as soon as we wunl our share, then the
tariff will gut to high ! No, sir, I intend to be cheat
ed nn lunger.
Mr A.—You are right, I do despise such hypo
crisy ; but suppose we get llio money, will it be
applied to tbo education of the poor? What we
got before wns not disposed of in that way.
Mr. S.—No ; and ii wo Intd got ten limes us
much it ivouid have been the same. The Demo-
orals had the power when it was received, and pas.
sed u low applying it to the pity tin nl of the public
debt, but Gov. McDonald applied it to tbo railroad.
Oue-tliird of the surplus revenue was set apart for
tlie education of the poor, and the Democrats spent
principal and interest both. I should nol be will,
ing to trust them with any tiling.
And now, my friend, i should like to know some
of your principles. Are you ill favor of the Sub-
Treasury ?
Mr. A.—No, sir. and never will be. I look up
on that attempt to return to n specie currency us
ruinous to our prosperity, nnd destructive of tha
equality of rights among our citizens. It gives the
richull the power, and strips the poor of their rights.
On the currency question I agree wiili the wliigs.
1 believe a bank to be the best means of collecting,
sale-keeping and disbursing iho public revenue, ft
was started by Washington and Madison ; it was
supported by both parties in Genrgiu. It never
injured any body yet ; it makes money more plen
ty—keeps prices more uniform—prevents a scar
city of money—and upon tile whole, 1 can see no
objection to it , und 1 confess that my party are in
consistent in lheir opposition to it, fur while they
condemn it, they do all in their power to become
Directors and Cashiers in the State or local Banks.
Now, if the banks were so very wrong, I think they
ought to keep clear of them altogether. But 1 wish
lo know what you think of Texas ?
Mr. S.—I will lake Texas when I can get it with-
out involving the country in wur, without violating
our truuty stipulations, und without endangering our
Union. Tile treaty which Mr. Tyler proposed
wus unconstitutional. I tun opposed to assuming
that uny duty will produce competition, and tliut the debts ol Texas. Let her pay her own dents.
tress; but doubts arising us to tlie legulity of tin-
lection, n new one was held wiili the same result
Hid ho wns again clinsun speaker.
In 1817 lie wua again elected to Congress, noil
chosen speaker.
In 1818, lie made a great speech in Congress in
favor ol the independence uf the South American
Slutcs, which was reu at the head of their urmies.
In 1910, ho wus elected to Congress and again
chosen speaker.
In 1820, having determined to retire from con
gress on account of his private affairs, lie resigned
llie speakership.
lo 1821. lie sealed the Missouri question, thus
acquiring tli« title of tlie “Great Pueificulor,” nnd
retired from Congress.
In 1823, lie was again elected lo Congress, and
was again for the sixth time chosen speuker.
In 1825, lie was appointed secreiarv of State by
Mr. Ada ms ; and. it is said, negotiated more treu.
lies than ali their predecessors together.
In 1820, returns lo Kentucky, und retires to pri
vate life.
In 1831, he was again eloctod to tlie Senate of
the United Stales.
In 1933, he introduced the compromise bill, and
thus savod llio country from civil war.
In 1835, lie made the French report, and saved
the country from a war with France.
In 1842, lie resigned Ilia seal in the Senate und
retired lo Ashland,
He was in the service of his country for ubout
35yeurs—supported with distinguished ability llie
administrations ol Jefferson, Madison and Monroe
—enjoyed iho highest confidence of them all, (be
ing offered by Monroe a scat in the cabinet, and a
le blanche of the foreign missions)—wus the
at friend and patron of ull the great interests
llie country, agriculture, commerce and manufac-
lures, and is so completely identified with them all,
hut his history is emphatically the history of Ins
country.
[from THE SOUTHERN MISCELLANY.]
Mr. Editor—1 seldom ever take up the Georgia
Constitutionalist,” Unless it is lo see what false
hoods the editors or lheir correspondents have to
etuil against Mr. Clay, or llio Whig parly. Tliut
>aper lias lost ils character for iruili, nud is nmv
jiii a vehicle of slander and fulsehouii upon the
Wliigs and lheir glorious leuder, Henry Cluj'. A
cent number represents him as having two sets uf
opinions on tlie Tariff, one for the North und an
ther for the South. Here it is .
For the South.
