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SOUTHERN EDERACY.
fouthmi ®0n(e4e«atg
Nearly all our arallable apace la occupied
to-day with Mr. Hlll’a apeech, whleh aaaWea
our uauai variety. Thla however, our reader* will
not regret. All who did not have the pleasure
of lirtleeipg to tin* great ipeech, will be Inter-
sjSitxaitaitti
here of all parties, to correct oar report 6f rai
-l+mtk, fox LUe .purpose M pui>U»bU»X it )b *
^SMSSAmOi
agreed
110
Map. H. H.
Last uight, at au aariy hour, the A*besc*uin
wii esowffed to il* utmost capaeityv-oo^with-
"landtag the eeld*. wfctah rendered the hell
▼ary uncomfiwtable. A eery large number
of Udies Were oat .tkdtV mere to enjoy the
pleasure of listening to the tdgie end eloquence
of this public favorite, who. has s mighty hoft
of personal friends here, and who h*s the
regards of ell persons in our vicinity—1 o matter
what party they may heretofore have beloi
to. Hts entrance Into the hell Wes greeted with
applause. He was accompanied on the plat
form by Cols. J. M. f'alhoup, W. W. Clark and
Geo. W. Adair. When quiet was restored, Gol
Calhoun introduced Mr. Hill to tbe audience,
who delivered e speech of over two hours in
length, which was well received by the veal
audience, and frequently was rapturously ap
plauded. His speeoh was substantially as fol
lows—though we are coQScioos of the feet that
no report of the speeoh can do Mr- Hill justioe,
and therefore, that oure falls short; but tbe
leading features of his great speech will be
comprehended by our readers from whst fol
lows:
Ladikh abu Fellow Citizbhs : It is proper
that you should understand that 1 appear be
fore you under great disadvantage. For three
days, I have been engaged in an exciting case
in Court. I have stopped in the midst of it to
come here and address you to-night on the sub
ject of our new Government
I feel intensely the importance of the crisis
that you and I art now in. It is no holiday
business. The revolution is not past—we are
in the midst of it. Dangers have been passed,
but difficulties are in the future which we must
Appreciate, and, if we are successful, we must
deal wisely and cautiously with them.
I shall speak candidly with you to-night I
shall speak the truth as I understand it This
is a time for truth to be spoken, and not for
character-making. Your lives, your fortunes
—tbe happiness of your children and mine, all
depend on the future. I should be untrue to
you and all that is dear to posterity, did 1 not
deal candidly with the subject now under con
sideration.
Government is a subject that everybody is
deeply interested in. To some extent, it is as
practical as a farmer’s plow—a merchant’s
yard stiek or a sailor’s rope and canvas. In
other respects it is complicated and intricate;
therefore, Statesmanship is both practical and
complicated. A man is not fit to be a states
man, unless he understands the practicability
and the philosophy of Government, and the
cheracter and wants of the people for whom
he is to legislate. Passion and prejudice often
enter into legislation: these, Government is
intended to restraih. National characteristics
must be considered in making a Government
and laws for any people. The French need a
different Government from the Bussians, tbe
Puritan from the Hugenot, and eo of all others.
A Government which seeks to adapt itself to
all these various shades and subdivisions, will
find It complicated; and if it be successful, it
must be conlroled by real statesmen.
Tbe world hex been laboring for six thousand
years to solve the problem ol Government, and
yet it is unsolved. No man understands it tal
ly, and no one should pretend to. He who
does, is like a quack doctor who professes to
have discovered a panacea for all tbe ills of
life, when, in truth, he Is an impostor. I give
you my opinions—tba best I have; I cannot
say, nor ssn any other man say of his opinions,
that thsy are absolutely correct.
But let us consider our new Government.
