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OUTHEEN CONFEDE R A. C Y •
joutfcetn ®0uftdfta(5
OEO. W. ADAIB, J- HENLY SMITH,
EDITORS A VO PB0PKIKT6US.
« C. SMITH, M. D... *•••"••*• J ' **' C * BW)W
utoeuTM canoM.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA:
TUESDAY, JANUAUY 20,180},
tABUtST DAILY Cf*"l>UTIU5 IS THE STATE.
IT8KE FiltHT PAGK. W
Mfua|« of President Jeffenou Davie
To the Senate and House of Representatives of
the Confederate States:
At the dtte of jronr last adjournment the
preparations of the enemy for further bos-
tilities had assumed so menacing an aspeot as
to excite in some minds apprehension of our
ability to meet them with sufficient prompt
ness to avoid seriouB reverses. These pre
parations were completed shoatiy after your
departure from from the seat ot Government,
and the armies of the United Htates made
simultaneous advance on onr frontiers, on
the Western rivers and on the Atlantic coast
in masses so great as to evince their hope of
overbearing all resistance by mere weight of
numbers. This hope, however, like those
previously entertained by our toes, bas van
ished. Ia Virginia, their fonrlh attempt at
invasion by armies whoso assured success was
confidently predicted, has met with decisive
repulse. Our noble defenders, under the
consummate leadership of. their General,
have again, at Fredericksburg, inflicted on
the forces under Gen. Burnside the like dis-
astrons overthrow as had been previously
suffered by the successive invading armies
commanded by Generals McDowell, McClel
lan and Pope.
In the West obstinuto battles have been
fought with varying fortunes, marked by
frightful carnage on both sides, but the ene
my’s hopes of decisive results have again
been baffled, while at Vicksburg another for
midable expedition bas been repulsed with
inconsiderable loss on onr side, and severe
damage to the assailing forceB. On the At
lantic const the enemy has been unable to
gain a fooling beyond the protecting shelter
of his fleets, and the oily of Galveston has
just boen recovered by our forces, which
succeeded not only in the capture of tho gar
rison, but of one of the enemy s vessels of
war, which was carried by boarding parties
from merchant river steamers. Our fortified
positions havo every where been much
strengthened and improved, affording assu
rance of our ability to meet, with success,
the utmost efforts ot our enemies, in spite of
the magnitude of their preparations for at
tack.
A review of onr history of the two years of
our national existence affords ample cause
for congratulation and demands tho most
fervent expression of our thankfulness to the
Almighty Father who has blessed onr cause.
We are justified in asserting, with a pride,
snrelynot unbecoming, that these Confeder
ate States have added another to the lessons
taught by history for the instruction of man;
that they have afforded another example of
the impossibility of subjugating a people de
termined to be free ; and have demonstrated
that no superiority of numbers or uvailable
resources can overoome the resiataaoe offered
d„i» T,J
mnin
hv au»l> n)m- i« -»««nnl!y un
der suffering and such cheerful endurance of
privation as have been conspicuously display
ed by this peoplp in the defense of their
rights and liberties. The anticipations with
which we entered into the contest havo now
ripened into a eonviction which is not only
shared with us by tho common opinion ot
neutral nations, but is evidently forcing iiaelf
upon our enemies themselves. If we but mark
the history of the present year by resolute
perseverance in the path we have hitherto
pursued; by vigorous effort in the develop
ment of all our resources for defense; and
by the continued exhibition of the same un
faltering courage in our soldiers and able
conduct in our leaders as have distinguished
the past, we have every reason to expe t that
this will be the closing year of the war. Tho
war, which in its inception, was waged for
forcing us back into the Union, having Jailed
to accomplish that purpose, passed into a
second stage in which it was attempted to
conquer and rule these States as dependent-
provinces. Defeated in this second design,
our enemies have evidently entered upon
another, which can have no other purpose
than revenge and thirst for blood and plun
der of private property. But however im
placable they may be, thoy can have neither
the spirit nor the resources required for a
fourth year of a struggle uncheered by any
hope of success, kept alive solely for the in
dulgence of mercer.ery and wioked passions,
and demanding so exhaustive an expenditure
of blood and money as has hithexto been im
posed on their, people. The advent of peace
will be hailed with joy. Onr desire lor it
has never been concealed. Our efforts to
avoid the war, forced on ns, as it was, by the
lust of conquest and the insane passions of
our foes, are known to mankind- But earnest
as haB been our wish for peace, and great as
hare been onr sacrifices and sufferings during
the war, the determination of this people bas
with each suecedng month Leconte more un
alterably fixed, to endure any sufferings and
rontinuo any sacrifices, however prolonged,
until their right to self-government and the
sovereignty and independence of these States
shall have been triumphantly vindicated and
firmly established.