From his letter lu Mr. Meriwether in October,
1843—"I should have preferred that the Cornpro.
mise Act, in all its parts, could have been adhered
Mr. A.—But the Whigs
^*Mr. S.—What did you care for the Whigs?
you had a majority ot 68 members, and could
have passed it if you wanted to do so. But 1
am glad you did nut puss it. for it is a much
worse tariff than that of 1842. But you told us
Ihe Wliigs spent too much money at Congress,
and that you would spend less. You have done
worse than llie wliigs. I see the democrats
hsve spent a million and a half of dollars more
than Ihe wings. You told me the whigs were
abolitionists, and yet I find that they, when in
power, refused lo receive abolition petitions, and
at the last Congress the democrats with u large
majority refused, upon the direct vote, lo adopt
the whig rule rejecting them. You told me
that ihe Wliigs were the internal improvement par
ty in Congress; und that they wanted a high
tariff to raise money thus to spend ; and I find tbai
the democrats appropriated more money last Con
gress. three to one, for one year, than llio Wliigs
appropriated for two years and u hail. Youtoid
me that ihe whigs wished to lake llie land fund
from the Treasury and divide it among all the
8lates, nnd l find that the democrats want to take
it away likewise, and divide it among only the
Hew State.8.
Mr. A.—Let me slop you there ; you du not un.
demand our principles.
Mr. S.—1 liuve been lo democratic meetings,
lud never could hear uny, only that they were op
posed to the Whigs—in a free discussion they have
heea called upon for lheir principles, und 1 have
M*er heard the first one answer to tho cull yet.—
All this satisfies me, that there must be something
wrong somewbere. The Whigs tell lheir princi
ple), and why cannot our folks do so loo? The
truth is, our people are going against every thing
that Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson
tverwent for,and I shall not go with them. They
•re for experiments, upon experiment and I am
•gainst them. I want to follow after these old put
riots, and I intend to lullow no party that does nol
Mr. A.—I am glad to hoar you say so ; the wliigs
*ith to modify the veto power in that gloriousCon-
■titution which Washington gave us. Now I think
that we ought to keep it just us tlie framers who
m *de it, guvo it to us.
Mr. S.-I want to keep it too, us it was given lo
**•; and one of its features is tliut when we have
tried itand find that it will not work well, it must be
•lie red.
Mr. A.—Ob no, never, Washington said lot it
••main us it was made.
Mr. 8.—No sir; Washington snid no such thing
He was President eight yenrs, and during his ad
ministration it was altered in eleven particulars,
•■■d he proposed one other amendment which wus
rejected, Mr. Jefferson proposed on© nrnend-
°^ 111 which wus adopted, and uiiulher was reject-
Ml A.—Bui are you not afraid, that if tlie veto
P ,lw «r is taken awuy, the mniorily will oppress the
mmoriiy ? 11
Mr. 8—X., sir; does nol a majority of tho peo-
P' 8 elect a majority in Congress, and dues not the
•‘me majority elect the President; and will thoy
***> * majority to oppress llio minority, nnd then
, * 01 the same time a President lo protect
them ?
«r. A—I admit your view is correct.
Mr, 8.—| hold ti m t n majority of llio people
• 8 gbt to govern according to thu forms of the Con-
•htuiion, that their voice ought to bo heard and res-
preted—Old Virginia does uot ullow her Governor
“ veto what u isujnriiv of the representatives
the people decree shall he done. Nor does
•jlier South nt North Carolina—nor Ohio—nor
eaiiessee, and nineteen Stales out of the twenty
01,01 show it. The plan proposed by the W big
® the peop| 0 („ consider of. is this : il a bill should
“"** Homos of Congress, and the President
Approve, it, he vetoes it, and returns it to Coo
s”*' Ihe bill lies over until the next session of
*"d If then o inajuriliy of each House
vote hi |( again, it become* A lew.
will reduce prices ; and yuur illustration of the mil
ler is not correct. Bultotnkethe Whig argument ;
they say tlral if u mill can grind 200 bushels uf
corn a day. and can gel that amount lo grind, it cun
afford to do il cheaper than if it only got 20 bushels
to grind. Tiial is their argument in favor of tlie
home markets, and 1 should be glad to hear you
answer that.
Mr. A.—I confess I cannot answer thnl argu
ment—but how can you act with a party that John
Q. Adams supports ? Have you not seen Gov.
Troup’s letter, in which he denounces tho Wliigs,
aud where he says thul they only want a chance to
re pass tlie Alien and Sedition laws.
Mr. S.—I do not know that either of ns ought
to say any tiling nboul John Q. Adams. We sup.
ported him ill 1825. when he opposed Gov. Troup,
and we did so honestly—and Gov. Troup knows
that he has now joined the very pany which
opposed him then, und ho said in 1840, that we had
been stealing the public money all our lives—und if
h<> is willing to associate with such men—and if he
suid what he believed was not true, we ought lint to
believe him us to wliul he says about the Whig<—
moreover, John Q. Adam* voted with your party
against the Whig Tariff of 1842.