Just here I wish to say that all peat issues
should be forgotten. M Let the dead past bury
their dead.” Waka op to the praotical and
important issues of the living present and tbe
momentous tature. The Government is form
cd ; and because it is formed, it is my Govern-
mtint. I shall say it is right, and support it
most heartily. I believe it is the best Govern-
meat the sdn ever shined on, and I will give
yon my reasons for so thinking. •
In all its essential features, its original char
acter, and instinctive purposes, it is the same
ms that under which we were born and brought
up. We have net abandoned the provisions of
the Old Constitution, nor set at noegbt the wit-
•lorn of its framers. The framers of tbe New,
do not claim to be more wise than thosa of
the Old; but they do claim to be equal in
patriotism to any body of men ever assem
bled on earth. They have improved Upon the
Old—not because they were wiser—but because
they had the light of seventy-three years’ ex
perience to guide them. That time ought to
have taught us some lessons: it has done so,
and we have profiled thereby. The Old Gov
ernment was an experiment, and was made by
human hands. They did more in their day,
than any other people ever did iA any day or,
time. They, when assembled, represented the
colonies from Massachusetts te Georgia. All,
at that time, were slaveholding, but it «m
k nowa they would not lniiAjfwwajw;
it was necessary for them to adopt many com
promises to meet the thrious Wants of the pro-
pi.
and prejudices from ill parts. When we a«*-
sembled et Montgomery, there was but one
feeling, one internet, and one common view,
among ue aU, from South Carolina to the »oj
Grande, on the great qeeeUel that bad 0*ueed
the disruption of the nation. There wee eneeng
us s dUftil—flews Aft seme
non-essential points. These were eeglTyj
Constitution was, that'll had not been able to
maintain iteelf and keep the country together.
It had its defects—a tact of which, the events
ws sre uow in the midst of, is the strongest ev
idence. It was weak at sotQffj|4i£t^Jq£ tfri
Government made under it is now dismember-
iirtimnramtt
dismemberment. It was, in my opinion, one
of jjieproximate causes, end not the real one.
Nor Wei there a detect in the Constitution
■mhish mads this.a csuso. flUvsry became a
cause of dismemberment by reason of the ex
eitfog issues which had been made on it. It
was a mtans, used by a power behind it. Its
introduction into polices pas not originally on
Its merits ; it • M tl>,inatr.wmt i, the hands
Of e party, vdsfc which they foughV^br power.
Why was *Slavery invoked by them for this pur
pose? Because there edu something in the
party which made it interesting. In the Wr
ings tit, t be Government, party became the
means If^rhjch power was to be spedred.—
They were striving f#r th# reward jwhich pow-
ei alone could confer. The Constitution gave
an immense patronage to the Executive, and
to Congress. 'The President could dismiss all
in office at hi* will, and appoint his friend*.—
There, was always a eon lest between “the ins
and the outsand success was not simply that
of tbe President, but brought into power thou-
saajl* througeut the oountry. The Prs»*4«*t
dispensed hie patronage in selecting*C*bra#t,
they to members of Congress, and Congress
men to their friends, in every corner of each
District. It became a historical fact, that when
a man wanted to go to Congress, he promised
offices to his constituent!! to get them to work,
to secure his eleotion. One case was brought
to our notice et Montgomery, of four hundred
unredeemed promises made by one Congress
man, to give offices to his constituents, in or
der to secure their support in tbe election !—
More wefe promised Office than there were of
fices to occupy, and ft became necessary to
create new ones to meet these corrupt engage
ments. I never fully comprehended tbe enor
mity of this source of corruption, which found
a lodging plica in the frame-work of the old Con
stitution and Government, till I was present at
Montgomery, where tbe machinery was taken
to pieces. When these unnecessary offices
were made, money bed to be appropriated to
pay their useless encumbents; and millions
on millions of the people’s money was voted
away to feed these blood sucking leeches upon
the body politic. Tbe Government cost twice
m much money to administer it, as it ought.
The distinguished Vice-President of the Con
federate States never uttered a more notable
truth, than when he said the Government
ought to have been administered on $40,000,-
000, when it oost $80,000,000 ; and on $80,000,-
000, when it cost $60,000,000. This was a loose
screw, which we had remedied. Now, the
President can remove his Cabinet officers and
Foreign Ministers at will; but all subordinates
for cause only. Another improvement is, that
no money can be appropriated, except when
estimated and asked for by tbe head of a De
partment, and approved by the President, un
less it be done by a two thirds vote of both
Houses of Congress, voting by yeas and nays.