In thia connection, the occasion seems not un
suitable for some reference to the relatione be*
tween the Confederacy and the neutral powers
of Europe since the separation of these States
from the former Union.
Ik
Four of the States now members of the Con-,
federacy, were recognized by name as indepen
dent sovereignties in a treaty of peace, con
cluded in the year 1763, with one of the two
great manttime powers of Western Europe, and
nad keen, prior to that period, allies in war of
the other. In the year 1778 they formed a Union
with nine other States under articles of Confeder
ation. Dissatified with that Union, three of them,
Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia, together
with eight’of .the States now members of the Uni
ted States, seceded from it in 1789, and these
eleven seceding Slates formed a second union,
although by the terms ot the Articles of Con
federation exp-ess provision was made that the
tirat union should be perpetual. Their right to
secede, notwithstanding this provision, was
ueither contested by the Sta’es Irom which they
separated, out made the subject of discussion
with any third power. When, at a later period,
North Carolina acceded to that second union,
and when, still later, the other seven States,
now members of this Confederacy, became also
members of the same Union, it was upon the
recognized footing of equal and. independent
sovereignties, nor had it then entered into the
minds of men that sovereign States could be
compelled, by force, to remain members of a
confederation into which they had entered of
their own free will, if, at a subsequent period,
the defence of their safety and honor should, in
their jndgtment justify withdrawal. The ex
perience of the past had evinced the futility of
any rennueiation of such inherent rights, and
accordingly the provision for"perpetuity con-
tsined in the Arties of Confederation of 1778
was omitted in the Constitution of 1769. When,
ihcrefore, in 1861 eleven of the States again
thought proper, for reasons satisfactory tothem-
selves, to secede from the second union, and to
form a third one under au amended Constitution,
they exercised a right which, being inherent,
required no justification to. foreign nations, and
which international law did not permit them to
question. The usages of intercourse between
nations do, however, require that official com
munication be made to friendly powers of all
organic changes in tbs constitution of States,
and there was obvious propriety in giving
prompt assurance of onr desire to continue ami
cable relations with ail mankind. It was under
the influence of these considerations that yonr
predecessors, the provisional Government, took
early measures for sending to Europe Commis
sioners charged with the duty of visiting the
espitois of the different powers, and making ar
rangements for the opening of more formal di
plomatic intercourse.
Prior, however, to the arrival abroad of
those Commissioners, the United States bad
commenced hostilities against the Confeder
acy by despatching a secret expedition for
tho reinforcement of Fort Sumter, after an
express promise to the contrary, and with a
duplicity which has been fully unveiled in a
former message. They had also addressed
communications to the different Cabinets of
Earope, in which they assumed the attitude
of being sovereign over this Confederacy,
alleging that these independent States were in
rebellion against the remaining Stales of the
Union, and threatening Earope with manifes
tations of their displaasure if it should treat
the Confederate States as having an indepen
dent existence; It.soon became known that
these pretensions were not considered abroad
to be os absurd as they wore known to be at
home, nor bad Europe yet learned what reli
ance was to be placed on the official state
ments of the Cabinet at Washington. The
delegation of power granted by these States
to the Federal Government to represent them
ia foreign intercourse, had led Europe into
the grave error of supposing that their sepa
rate sovereignly and independence had been
merged into one common sovereignty, and
had ceased to hare a distinct existence. Un
der the influence of this error, which all ap
peals to reason and historical fact were vain
ly used to dispel, our Commissioners were
met by the declaration that foreign govern
ments e arid not assume to judge between the
conflicting representations of the two parties
as to the true nature of their previous mutu
al relations. The governments of Great
Britain and France accordingly signified
their determination to confine themselves to
recognizing the self-evident fact of the exis
tence of a war, and to maintaining a strict
neutrality during Us progress. Some of the
other powers of Europe pursued the same
course of polioy, and it became apparent that
by tome understanding, express or tacit, Eu
rope had decided to leave tne initiative in all
action touching the contest on this continent
to tho two powers just .named, who were re
cognized to have the largest interests involved
both by reason of proximity and of the >xtent
and intimacy of their commercial relations
with the States ongaged in war.