Mr. A.—I cunless I do nol like such denuncia
tions, and it makes my blood hot, when I recollect
how lie and Culliuun talked about us and then join
ed us. I know very well how it is : when these
men can’t get offices in lheir old party, then
they join us, But wiiut do you think of the di
vision of llie proceeds of the public lands umotig
the Stules?
Mr. S—I think it is right ; I supported it
when Gen. Jackson recommended it to Congress,
aud I still think it is right. When Georgia
sold Alubuniu and Mississippi to llie General
Government, she ugreed that some $7,000,-
000 of claims should be paid out of tho
sales of the land, nnd then the balance should
be a fund for the use of all the Stales, herself
included, and that il should bo applied to no
other use whatever. The Government has paid
that money and received some $24 000,000 be.
sides, und there are now ubout 30.000,000 a.
cres of land nol sold ; this money and land be
longs lo the States, nnd it ought to be applied
according to tlie terms of the sale. And the
land sold by the oilier Stales, after paying the
debt of our revolution, wus to go tlie same way;
and jif all llio lands were now sold, Georgia
would get about $40,000,000; which would re
lieve us from taxes, and educate tho poor of our
Slate-
Mr. A.—But suppose you take this fund from
the Treasury, won’t you have to raise llio Tariff to
make up the deficiency ?
Mr. S.—No; the land fund is never counted,
nor looked to in fixing the tariff, because it is too
uncertain in amount to muko calculations upon. I
judge ol the future by the past. We have receiv
ed some years as much ns $25,000,000 from the
sules of the lands ; and yet the tariff never wns re
duced on uccuunt of it ouo single cent. It is a sur
plus which is squandered in extravagant works of
itilornul improvement, and we at the South get no
benefit from it. Gen. Jackson snid so in 1830 in
bis message ; and if we don’t divide it this way.
we ahuil gel nn benefit from il nl all. Mr. Calhoun
offered a bill in the Sonato. giving the lands to the
Slates in which they lie; aud Mr. Benton propos
ed to give thern.to tho settlors, nnd Gen. Jackson
at one time proposed the same thing. Mr. Ritch
ie, the editor of the Richmond Enquirer, also wus
in'favor of distribution. Now 1 do tint think tliut
he Geu. Jackson, Mr. Calhoun und Mr. Benton,
would be in favor of a measure which would in
crease llio tariff upon us,
Mr, But would it nol ho hotter to let thorn
slay in tho Trasury, and nol divide nor code them
to any of the States ?
M r- s. Til* new States suv so ; but while they
have been crying out for this, they liuve ull the
while been feathering their own nests. Now we
have ulwnys thought tliut these new Stales were
gutting nothing, when in truth they were getting
every thing. Alabama now receives every year a
large amount Irani the sales of the public lunds,
and she speak, of building u railroad with her
share. Just look at wlial they have already receiv
ed :
There is no reason in assuming her debts, und not
those of the States. The tux lo pay them would
be four dollurs upon every voter, and ull her lands
have been taken up, and none uru left to pay them
with.
Mr. A.—But something is said about England’s
imerfei ing with shivery , I confess I do not believe
u word of it—for she cunnot get Texas without her
slaves, und she will never take her with them.
Gov. Troup says that every sword ought to jump
from its scalibourd against England. Now I have
uot got so much fight in me, for if fighting comes, I
know who will have to do it; and none of those who
talk so much about it, will ever do any of it. We
wool-hat boys wili have it lo do. So I think that
we might ns well leuve the land speculators and
bond holders to do their own fighting, and we stand
i ut of the way. Tlie best way to work it, will be
to let them go nnd help Texas, and when tlie war
is over, then talk ubout annexation.
Mr. S.—You are right—but how do you intend
lo vote ?
Mr. A.—You linvo removed all my doubts; I
shall say nothing about it, but we will be together
nl the polls—so farewell until then.—But one word
more. Did Webster say that he was opposed lo the
annexation of Texas because it might be the means
of extending slavery? And does any Democrat
hold such language ?
Mr. S.—I have not seen Mr. Webster’s speech,
but l have just seen Silas Wright’s speech ut Lake
Skeneatelns in New York, where he says, that he
opposed the treaty "becutise it was designed to ex
tend and perpetuate shivery.”
Mr. A—Can this be possible? Did not tbo
Georgia Democrats ut Baltimore vote for bis nom
ination for Vice President?