In the old Government, the appropriations
were often staved off till the last night of the
seesion, when all sorts of corrupt jobs and lob
by schemes ware thrust into, then voted upon,
and passed, with no record made of how the vote
stood, or who voted for or against them. Now,
every man must come up and makw his mark.
After we shall hqve been everywhere recog
nised, and we are at peace with the world, I
think thq|Government’s whole expense will not
exceed $1*.OSS,000 annually, and many par
sons think $5,000,010 will be amply sufficient.
There are several other very important amend
ments to which I will not now refer. If peace
can be assured, which I hope for, the amend
ments which we have adopted are worth the
experiment of Secession. They make the Gov
ernment more conservative—not in a party
•anae, but secures its wall-working, the more
general and hearty approval of the people, and
render it mere certainly durable. If these
cheeks and balances had been ia the old Con
stitution, the Government wonld never have
been . broken up. No State could have
exoited its people to oppose slavery, if such
had been its provisions.
But what are some of the amendments on
the Slavery question ? One is, that no law
shall be passed denying or impairing tbe right
of property in slevee. No State laws can say
that property in slaves does not exist, or shall
not be respected. The Fugitive Slave law is
improved. Whether | slere weeps# fuff an
other State, or is carried there, and then escapes,
he is to be delivered up; in short, the Gener
al Government, th aH’Its Jurisdtctfnn, is re
quired to protect Slavery.
Under the old Constitntion, Congress had the
power to lay and collect duties on imports.—
This gave rise to disagreement, whether duties
cpsdd be so laid as if fbeter and girf specie! en
couragement to any particular branch of in
dustry, or merely fort^ie support of the Gov
ernment. The different views of this provis
ion of the Constitution, growing out of con
flicting sectional interests, once came well nigh
severing this Government and Inaugurating
civil war. Uqder the peg! Constitution, a
quietus was given lo till, question'. lYVit
preeily .a,. tb«t “no dutte. or tex«. on im
portation. from fbroign bOuntrmrMull be laid,
to promote n foitar any branch pf Ixduntry."
Another important chang. U, that no in
ternal impro.ara.nl .hall ba c.rri.d .« it
tha «ip«ni« of tha Moral flown fa.ill' M-
•ry locality 1. nndcr th. UeoteiHy of failing
It, awq iwpro,«m,nta k* f»r «* am needed;
yah an thla paint, oq. of tha object, of Ih. old
WMg part* l.uUoorapt raked, though to a
better Way; ihr'VktN gbugtete i. prohibited
from Braking Us*u impror.m.hU, III State,
biro Ufa puratr te'lay tmtna#a dufl* an tha
“■Ei£urtr‘-—
fa oar U— 8nufiflimlHte < Ufa am Sen*.
fc&wsttx*rijs£
yn Ini'. Bbe broltutc. now, but
' She la trying to bring lier chll-
but If (be fall., aa fall .be will,
»0a If Virginia, the Old Mother
cornu, then North Carolina, Ken-
1 Ten ii coo. atwat coin a. It), raid flint
decuman 1ft her .lave popnlaUon, and
J become a free State. Thla la not »o.
alnrea have largely ineneaed In the leaf ten
Jem, and they will continue te do m> to the pid.
I want th. border State, for another reaeon ;
We will have to be more nearly balanced
*4=H£g»»tiaaaas^a
great a. <ii»poriijr. Xbo border Stilt. will
qualize our power with the North. When we
at tha lima of tha Re
with one man. al
so did all athgff ai
i bava uoIoAl '* '
atiou hrefi
poopi* Ninety
of our Whit* pepelirtfaa,
interest In mnintniniaglketl
ing order. Iie.l*MtWe have non* of the In
oentivos to riots ahdviofcneo that tba paopW
of other nations have. Wo will navar have
any bread riots nor pauper mob violence.—
country
make every man among us a law-abiding man
We h.ve ndjj^lfeer populaljc^WDd no i«lM4J
classes anlbng ttf. This stratum, wbich-is found
in society in all other countries, is filled by our
negroes, who qre pot 4ogfad*d K butelevated by
being assigned that position; and who are com
pelled to work and maintain themselves from
being pa opera, whether they Will oriel
Another great advantage we sot out with, is
our staple production. It is not, as many sup
pose, the soil and climate alone, which we
have, that produces Oureettoa. It requires for
our cotton, a particular kind of soil, a peculiar
tomperatere, a certain amount of rein and sun
shine, in a certain latitude, and a special
amount and kind of tillage, all of which this
country alone can furnish, to make cotton. All
these things must be precisely adapted to.its
production. The long staple cotton of the trop
ics cannot be grown here hs tbit latitude.—
When the seed are brought here they quickly
degenerate and produce the fchort staple
cotton of this latitude. Nearer the tropics,
they have just the soil, temperature, raiu and
sunshine to produce that kind of lint, wbioh
no other portion of the world will prodace;
and no other country in the world hilt ours
generally, will produce tha kipd of lint that
the world want* must have; aid csu’tdo with
out. No competition with us can ever take
place. Experiments have been msde in vari
ous parte of the world, end have failed. They
have come and got our cotton seed and experi
enced cultivators to go to other countries—to
India and Africa; but all have failed utterly.