It is manifest that the course of action
adopted by Europe, while based on an appa
rent refusal to determine the question, or to
side with cither party, was in point of fact
an actual decision against onr rights and in
favor of the groundless pretentions of the
United States. It was a refusal • to treat us
aa an independent government. If we were
independent States, the Tofkisal to entertain
with us tho AAWf »aUrii>«»oawl iutgroourflc aa
was maintained with our enemy was unjust,
and was injurious in its effects, whatever may
have beenxhe motive which prompted it.—
Neither whs it in nocnidance with the high
moral obligations of that international code
whose • hief sanction is the conscience of
sovereigns and the public opinion of man
kind. that those eminent powers should do
olioe the performence of a duty peculiarly
incumbent on tktm, from aDy apprehension
of the consequences to themselves. One im
mediate and.necessary result of their declin
ing the responsibility of a decision which
must have been adverse to the extravagant
pretensions of the United States, was the
prolongation of hostilities, to which our en
emies were thereby encouraged, and whioli
havo resulted in nothing but scenes of car
nage and devastation on this continent, and
of misery and suffering on tho other, such as
scarcely havo a parallel in history.' Had
those powers promptly admitted bur right to
be treated as all other independent nations,
none can doubt that the moral effect of such
action would have been to dispel the delusion
ander which the United States havo persisted
in their efforts to accomplish our subjugation.
To tho continued hesitation of the same pow
ers in rendering this act of simple justice to
wards this Confederacy, is siill duo the con
tinuance of the calamities which mankind
suffers from the interruption of its peaceful
pursuits, both in the old and the new worlds.
There are other matters in which loEsthan
justice has been rendered to this people by
neutral Europe, and undue advantage con
ferred on the aggressors in a wicked war.—
At the inception of hostilities the inhabitants
of the Confederacy were almost exclusively
agriculturists ; those of the United States, to
a groat .extent, mechanics and merchants.—
VYo had no commercial marine, while their
merchant vessols covered the ooean. We
wtre without a navy, while they had power
ful fleets. The advantage which they pos
sessed for inflicting injury on onr coasts and
harbors waB thus counterbalanced in Borne
measure by the exposure of their oommeroe
to attack by private armed vessels It was
known to Europe that within a very few
years past the Uaited States had peremptori
ly refused to accede to preposals for abolish
ing privateering, on the ground, as alledged
by them, that nations owning powerful fleets
would thereby obtain undue advantage over
those possessing inferior naval forces. Yet
no sooner was war flagrant between the Con
federacy and the United States, than the
maritime powers of Europe issued orders
prohibiting either party from bringing prizes
into their ports. This prohibition, directed
with apparent impartiality against both bel
ligerents, was in reality effective against the
Confederate States alone, for they alone could
find a hostilo commerce on the ooean. Mere
ly nominal against the United States, the pro
hibition operated with intense severity on
the Confederacy, by depriving it of the only
means of maiutaining, with some approach
to equality, its struggle on the ocean against
the crushing superiority of naval force pos
sessed by its enemies. The value and effi
ciency oT the weapon which was thus wrest
ed from our grasp by the combined action of
neutral European powers in favor of a nation
which professes openly its intention of rava
ging their commerce by priTaleers in any fu-
ture war, is strikingly illustrated by the ter
ror inspired among the commercial classes of
the United States by a single cruiser of the
Confederacy. One national steamer, com
manded by officers and manned by a crew
who are debarred, by the closure of ncntral
ports, from the opportunity of causing cap-
tered vessels to be condemned in their favor
as prices, has sufficed to doable the rates cf
marine insurance in Northern ports and con
sign to forced inaction numbers of Northern
vessels, in addition to the direct damage in
flicted by captnros at sea. How difficult,
then, to overestimate the effects that mn'-t
have been produced by the hundreds of pri
vate armed vessels that would have Bwept
tho seas in pursuit of the commerce of our
enemy, if the means of disposing of their
prizes had not been withheld by the action of
neutral Europe!