Mr. S.—Yes : but wlial do they care lor that ?
The party in New York have determined lo elect
no man to Congress who is in favor of tlie annex
ation of Texas, and at the north they are all oppos
ed to it, because it will extend slavery; and Mr.
Wilkins, Mr. Ingersoll, and Mr. Walker, all lead,
ers, support it, as the means of extinguishing slave
ry. And do you not know, while the Democrats in
Georgia are making so much fuss ubout the Tariff,
that thoy support Dallas who is opposed lu the com
premise uct and voted against it, while the Whi{
candidates for President and Vice President are
both pledged to carry it out ?
Mr. A. 1 am more than rejo-ced that I have seen
you. 1 go openly for Cluy ; lie is honest, and I
know where lo fiuil him.
SKETCH UF .lilt. CL.AV’8 LIFE.
His history is the history of Ilia country. Oil
the 12th April, 1777, he wus born in Hanover coun
tv, Virginia, of parents in tiie most indigent eir.
cumstances.
in 1752, bis futhor being dead, und his mother
having married again, and moved to Kentucky, lie
wus left a friendless orphan boy in the office of P.
Tinsley. Esq., Clerk of the high court of Chancery
of Virginia.
In 1797, having previously studied law, ho re
moved to Kentucky, and opened uu attorney’s of.
fice in Lexington—without patrons, without influ.
euliul friends, and without the means of paying bis
weekly board, and immediately rushed into a lucre
live practice.
In 1798, lie opposed the nlien and sedition laws
of John Adums, and about this time ucquired the ti
tie of the “great commoner.”
lu 1803, he was elected to the lower house of
the Kentucky legislature Irom Fayette county, with
out his knowledge nr uny solicitation oil his purl
while absent at tho Olympian springs.
In 1806, lie wus elected lu the Senate of the Uni
ted Slates lo supply a vauuncy occasioned by llie re
sigiiutiun of the lion. John Adair.
°Iu 1808, he wus uguin elected lo the Kentucky
legislature, and was chosen speuker.
In 1809. he was aguin elected lo the Senate of
ihe United States to supply the vacancy occasioned
hy the resignation of the Hoii. Buckner Thurs
t (> "*
In 1811. having a choice of a seat in tiie Senute
or House of Representatives of the United Sluies,
lie wus elected lo tlie latter, and was on the first
hallol elected speuker ; an honor never before or
since conferred on any new member.
In 1812, liesuppuried the war wall all his pow.
Olilor*«W*a ID mowr
Indkaua “ ..
IlltitoU ** M
MluU'ippl
l.uul'lan*
MirifTn
Arkansas
TI
•8I6.A0A
f7G9,0'M>
• SI3.000
r 199.000
>51,000
lift, ono
4.18,000
land 1,843,000 acre*.
• 1,074,000 •*
• 1,537.000 M
3. Ii cun nol but cause any candid Locnfuco to
phuse in wonder when he reflects upon the ludi
crous fact that James K. Polk, who has for years
been fishing for the reputation m being considered
n Free Trade man, and who last year, denounced
the present Tar iff from one end of the State of Ten
nessee to the oilier, and wrote out and published
those denunciations, now being unexpectedly iiom.
touted fur the Presidency, and wishing to gel the
voles ol as many friends of the Tariff at the North
as possible, writes a soft, smooth, demagogical let
ter to u Tariff mini in Pennsylvania, for publication
in which lie professes lo bo in favor of a •* Judici
ous 1 nriff," that will raise revenue enough to cur
ry on the Government,economically administered,
and at the same time afford incidental protection to
our home industry !
4. No candid Locofoco can refrain from surmis
ing tliut something must be wrung wiih his candi
date fur the Presidency, when lie ponders upon
llie tell tale fact thut that candidate is eagerly striv.
ing to borrow and appropriate ns bis own, two ol
the cardinal principles supported by Mr. Clay and
the Whig party, to wit—“One Term," and “Friend
ship <or the Tariff ?”
From his speech nt Columbus, in April, 1844 —
In my subsequent iilo 1 have adhered to provisions
(speaking of the Compromise) and shall do so in
future."
From his speech in Charleston in April—“Ho
ullenged tho most diligent to show tliut lie had
ever countenanced its viululiou in the slightest pur.
ticu lur.”
From his letter to Bronson—“Carry out, then,
lie spirit uf the Compromise, look to revenue ulune
or support of Government. Do not raise llie
question ol Protection, which l hoped had been
pul ut rest. There is no necessity (or protec
tion.”