It is only in the great Southern Slope, now
oceupied by our Confederacy, that cottou grows
■o as to make its cultivation profitable. Some
think it cannot be grown beyond the Bio
Grande. This is an important subject, which
is to be tried, and will come up for consideration
when we acquire Mexico, which we have not
done yet.
Then it requires a peculiar kind of labor to
produce Cotton. The enslaved African alone
can do this, and we alone of tbh whole civili
sed world have that institution in its perfect
condition. It exists in one or two other coun
tries, bnt nowhere else does it flourish, exhibit
ing, at every point, its usefulness end its bles
sings to all, both white and black, as with us.
The world must be elotbed, and we alone are
every way firepan d to furnish the necessary
material.
No tropical couutry ever thrived without
slavery—none ever can or will. Look at Ja
maica and Hayti! Once the most prosperous
and thrifty—when they had slavee—now goi ng
to destruction—civilization dying out and bar
barism laying its desolating hand upon them !
Look at Cuba, flourishing, in spite of Spanish
misrule! Look at Brasil, thriving and growing
powerful, because she hts slaves and manages
them well!
With these views, you see what is before us
in the future, if we, with steadfast purpose
move on, end act our part wisely. The “ land
is before us—we are able to go up end possess
it.” Shail we do so; or shall we abandon this
movement and go back ? Borne talk of recon
struction. I don’t know what that word means.
If it is to go back to the Old Constitution, Into
a confederation with the States we have left, I
am UTTBRIaV, UTTBRLT, A 3D KORKVBR opposed to
it! To this, I will not consent. If we were
unable to live in peace while with them, we
cannot go baok and do so. My observation is,
that if a husband and wife part, it is best for
them to stay apart It may have been unfor
tunate and wrong to separate; but they had
better never try to live together again. So with
us now. Another consideration is, that we have
left them, and it would be dishonorable in us
to offer to go back. Before we go back, let us
wait till we are invited, and then look careful
ly into the terms offered.
But what it to be our destiny ? An idea is
abroad that we are going to become a manufac
turing people—to take this work out of the
hands of the North and Of England. My opin
ions are not'fqrmed from my inclinations, but
from C0.iTi«ti»s. We are to be agreat apjcul-
tural people, and not manufacturing. Suppose
you bring tbi. bu.ineis from England. There
are jiuodted. of thousand, of rspftaii.ta there
whose money is ia.asted in it; and there ere
actually S,000,000 of people engaged in the
labor of rannufularing Cotton. Now, If you
bring this bu.ia... here, where are the opera-
tire.ia the f.otori.. tooom. from ? Fisa mil
lion. is all th. population we he.., both white*
and negro**. If w* all go to manufacturing
Cotton, we will hare no on. to in.lie it for us,
and make broad for ui to eat. If we go to man
ufacturing. sin must import more laborers than
we now have. You can't gat them from Africa
- -tha Constitution prohibits you, and I am ep-
peeed to it any way; beside., th* Cotton jMd
and not th. Cotton factory, t> th. pine* for th.
negro. Then I am opposed to importing th.
laborer, ef England into this aountry. It would
reduce the wage, of our own peopl* and injur*
our eoci.ty. Our OoTernni.nt ii oonrorrattee.