But it is specially in relation to the so-
called blockade of our coast that the poliey
of European powers has been so shaped as to
eause the greatest injury to the Confederacy,
and to confer signal advantages on the United
States. The importance of this subject re
quires some development.
Prior to year 1856, the principles regulat
ing this subject were to be gathered from
the writings of eminent publicists, the deci
sions of admiralty courts, international trea
ties, and usageB of nations. The uncertainty
and doubt which prevailed in reference to the
true rules of maritime law, .in time of war,
resulting from the discordant and often con
flicting principles announced from such varied
and independent sources, had become a griev
ous evil to mankind. Whether a blockade
was allowable against a port not invested by
laud as well as by sea; whether a blockade
was valid by sea if the investing fleet was
merely sufficient to render ingress to the the
blockaded port “evidently dangerous,” or
whether it was further required for its legal
ity that it should be sufficient “really to pre
vent access,” and numerous other similar
questions, had remained doubtful and unde
cided.
Animated by the highly honorable desire
to put an end ‘‘to differences of opinion be
tween neutrals and belligerents, which may
occasion serious difficulties and even con
flicts,” (I quote the official language,) the five
great Powors of Europe, together with Sar
dinia and Turkey, adopted in 1850, tho fol
lowing “solomn declaration” of principles:
1. Privateering is, and remains abolished.
2 The neutral flag covers enemy’s goods,
with the exception of contraband of war.
3. Neutral goods, with the exception of con
traband of war, arc not liable to capture un
der enemy’s flag.
4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must
be effective; that is to say, maintained by a
torce sufficient rettlly to prevent access to the
coast of the enemy.
Not only did this solemn declaration an
nounce to the world the principles to which
the signing powers agreed to conform in fu
ture wars, but it contained a clause to which
tliorc powers gavo immediate effect, and
which provided that the States, not parlies
to the Congress of Paris, should Le invited
to accede to the declaration. Under this in
vitation every independent State in Europe
yielded its assent; at least, uo instance is
known to me of a refusal; and rhe United
Stales, while declining to assent to the pro
position which prohibited privatecriug, de
clared that the inree remaining principles
were in entire accordance with tneir own
views of international law.
Nolnstance is knowon in history of the adop
tion of rules ot public law under circumstances
of like solemnity, with like unanimity, and
pledging the laith of nations with a sanctity so
peculiar.
VV ben. therefore, this Confederacy was formed,
and when neutral powers, while deferring
action on its demand for admission into the
family of nations, recognized it as a belligerent
power, Great Britain and Fratice made informal
proposals about the same time that their own
rights as neutrals should be guatsmied by-our
m-r^ding. *a.baD>g«eais, to the declaration ot prin
ciples made by the Congressjol,Paris. The request
was addressed to. our sense of justico, and
therefore met immediate favorable response in tho
reeoluiions of the Provisional Congress ol the
13th August, 1861, by which all the principles
announced by .the Congress of Paris were atiop
ted aa the guide of our conduct during the war,
with the sole exception of that relative to priva
teering. As the right to mfike use ol privateers
was one in which neutral nations had, as to the
present war, no interest; as it was a right
which the United States had refused to abandon
and which they remained at liberty to employ
against us,; as it was a right ot which we were
already in actnal enjoyment, and which we
could not be expected to renounce flagrante
betlo against au adversary possessing an over
whelming superiority of naval forces, it was re-
*ii.e<l with entire confidence that neutral na
tions could not fail to perceive that just reason
existed ‘or the >. nervation. Nor was this con-
udeiicc uitspiuc. u tor the official documents-
publish! d by uritish Government, usually
called tne “Blue nook,” contain the expression
of the satisfaction ot that government with the
conduct of the officials who conducted success
fully the delicate business confided to their
charge.