For Lowell and Pittsburg.
I have every where maintained, tliut in adjust
u Tariff for revenue, discrimination ought to lie
made for protection ; thul the Turiff of 1842 Ims
■perilled most beneficially, and I um utterly oppi
sod toils repeal.”
l'liu burden of tlie charge consists in the purl us
stated tliut Mr. Clay wus against the Tarifi’of 1842.
when talking to llie South, and for il when tulking
io the North. This is u Imse and unmitigated slun-
r, and lo make il out, they iiave resorted to the
vilest garbling und misrepresentation. To prove
this, 1 ask you to reud the ubovo extract from his
letter to Mr. Meriwether, und then lo compare it
wit Ii the true extract from tliut letter.
And here il is—luken from the ‘'Georgia Journ
al,” where the letter was first published :
I should luive preferred thul ihe Compromise
in all ie> parts (includTng tho home valuation) could
liuvo been adhered to. But you will know from
bat quurlertlie opposition came to the home vul.
uutiou, without the incorporation of which in the
Compromise act, tliut um never could have passed.
I think the present Tariff, ill the main, is right, und
working much good. There may be excesses or
defects in it, of which I have not hero the means
io judge ; and if there be. they ought to bo correc
ted uy supplemental legislation.”
J ust look at this huso falsehood which I Iiave ex.
posed. 1 have not Mr. Cluy’s speuclics ut Colum
bus und Charleston before me, and cannot, there-
speak us to thorn ; but as to llio letter to Dr.
Bronson, there is nn such statement in it as that
published, und ho never wrote lo Bronson, nor io
any one else, nor did lie ever mulce a speech at any
time, containiiiing such sentiments. Tiie whole is
a base forgery ! Here is wliat lie suid to Bron.
son :
After my return lo Congress in 1831, my efforts
were directed to the modification and reduction of
the rules of duly contained ill the act of 1828.—
Tho uct of 1832 groutly 'reduced nnd modified
them ; and tlie act ot 1833, commonly called the
Compromise Act, still farther reduced und modified
them. The uct which passed ut tlie extra session
of 1841, which I supported, wus confined to the free
urlicies. I had resigned my soat in the Senate
when the act of 1842 passed. Generally, tlie du
ties which it imposes are lower limn those in Ihe
act of 1832. Aud without intending to express my
opinion upon every item of this last Turiff, I would
say that I think the provisions, in Iho main, are
wise and proper. If there be any excesses or de.
fectsin it, uf which 1 have not tho mentis iiere ol
judging) ihey ought tu he corrected.”
Now. 1 would ask every honest Democrat, how
lie enn support u party which thus wilfully aud
wickedly misrepresents and deceives its friends 1
Tim whole article is a base ultumpl to deceive the
public to gut their voles, and ufler "hey get them,
iheu they will deceive the people to keep them.—
Ail honest party will never du this—but tlie Dem
ocracy knowing themselves to be wrong, aud lo be
seeking to do wrong io ihe country, employ false
hoods as lheir weapons, und will practice fraud
when they gel tlie powor. Let the honest fanners
uf the country renounce such a puny. They uro
not fit lo be trustud. They are at lheir old tricks
again. UNION.
What wns thought of James K. Polk, before tho
nomriituUoii, by his own Party S
I iie Statesman, a few days since, pronounced a
little paragraph we copied from un exchange pap«r,
purporting to he “the Globe’s opinion of Mr. Polk,”
a base forgery." in replication we gave a brief
extract Irom tiie Globe of u few montha hack, not
very flattering to Mr. Polk, on which we supposed,
the paragraph copied into the Journal, might have
been based. We have since glanced nt the col-
umny of tho Globe, aud are thus enabled to furnish
a few more paragraphs, to which wo invite special
attention. We leuve the Statesman to furnish the
commentary. Honest men of the party will bo
able to form a proper estimate of the candidate who
lias been forced on thern after reading these ex-
'ts. If it would no*, be asking too much we
should like to imve the erudite genius of tho States
man su v whether these are forgeries or not ?