Import S,0*0,»oe of Cotton mill oporatlre. from
Engl.nd, and an mtn'anMd ffi.a a guaranty
for the conservative character of it te hem a
Uinil'. Lot oil oero. here that dtei
to aaatalltyte themrol ve. te
end Usage. *ud hMosadal eh)
no influx of that closaai which cotton factory
oparatinaa araaompoiod. It ia un.uitefllo th*
ganina of our inetitaUbM. Tha troth ia, wacfail
not b# a groat agricultural and manufacturing
Pfopl* at lb* lam, JImd . God never made on*
nation ted. everything. You who want to'he
groat in every respect, will ha apt to (ail In
ovary roapeet. It li infinitely better thattl
nho*l4'mnk» Cotton,, and i«t ingtand doiMt
manufacturing for *0v Wa h*»P »« l the capi
tal to do everythtog> teallhar ban any oth.r
hteOllWWt Wkt. ♦ur odpiyi tnhfaMbh iovested
frrd..d.Hwr^^v:* wl
pfecturiDg
modeled and loon rooonellad. Th# fltffhjwnt and ov.r of population. No'naWoo and Coram.rc. rau.t ha limited te .ur actu. I
vfewi'of IhefroMite it 1ft «MS * fl out of It. ftetilliit 1 W.noq.htuve them;
ajl .Uroaitvo fUte. with *., the North
aunts, il m tuifaice. flint whi.A th, world
must have, ami cauuot do without, we shall be
mom Independent than *ny other nathm wa
earth. It is trail that %vfe shoul4 Dot b* alto
gether iodepe.ideut of other nations : uo nation
should be thus situated, and we should not as
pire to be.
But what should be our policy towards the
States of the old Union t It should be that of
kindness aDd the most friendly relations.—
Kinduees is the law of Heaven, and we cannot
Ignore it, or get along without it If they will
fight us, wo must fight them—otherwise we
should have no fighting. We should not fight
a yielding foe, nor yield to a fighting one. 1
want, too, the other slaveholdiog States Ui come
with us. f rant them. I Will talk lovingly and
woolngly with them, to get them to do so.—
There may bo some good reason in their not
coming uow, and perhaps some good may grow
will go to pieces with its reduudant population.
Nothing hut the oonserveti9m of the South has
heretofore saved them from anarchy.
lam sorry Unit the question of admitUng
no Ihore flare States hue been raised. I am
sorry that the question of admitting none of the
nun slave States has been raised. It is prema
ture, and no good can come of it. No application
for admission, by a non slave State has been
made, and is not likely to be made. The raas-
k.ht is euough to fill our hands and bring into
exercise all our bparc power Leave the future
to determine its own questions. I am perfectly
willing to trust this question to the future and
to posterity. Its agitation is unnecessary, and
no good over namo of discussing an unnecessary
quostion. We are getting along too last in this
respect—not only counting our chickens before
they arc hatched, but before the eggs arc laid.
Our business in this lino is uow with the bor
der States. We have in teroste with them: and
to be debating tbe question as lo the admission
or non-admission of them, or any other States,
will be dilelerious to thpso interests, and do no
good any way. It becomes ns, while we are
seeking and needing power, not to discuss
questions which, not only can do no possible
good, but which wilt cause our enemies to make
false issutsagsinstf us to our damage. There
are many reasons showing it to bo hurjfql to
discuss this questiou, and I hope it will not be
done.
One thing 1 will say : l will never agree,
while I live, to let a State come into eur Con
federacy, that docs not reoogniro and protest
slavery, as property, never—.never—NEVER 1
My opinion is, that the two-thirds requirement
for the admission of new States, which our
Constitution contains, will always he ample
protection to our people. We should not lay
down a rule by which we wonld prevent Tex
as from forming a slock raising State out of
her present limits—or that would exclude
euoh State if formed. It may be that Cotton
‘will not grow iu a large portion of Texas, and
that slave labor iu that section would be uin
profitable. The people in that section are
true to ue, and it would be folly, to cut them
off by an arbitrary and unwise rule.
One more matter, and 1 leave the subject.