These solemn declarations of principle, this
implied agreement between the Confederacy
and the two powers just named, have been
suffered to remain inoperative against the
menaces and outrages on nentral rights, com
mitted by the United Slates with unceasing
and progressing arroganoe during the whole
period of the war. Neutral Europe remain
ed passive when the United States, with a
naval force insufficient to blockade, effective
ly, the coast of a single State, proclaimed a
paper blockade of thousands of miles of
coast, extending from the capes of the Ches
apeake to those of Florida, and encircling
the Gulf of Mexico Irom Key West to the Bio
Grande. Compared with this monstrous pre
tension of the United States, the blockades
known in history, under the names of the
Berlin and Milan decrees, and the British
orders in Council in the years 1806 and 1§07,
sink into insignificence 1 Yet those block
ades were justified by the powers that de-
claredthem, on the sole gronnd that they were
retaliatory; yet these blockades have since
been condemned by the publicists of those
very powers as violations of international
law; yet those blockades evoked angry re
monstrances from neutral powers amongst
which tho United States were the most con
spicuous; yet those blockades bocame the
chief cause of the war between Great Brit
ain and the United States in 1812; yet those
blockades were one of the prinoipal motives
that led. to the declaration of the Congress
of Paris in 185C, in the fond hope of impos
ing an enduring check on the very abuse of
maritime powers which is now renewed by
the United States-in 1861 and 1862, ander
circumstances and with features of aggra
vated wrong without precedent in history.
The records of onr State Department con
tain the evidence of the repeated and formal
remonstrances made by this Government to
neutral powers against the recognition of this
blockade. It has been shown by evidence
not capable of contradiction, and which has
been furbished in part by the officials of neu
tral nations, that the few ports of the Confed
eracy, befxre which any navsff forces at all
have been stationed, h’ave been invested so
inefficiently that hundreds of entries have
been effected into them since the declaration
of the blockade; that onr.enemics have them
selves admitted the inefficiency of the block
ade in the most forcible manner, by repeated
official complaints of the sale, to os, of goods
contraband of war, a sale which could not
possibly affect their interests if their pre
tended blockade was sufficient “really to pre
vent access to our coast;” that they have gone
farther and have alleged their inability to
render their paper blockade effective as the
excuse for the odious barbarity ^ destroy
ing tho entrance to one of our harbors by
sinking vessels loaded with stone in the chan
nel • that our commerce with foreign nations
has been intercepted, not by the effective in
vestment of our ports, nor by the seizure of
ships in tho attempt to enter them, but by
the capture on the high seas of neutral Tea
sels by the cruisers of our enemies whenever
supposed to be bound to any point on our
extensive coast, without inquiry whether &
single blockading vessel was to be found at
sueb point; that blockading voEsels have Jett
the ports at which they were stationed for
distant expeditions, have been absent for
many days and have returned, without no
tice either of the cessation or renewal of the
blockade; in a word, that every prescription
of maritime law, and every right of nentral
nations to trade with a telligeront under the
sanction of principles heretofore universally
respected, have beon systematically and per
sistently violated by the United States.
Neutral Europe has received our remon
strances and has submitted in almost unbro
ken silence to all the wrongs that the United
States have chosen toinfliot on its commerce.