The following paragraphs are from tho Globe,
of January 19, 1844. and were ascribed to auilmr
.ship of Mr. Payne, u member of Congress from
Alabama, on tlie floor of Congress
“ VV liar are tho facts in regard ta flov. Polk ? He
lias been twice repudiated in his own State by large
majorities—defeated by an inexperienced politician;
and it it* not pretended that his name would add one
panicle of strength to the ticket in any State of this
Union Whv, then talk of his selection as the candi
date of tho party V*
'* Again, we are told. * If on the contrary, you do not
run Gov. Po k, you may lose Tennessee. He has
been run twice for Governor of that {State lately, and
has been defeated both times most signally. This
would seem t<» be conclusive that Tennessee cannot be
carried t>y the Democracy if Governor Polk is upon the
ticket. If this be a legitimate conclusion, it is due to
the principles we profess, not to jeopard their success
hy tain attempts to force upon the people af Tennessee a
man whom they have twice refused to honor, notwith
standing the supposed ‘deep, bold, and lasting impress
left by Governor Polk on our public affairs.’ ”
In the Globe, of May 17, 1844, we find tlie follow,
ing, prominent in its editorial columns, from the
pen of its New York Correspondent, without a
word of dissent from the Editor :
“ .\ir. P..«k is equally decided on the subject of Texas
and :li«■ answer ol Gun. Cass is sa d to be satisfactory-
All tins is nol the least surprising; and I have no doubt
tln*rc are thousands ol other great men, as well as little
men. m the United {States, who would be for taking
immediate possession of the moon and seven phnels, puo
VIDEO IT AFFORDED A Ol IMPSB OF TAKING ULTIMATE
8K8MON OF THE WII IT It HoUSE AT THE ttA.tlb
The Campaign of 1844 opeoodfioriou.ly for tho
Whigs, and has so continued |o the lest contest in
Vermont. The first battle »ss fought in
uiiunt
in February, end the Whlge made ■ clear awsep
of the 8late, electing 6 Whigs to Congress, Ihe en
tire delegation, (there had been two Locos before)
and carrying a large majority of the Legislature.—
Next came good old
CONNECTICUT.
She up-et the Loco Foco Governor and legislature
uud pul Whig, iu thuir places by a plurality vote
of more than 1209! In 1843, Ihe Lucos had 129
iiiemlior. of liiu legislature, the Whigs but 80—
but last spring thu Wliigs had 118 and the Locos
bui 87—showing an unprecedented Whig gain of
86 Representatives in one year. Next in the fight
was old
VIRGINIA.
and hero was a complete revolution. The Legis
lature aloud before the election Whigs 59. Loco* 73,
hut ufier the election it stood Whigs 76, Locos 57,
bring a net gain of 32, end u majority of 18 on joint
ballot, which secures them a U. 8. Senator for 6
yeura ! They also guined one member of Congress.
Next in the light wus
RHODE ISLAND,
nnd Locofocoism and Dorrisin were completely
used up. Fenner hud more votes for Governor than
Gen. Harrison had for President! The legislature
slunds 67 Wliigs lo 26 Locos.
LOUISIANA.
In this State the locos had all the members of
Congress, and the Whigs had but a majority of 3
on joint ballot in the Legislature. Now, the Whigs
have a majority of 7 nn joint ballot and gained one
member of Congress!—and rode down the Texas
hobby in its own pasture.
NORTH CAROLINA.
Next cume the gallant Old Nurlh Slate, sweep
ing awuy u Loco Foco majority of 30 in the Legis.
luturr, and putting in a Whig majority of 26 making
Whig gain ol 56. Tho Whigs have also the Gov
ernor by nearly 4000 majority.
KENTUCKY.
This glorious Stale bus recently heid her election
uml lias shown herself .again invincible, notwith
standing llie boasts uf the Locos before tlie trial
that there wus a prospect of its becoming revolution,
izeil ! Tiie majority in ilic legislature is said to be
larger than it ever was before, not excepting the
year 1830.
INDIANA.
bus been thoroughly revolutionized, and a U. S.
Senator has been unexpectedly gained. This State
is as sul'u for Clay as Connecticut.
MISSOURI.
The Whig gains in this State have been unex
pectedly large, aud this hitherto strong hold of Lo-
cofucoism will nevor recover from the Whig blows
lhut have just fallen upon it.
Alibanm, Illinois and New Hampshire, are con
fessedly loco foco States. We have expected
nothing from them, and huve not been disappoin
ted.
Wo have given lo Maryland the credit of open
ing tlie cuinpuign, but il really belongs as much to
Tennessee, for site, ir. the Fall, when all was dark
ness and giouin, came out of her contest glorious-
ly victorious. The fruits of her triumph were two
United Slutcs Scnatois ! Had she faltered, we
should have lust our Tariff, und perhaps our Presi
dential candidate. But from Tennessee the ball of
victory lolled on through the Slates named, and the
Wliigs every where rallied lo their duty. The last
notes of victory come echoing from the green hills
and vullies of
VERMONT,
wlicru our success is cumplule, and our gains im
mense. Did ever a pnriy stand belter than the
Whig party uf thu United Slates stand for lheir fi.
mil struggle in Nuvember ? Never—ue*er ! would
that the tune were hero that tiie lying und slander
ing and vuiu buustlug of our opponents might be
ended at unco, by the great lest which is lo prostrate
them fur ut least a quarter of a century, if not for
ever.—New Haven Palladium.