I have made all these calculations on the idea
that we are lo have peace. I believe we shall
have it. The mi n we have seut to Europe will
procure it; but here we b&ve questions to set
tie at home, of the utmost importance. Etch
Government claims jurisdiction over us— we
yield obedience lo our own ; but the other
still claims it, and this question must be set
tled. The dcbtB and the assets of the old are
to be divided upon some equitable plan. The
border Suits—the looaticn of our Cspitel—
the putting into successful operation of all
our Government machinery—these are qnes
lions that ought to be settled soon. It is our
interests to have peace, and more so to the old
Government to have il. There is in no good
war, and I rejoice lo observe a growing moder
ation in the North. If war does come, however,
let us not be to blame for it. If it eomee we are
better prepared for it than the North, or than
any other nation on earth. We can keep our
negroes at work to support us while we send
our young men to war, and not miss them—
so far as making our bread is concerned. The
old men and women can stay at home, take
oare of the country and keep the negroes at
work. Another tbiug is, all the wars wt have
ever had, were for the benefit of the North.—
The Tax on account of which the Revolution
was fought, was more for the benefit of Mas
saohusetts than’any other of the —
Thai of 181# was on account of the impress-
raent of Northern tfewman, and the Mhaieaa
war was )prj;elj oq aecount of the debts due to
Northern min, or their claims. The North
furmalreU mere roldiers lu the Revolution than
we, because the Soulk had a very small popu
latino; but in an tha wars sines, 11# have
furnished a large majority of tbe men. But I
hopq,we shell have no war. I trust in God
thdk dark day wlU never pome. that an
overruling Providenoe may save os from the
lepfere er a bloody contest!
‘
■
i
:or the hi re are r eat. We sh.U be a be.efu
to all the • alien# ofthf |#»tb end beefcrtelves
The radical element, which h‘ung as a weight
Ss impede oof pry grew, w4 MW 4d$ efr all
j We shell have lire greatest improvemW
of ew race, eed constitute the meet elegant
•otfiety be ekrth -11n£ ;«Aff of ArfslbcjNRs*
Qi /elss’: but there u an rase and auatil^of
dMMn«r which ehareetevieee Sautter* men
Tety th*v$ritf aberiAjhc »o#tt by ibf oUflWWe
—all our while popolulioo educated end intel
ligent, with peace and plenty smiling i
happy land.
Njta|t.hrfl4»tbe«
efitUpJ, hs measurably
ant^JIsiMple; but the Africa will react** t
lagfHt flpnefit MStng us. 6«r Wn^h-o
progress, aud^ood government will carry con
viction lo the whole world, that slavery is
right. Five years will not have rolled around,
before the Northern people will consent for
ifteq to ^ejlo^eptoada line, if by it, they
could get us back into the Union They do
CHINA DEPOT
& WYAJK i
’('JflWr, ,*
_ „ VlafarWo,., V.M.
. FigMiee. Heroslne Lamps, Caodl#'
Ik TraWmie Met., BeikrtToiM.
Shades, Table Cutlery, Ac., A , **
CHEAP F«H l’A8H. '
White Granite and comroio Crockery I
wholesale, at Charleston prices, nearly odd*
site Beach A Root’s, Whitehall street. rr ^ |
Atlanta, Georgia.
example, brush away the cloud of ignoranoe
which now so befog them. They will soon find
it to their interest lo protect tbe right of sieve
properly la all. 1 believe that
end that, if left to its own coarse, the world
will be oonvinced of this trei b. Its ;#es^ifode.
is uudeulat>te,|and Its duration Is (ba'l or 7iu«' <
man want. As long as men must be fed and
clothed, negroes must be slaves Theso are
truth# that are of God’s decree, and wilt stand
as long #s time endures. Sletsry will inti
mately be Us own logio to the mind, its own
power lo thejearth, and iis own bayonet to 1$
foes. This day will come. It may be delay
ed by wars or commotions, but it will oo«»e.