The Cabinet of Great Britain, however, has
not confiod itself to such implied acquiescence
in these breaches of iuternetional law as re
sults from simplo inaction, hut has, in a pub
lished despatch of the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, assumed to make a change
in the principle enunciated by the Congress
of Paris, to which the faith of the British
Government was considered to be pledged; a
change too important and too prejudicial to
the interests of the Confederacy to be over
looked, and against which I have directed
solemn protest to be made, after a vain at
tempt to obtain satisfactory explanations
from the British Government. In a publish
ed despatch from her Majesty’s Foreign Office
to her Minister at Washington, under date of
the 11th February, 1862, occurs the follow
ing passage:
“Her Majesty’s Government, however, are
of opinion that assuming that tho blockade
was duly notified and also that a number of
ships is stationed and remains at the entrance
of a port sufficient really to prevent. acoeBs
to it; or to create an evident danger of enter
ing it or leaving it, and that these ships do not
voluntarily permit ingress or egress, the fact
that various ships may have successfully es
caped through it (as in the particular in
stance here referred to) will not of itself
prevent the blockade from being an effectual
one by international law.”
The words which I have italicised are an
Addition made by the British Government of
its owu authority to a principle the exact
terms of which were settled with delibration
by the common consent of civilized’ nations,
and by implied Convention with this Govern
ment, as already explained, and their effect
is clearly to re-opeu to the prejudice of the
Confederacy one of the very disputed ques
tions on tliu law of blockade which the Con
gress of Paris professed to settle. The im*
oriance of this change is.readily illustrated
>y taking one of. our ports as an example.—
There is “evident danger” iu entering the
port of Wilmington from the presence of a
blockading force, and by this test the blook-
ade is effeotive. “Access is not really pre
vented” by the blockading fleet to tbe same
port, for steamers are oontinually arriving
and departing, s.o that tried by this test the
.blockade is ineffective and invalid. The jus
tice of. our complaint on this point is so man
ifest as to leave little room for doubt that
further reflection will induce the British
Government to give us such assurance as
will efface the painful impressions that would
result from its language, if left unexplained.
From the foregoing, remarks you will per-
ocive that during nearly two years of strug
gle in which every energy of our country
has been evoked lor maintaining its very
existence, tho neutral nations of- Europe
have pursued a policy which nominally im
partial has been practically most fovorable
to our enemies and most detrimental to us.
The exercise of the neutral right of re
fusing entry into their ports to prizes taken
by both belligerents, was eminently hurtful
to the Confederacy. It was sternly asserted
and maintained.
now anticipated shall unfortunately arise be-*
tween this Confederacy ami somo European
power, tho recollection of our forbearance
under tho grievances which I have enumera
ted, may be evoked with happy Influence in
treventing any sorious disturbance of peace-
i ill rclatiocs.
It would not be proper to close my remarks
ou the subject of our foreign relations without
adverting to the foot that the correspondence
between the Cabinets of Franoo.JGreat.Britain
and Russia recently published, mdioates a
stratifying advance in the appreciation by
those Governments of the true interests ot
mankind as involved in the war on this conti
nent. It ia to the enlightened ruler of the
French nation that the public feeling of Eu
rope is indebted for the first official exhibi
tion of its sympathy for the* sufferings^ en
dured by this people with so much heroism,
of its horror at tbe awful carnrge with which
the progress of the war has been marked and
of its desire for a speedy peace. Tho clear
and direot intimation contained in the lan
guage of the French note, that our ability to
maintain our independence has been fully
established was not controverted by the an
swer of either of the Cabinets to which it was
addressed. It is indeed difficult to conceive
a just gropnd for a longer delay on this subject
after reading the following statement of facts
contained in the letter emanating from the
Minister of his Imperial Miyesty: “There
has bcem established, from the very begin
ning of this war, an cqnilibrium of forces
between the belligerents,-which has since
been almost constantly maintained, and after
the spilling of so much blood, they are to
day, in this respect, in a situation which has
not sensibly changed Nothing authorizes
the prevision that more decisive military op
erations will shortly occur. According to
the last advices received iu Europe, the two
armies were, on tbe contrary, in a condition
which permitted neither to hope within a.
short delay advantages sufficiently marked to
turn the balanee definitively, and to acceler
ate the conclusion of peace.” As this Gov
ernment has never professed the intention of
conquering tho United States, hut has simply
asserted its ability to defend itself against
being conquered by that.power, wc may safe
ly conclude that tbe claims of this Confed
eracy to its just place in tho family of na
tions cannot long be withheld, after so frank
and formal an admission of its capacity to
cope, on equal terms, with its aggressive
foes, and to maintain itself against their at
tempts to obtain decisive results by arms.