Sp
Globe
king of Cass, Tyler, Stewart, and Poilt, the
if the same date, same article suvs :
“ But admitting I am mistaken in my estimate of the
weight ot tiicse SPECTRALcaudidut.es in the Demo
cratic Convention ; and admitting that either one of
them is selected—is there even a REMOTE probabili
ty that he can or wifi unite the support of the Democra
cy id the United Slates, without which no candidate
can be elected? ******
I therefore speak from a decided internal conviction,
that the selection of either of these candidates hy iho
Democratic Convention, would insure the defeat of the
party, and the ELECTION OF MR. CLAY. Tho
great Democratic party would throw down its arms aud
disband. It would have nn flag to ratty antler, no Pit IN ■
LiiLcs to suj’cort, and NO LEADER IN WHOM
IT COULD REPOSE CONFIDENCE. It <s ,usc.
less to mince matters. There IS hut one hope fur llio
parly, and that is the cordial nomination of Mr. Van
Burott, m accordance with tho wishes and instructions
nl a vast majority of the Democracy of the United States
w hich wants no quo ail hoc available, w ho is neither
fish, flash nor fowl.” — Ohio Journal.
Mr. Clay on Slavery iu the District of Columbia.
Sonin of llie locofoco fault-finders have assorted
that Mr. Clay advocated Ihu power nf Congress to
abolish slavery in 'lit Disiricl of Columbia. As
some person may ho influenced by this unfounded
statement, we make the following extinct from his
speech in llie Senate, in February. 1836. against
abolition petitions’ Will these gentlemen retract
the churge or keep silent ? ‘‘From the nature of
the provision in tlie Constitution, nod the avowed
object of the acquisition nf the territory, two du
ties arise on tho part of Congress. Ttie first is to
render tlie District available, comfortable and con-
VHiiienl as n seal of government of llie whole Un
ion ; the other is to govern the people within the
District so as to best promote their happiness and
prosperity Is it necessary, in order lo render this
a comfortable seat of tiie General Government, lo
abolish slavery within its limits? No one can. or
wifi udvauce such u proposition.” After duiiouuc
rttg tho abolition of slavery in the District ns ti “vi
olation of implied faith,” ne continues : "Tho grant
in the case we are considering, of the territory of
Columbia, was for a seat of government. Whatev
er power is necessary lo accomplish that object is
carried along by the grant, but tho abolition nf
slavery is nol necessary to the enjoyment of this
site ns a sent of the General Government. Tlie
grunt in ihe Constitution, of exclusive power uf
legislation ever Iho District, was irmtlo to ensure
the exercise of nil exclusive authority of the Gen
eral Government to render ibis place a sufe nod sc.
cure seat uf government, und to promote the well,
being of the inhabitants. The power granted
ought to be interpreted and exercised solely lo the
end for which it was granted."
In 1813, ho was again elected to Congress, and
again chosen speuker.
In 1814, he resigned his seat in Congress, hav-
ing been appointed ono of the commissioners lo
proceed to Europe to negotiate a treaty of peace
in f-onoros. I with Groat Britain, which wus effected,
ihis is D* don P -i jfvide the B pub In 1815, lie returned to llio United Stales,hav-
| , |c V |»nd°s”monB d «^l the ! They have given i ing been previously unanimously elected to Con.
Facts for candid Locos.
1. Every candid Locofoco should bo startled at
the undisputed fuct, that the moment one of the
loaders »f his purty is placed un the bench of the
United Stales Supreme Court—where ho is above
und beyond the indue lice of par y—lie becomes a
Whig in principle and gives Whig decisions !