I said ws should benefit the African. Sew'
him in his native Htaie 1 abject—his J*ud
dark—no hope beyond tbe giavo— end bis
habits bestial. Here, with the superingjprep*
of the white man’s intelligence, hy *Rin his
best condition in life. Poor and infirterln
intellect, he is the eepeeiel beneficiary of hie
own bondage. He is fed and ololhed, and has
no care for bis earthly wants. He know* his
bread is sure—though scarcity aud hard times
prevail in the land. He knows that when he
gets eld and unable to work, his master must
still feed him. He knows that when he dies,
his children after him will be fed end clothed
from his master’s bounty. How different from
tbe savages of Africa! How different from
the free negroes ef (he North—free in theory,
but slaves in fact, to abject went and vice of
every description—who do not koow one day
where their food for the next is to come from ;
and who have no master to remove their tat
(era and put good clothing ou their backs !
1 was born near a negro cabin. I waa brought
up among negroes, and 1 have worked beside
them in the field day after day, and year after
year. Often with them in the night, I have
hunted the wily Raccoon and the greedy
o’possum. I never knew one wanders t» tar
away in the darkness and gloom of di*'
tant and unknown forests, but what he oonld
find hie way home, if he could lift bis-eyee to
the blue vault of Heaven and see the ''Seven
Stars.”
Long has the negro wandered ;n darkness,
the outcast of the earth ! May not these si-
ven ’stars composing our bright constelht
lion, safely guide him from his nail-re dark
ness lo tbe most glorious light his mind is ca
pable of enjoying and improving!
1801. 1801.
SALMONS k SIMMONS,
IVlMlfMl. and Ret,ill I>«ikr. In
Corner of Whitehall and Alabama Sts.,
Atlanta, Georgia.
NEW SPRING STOCK f
O NE of our firm having returned from Mar
ket, where he hee just completed an exten
sive purchase of our Bpriug Stock of
DRY GOODS,
STAPLE th FAXCY HOODS
were never more ettraetive. The enpply of
BLEACHED AND BROWN SHEETINOS AND
SHIRTING#, foe.,
is ample.
Crepe JPJnflaii,
Barege Jlngtmis,
French i hints,
Jtioiambique%
Bhine,
aud a splendid assortment of
rimin A Fancy Silks,
Silk mWantlrs.
Busters, Ft.,
may be found among our assortment; also,
Ladies’
ALEXANDER KID O LOVES, SILK MI IS, the.
Every variety of Ladies’ and Misses’ SHOES,
manufactured In Philadelphia expressly for
our trade. A more beautiful lot of
CARPETINMr.QN» CLOTHS AND MATTINGS
we have never displayed in this market
All of which we will sell low for CASH.
Orders promptly attended to.
SALMONS A SIMMONS,
Atleute, March 2$, 1891.
Collector’s Notice.
C USTOM Duties will be required on dutiable
Goods received by tbe Woe tat# 4 Atlantic
Railroad from thisdat#. Importer* wiiireport
the arrival of such good! to
FRANCifi SL. SHACKELFORD,
April 1, 1861. Collector at Atlanta.
Negroes for Sale.
T HE subscribe;- offer, lb, .ate Six'Lfkety Kfl-
m» . a Wool**, 37 year, old, a *-»d .yah,
washer and ironer, and nun*; . Boy, Ixyakra
old i t Bar, Mya.ro oldi aWri, 8 yuan old,
. Cllrt, 5 y.ai. old, ana a Man .book IT ytara
.Id, a good head 1a * T»u»«r». AMI? to
M.rob 18-lf. IH. IT. MctelbLAN.
COKE! COKE!! OOKEH u r
AT THE GAB W08K8. |J<j
■
F.b. Jl-dtf.
J.r,
HTATK AGRICULTURAL MOdKTY
Amins, March 14th. 1861.
THE txecetfre OMsultABe df thwfrUfc'ig
April next, at 1 o’clock, P. ¥., tor tba purpoe.
of arranging flte Trfanfate AW, fan. A*., far
th. n.xl Pair, By order of Horn. V. W. Lew
-jfir.woaa.^Hiuvy.
.OQ A RORitAHToM .1 H ft J».
k BEAUMOiNLj
1 * M.iiuftcilmd end tesfm in —
ft BOY’S CtOTHlHtA
OINTt-eUBN * fuhniching <noobH £ |
*CLOTHS, ('ASSIMERES AND VESTIS<;.\
MsurkUaxt'e Ireu-Vront UuUdi#^, VYkUf ,1
hall, Street, ■
t. x. BRTSON, I ATLANTA, GEORGIA,
r.jjf. beavxobt J April 2d, 1861.