[to be continued.]
The exercise of the nentral right of. com
merce with a belligerent whoae ports are not
blockaded by fleets sufficient really to prer
vent access to them, would have been emi
nently hurtful to the United States. It was
complaisantly abandoned..
Tbe duty of neutral States to receive with
cordiality and recognize with respect any
new confederation that independent States
may think proper to form was too clear to
admit of denial, bat its postponement was
eminently benefioial to the United StateB and
detrimental to the Confederacy. It was post
poned.
In this review of onr relations with the
neutral nations of Europe, it has been my
purpose to point out-distinctly tjiat this Gov
ernment has no complaint to make that those
nations declared their neutrality. It could
neither expeot nor desire more. The com
plaint is, that the neutrality has been rather
nominal than real, and that recognized neu
tral rights have been alternately asserted and
waived in such manner as to bear with great
severity on ns, and to confer signal advan
tages on onr enemy.
I have hitherto refrained from calling to
your attention this condition of onr relations
with foreign powers for various reasons—the
chief of these was the fear that a statement
of our just grounds of complaint against
course of policy so injurious to onr interests
might be misconstrued into an appeal for aid.
Unequal as we were, in mere numbers and
available resources to our enemies, we were.
coneoiou3 ot powers of resistance, in relation
to which Europe was incredulous and our
remonstrances were therefore peculiarly lia
ble to be misunderstood. Proudly self-reli
ant, the Confederacy knowing full well the
character of the contest into which it was
forced, with full trust in the superior quali
ties of its population, the superior valor of
its soldiers, the superior skill of its Generals,
and above all in the justice of its caose, felt
no need to appeal for the maintenance of its
Tights to other earthly aids, and it began and
bas continued this struggle with the calm
confidence ever inspired in those who with
consciousness of right can invoke the Divine
blessing on their cause. This confidence has
been so assured that we have never yielded
to despondency under defeat, nor do we feci
undue elation at the present brighter prospect
of successful issue to onr contest. It is there
fore,* because onr just grounds of complaint
can no longer be misinterpreted that I lay
them clearly before yon. It seems to me
now proper to give you the information, and
althongh no immediate results may be at
tained, it is well that truth should be pre
served and recorded. It is well that those
who are' to follow ns should understand the
fall nature and character of the tremendous
conflict in which the blood of our people has
been poured out like water, and in which
they have resisted unaided the shock of hosts
which woald have sufficed to overthrow many
of the powers which by their hesitation in
according out rights as an independent nation
imply doubt of our ability to maintain
onr national existence. It may be, too, that
if in future times, unfriendly discussions not
New Advertisements.
1 n BACKS CHOICE RIO CjFFgE
10 sacks Liverpool Balt
WHITE A POWERS,
i snlO-St* Marietta street, Atlanta, Georg'a
SUBSTITUTE WANTED.
A SUBSTITUTE OYER dl can get a situation iua
XV Cavalry Company by applying at this office.
jsn2f-lw*
NOTICE.
TTI VERY member of the Stephen! Rifles, Company C,
JCi Infantry, Cobb’s Georgia Legion, who are at home on
lurionahs thst have expired, will either have them re.
newel by the proper authority, and certlflcates of the
same forwarded, or return to their Company.
A. G. GRIER,
J in20-d3t Lient Com’d’g Company C.
STRAYED.