2. Il should siriKo every candid Locofoco with
amazement to reflect upon the well known fuct thul
for the very first honorable, high minded, open,
heurledacl performed by Martin Vun Buren. when
a contest was going on in which hi* prospects were
at (take—his late Texas letter—he was. by the
demagogue leaders of bis party unceremoniously
thrown over board ! Too honest, for once to an
swer their purpose I
Tub Whig System,— Homo labor, work at home
—buy nt home—spend al home—employ our own
countrymen in prcferenci—help Americans firs'—
prolecl American labor—ussist American indu.tiy
let llie South feed llie the North, and the Nonh
supp y the Souih—what we don’t want wo will ship
uwnv—whol wo can’t muko or produce we will
buy from foreigners. This is llie whig system—
this is Henry Cluy’s policy. We love our dear
country, and our own countrymen, before uny foi
eigo nation—aud mean first to lake carc| >l Amer
icon men uud American boys, anti nnd American
women and American girls. Wo are not uu id
people—we must uud we will live by our labor.-
[t feeds us aud it clothe* us, and we meun to
[uke cam of tliut labor in preference lo any veto, or
uny'power, foreign or domestic. Hence we want
a domestic and protective Tariff—Annapolis He
publican.
[FROM TIIF. NEW-VORK SUN'.]
A scene from the Post.
Among llio ciiiiseiiH „l VV ...hi,igloo and it. vicin
ity, there is none more respected lor his kind and
hospitable qmlitcs, than George Washington P.
Gistis. Esq., who at present enjoys a large und vol
uble estate left him by his distinguished connexion,
la I Washington. Our readers uru of course
; thul Washington married a beautiful and ac
complished widow, who had two children by her
rtner husband, a boy und u girl, the latter eatly
ied, hut the other was curefully educated by tlie
General. In course of time lie married, and Mr.
Custis, of Arlington House, on the Potomac, op
posite Washington, i* his son. As Gen. Wash
ington hud no children, it was natural tliut lie should
ko a particular futicy to young Guslis, und on all
suitublc occasions lie was accompanied hy him—
his carriage, nt his reviews, in camp t.nd ut ll.o
side of home, hi* youthful namesake wns often
i attendant. Mr. Custis, now arrived nt a
green old age, bus ever gratefully retained the t o-
itiemherance of thu Inver uf his beloved ancestor,
and iiis mind is stored with interesting rcmincs-
-■euccs of the pust, particularly as relating to the
Great General. In a recent visit to Ihe Metropolis
spent an hour with Mr. Custis, aud heard from
him a most graphic und eloquent description of the
final departure of Washington from New York:
uud although wo tear the success uf the attempt', we
shall endeavor lo repeat Ins words. The scene
has often boon narrated, but we Dover before heard
i from thu lips of an eye witnpss-
Tho account which Mr. Custis gives of the ap
pearance aud extent uf Now York ut the time, is
ighiv curious uml interesting; and ns he lias not
been in our city since the memorable day,6] yeurs
o, we may imagine ihu effect its present appeur-
uuco would produce.
Wo then siruI nt McCmnb’s House, near the
Battery,” suid Mr. Custis, “ which is now called
Bunker’s, and that was pretty near the extent of
thu compact port of the city. St. Paul’s Church
as quite out of town, and 1 used to play on a fine
renn common where tlie Park Theatre now stands.
Iiistuud of paved streets iu that vicinity, there were
fenced fields, iu which I could sport u* freely as if
io my own estate. I could now point to the spot
where Washington embarked ana bnde his final
adieu lo his army and ihe citizens of Ntfw York,
ullhougli 1 am sure it must be entirely changed in
appearance during llie time which has since then
lapsed. It wus u point ut While Hall, just off the
Battery, nnd instead of the solid wharf now bound
»ith stately slops, the shore was then native as the
aves which murmured on its banks. I remember
llie morning us if yesterday, it wus a day in Decem.
h-r, elenr, cool nnd hracing, and as tho General
laft tlie House, he look my hand uud 1 thought I
never saw him look so sad. We arrived al the
appointed place of departure—I see the spot plain*
ly before me—the crowd wus immense, the army
being drawn up in lines which fnced the General
as lie pussetl them ; the eyes of the multitude were
steadily hunt upon him, but nut a whisper among
thu whole wus audible. When Washington ar
rived at the spot, lie paused, and fora moment sur
veyed the scene. I «nw bis heart was too full for
utterance uud bis eyes seemed bursting with feel,
ing, still he culmly looked on all around ; but it
could out be thus lung—Nature was at length su.
preme—the General hastily approached one of his
ofiicers who was .lauding with several of the stall'
neui him, nod fulling on hi* neck gave way to feel
ing in a flood ol tear*. He then embraced each of
hi* officers separately with an almost convulsive
grasp, uud as lie liras silently bade his long-loved
and oviug companions adieu, the tear* seemed each
moment io sturl afresh—uot a word was spoken,
tho sigh or sob alone broke the silence of the sol.
erne scene. At length, when the last officer had
been embraced, ihe Geuerul seemed lor a moment
to regain hi* telf-poMcesioni and with a firm atep