JJOBT. L. CRAWLEY, "
Wholexlc ud lfUil Staler U
PRODUCE AND PROVISIONS, I
dWD-f.Ur ] 1
General Bfl*iness Agent,
W ILL attend promptly to nay bunnmw. I
tru.lrd to him. Store in Connelly',Blwti I
"D Aiabatua street. ui|.|j“ I
JOHN F. HUGHES & CO., I
A'omVom' Building, MnrMtUa Strut, Atlanta. Os4 I
O FFER for sale, at the lowest meh prices-', I
140 Barrels Extra and Superfine Flour. I
16 Barrels common Whisky.
25 Sacks of Rio Coffee.
10 Hogsheads of Sugar.
21 Casas ol Bacon.
10 Barrels of Molasses.
2,04)0 Bushels rime White Corn—to a
m38-lw. *
RANDAL 6z GEORGE,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW*
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
W ILL attend pnnotuelly to any snJ all 4
incss entrusted to their care.
Office corner Marietta and Preach-!,
streels. March 28-dax. v
4AMEM II. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Washington, Georgia.
P RACTICES in Wilkes and adjoining cos
ties. Refers to George O. Hull, Kiq., if I
Atlanta. 1
TIIOMAS ii ABBOTT
ATTORNEYS AT LAW;|
A.tlanta, Georgia.
Office in Smith’s Building, Whitehall if red. I
G. S. Thomas, jaf6tf Bxs. F. Aimw?|
MflAUqRT, BEARD <fc CO.
Commission and FsrtcardfngJtenk*sl9,\
BAY STREET,
Nariunah, ------ CeorgU'/
I Wm. K. Biasm|
i Jons Davgii.
Wm. McNAcanr,
.Tanks Ormond, j mar20
STEWART & MOORE,
MANl’FACTCKIBI OF
FLOUR AMD ME At..
H AVE constantly on betid fresh Familyasd I
Superfine Flour of their own stale; also, I
Corn Meal. For. sale et their Depot, Dm tar I
atreei, Atlanta, Georgia. m22.2m«u
P. E. MoDANIEL,
WHOLESALE GBOCEll
AND COMMISSION MERCHANT,
AMD DKALKR l!»
ALL KINDS OF PRODUCT, 1
Hunter Street, between Whitehall and Prior,j
Atlanta, Georgia.
March $6.
DAN JELL jT MtiEaNTIRE,
Wholesale Dealers lo
BB06BHIES, FlOMCi,
Feaek- Tree Street,
Atlanta Georgia. !
A FIKE —spply .f Coro, Bwou aud LudM
ways on hand.
,c.9x^ BUiA k£Sd
WHOLESALE GROCERS,
AMD Diancv IMVORTKRS Of
WfKEI, I.IQUOI*,
CIGARS, TOBACCO, BC,
Pertch. Tr*e Nrrrt, Altonta, firrrtf*-
March 13.
G. LAUBANT A C0„
I TO, Buy Street, Buyanaak,
Auction, Qvmmution Mtrchunle, ref I
pcrlers •/ Winu, BrteeJm, tV*". I
1 DVANCES mud* au Cau»id«p»H*i
A kiuJa Auation Suite
ThuxWuy*. F
PATTTKN & MILLER”
oVW*aALeOMMl3«*S
—AID—
FOftWAROING MERCHI
Savannah, Georgia*
oaoMK FATTtx.
a,nup« J. uii.Lt*
wilt*, t. isiLLku,
’ March IB-3m.
1 f utxxr J.
j | Byaclal V*
N. A . McLpNPO^-.
WHOLESALE GROT
AMD DVAtll li -rt j
FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC LIGW®*^
Tobaoco, Ctgsrt, to.,
IAOOM, LA BO. COBB A fLB *** < ^
4 8. cturcto JBfart, reeKtnT
AU.ute, Otergi*-
_E attention of elate **2Jte
apteOdnlly in-teed tete. *