AN Wednesday last, two Mares left my Stable on Hons-
V/ ton stree’, one black mare, formerly belonging to
Dr Taylor, about 9. years old; one sorrel mare about 6
ears otii. A reasonable reward will be paid by deliver
ing them to CUA8. GOODMAN,
- ( ppoaite Beach & Root’s,
jan29 3t Whitehall st., Atlanta.
000 LB3 CHOIOB BACON 81DES, (clear)
8l bags choice Rio Ckffee
80 dez Blacking
20 gross Ma’shes
16 hhds Brown Sugar
Just received and for tale by
j»n20Iw PEASE k DAVH.
ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE.
"PURSUANT to an or er »f the Court of Oidinary of
JL Fulton c maty, will be sold on the first Tuesday iu
March next, WitUn the legal hours of tale, one negro
woman- Mary, shunt 35 years of age, and h * child
Gilford, 6 years of age, belonging to the estate of Michael
Myers, 1 to or said county deceased. Sold tor the benefit
of the heirs and creditors.
jinSO-td JOHN LYNCH, Adst’r
EXAMINATIONS
AF APPLICANTS for the appointmon's of ArUUsiy
V Officers for Ordnance duty, will—in accordance with
paragraph III, General Order Nn. 80, dated Adjutant St
Inspector GenetaVs Office, October 30, t-Oi—be held near
the Headquarters of Gen. B agg about the 24th of Janu
ary, and iu Jackson, Mississippi, from February 6th to 12.
W. LzBOY BROUN,
jan20-tilfebS Lieutenant Col. on Ordnat ce Duly,
g®- Intelligencer copy and send bill to Ordnace De
partment, Richmond.
FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD.
T) AN AW AY from the (nbseriber, living 6ix miles west
XU of Canton, on the Pino Log road, nn the night of the
lvth instant, my negro boy ANDY. Andy is twenty-tkreo
yean old. a bright mulatto cul.r, heavy, at. ut built,
weighs 165 or 17U pounds, heavy head of hair, t. tenthly
straight,-one front tooth missing. He may have on »tight
brown mixed jeans coat, with ronnd'metil button, as he
was known to have inch a coat about tho time he left. " 1
wiU give tha above reward of Fiity Dollars to any peno...
who will deliver said boy to me, or for his apprehension
and confinement in some jail, so that I can get him.
jan20-d3twlt NANCY BIRD.
inoo Cjtor - (to ;‘ ck £ * co.
Janl-Tlm
(TUNE Grey and Bine Ca simeres, fine Staff Buttons and
J? Stare for Officers Uniforms. Fcr sale by
JanlMm W. F. HERRING A CO.
QLACK Sewing £Uk and Machine Twist. For sale by
D W. F. HERRING A CO.
janl7-ltn
HANDSOME RESIDENCE FOR SALE.
Y OFFER for sale an ellgiblo Residence on Greenville
X street, Newcau, Ga., with eix and one-half acte, of
land,in a high state of cultivation, attached Dwelling
has eight well finished rooms, with fire-places, clouts,
pnntry, sc Out buildings numeraire and convenient;
Handsome flower gexdeu and fine young orchard. Build
ings aU comparatively new. Possession given immediate-
ly. Apply to the subscriber, at Newuan, Ga.
jann-2w JOHN S BIG BY.
077KB OP A88BIAS* QCABreakASTZf
Columbus, Ga* Kept. 6,1862. j
ssk order of Quartermaster General, I have been m.-
D trusted with entire commtnd of collecting tha hide.
R tha beeves killed for the army, for taonirrg, and th.
purchase of Leather for manufacturing. Tanner* bavin*
Leather on hand and wanting Hides, will do woll to ad
dress me with propor references. The army must Ira shod,
sod it is Hie duty of all patriotic tanners to assist in m
icing. All leather held at unreason alia prices «tl< >•
sprSUtd V. tV DILLARD.
seplOtf ‘ AWs >.
LAND FOR SALE.
f WIvH TO SELL f 67>4 acres of Land, within forty min-
X ntes drive of the ceutre cf Atlanta, between four and
five miles, on the Western A Atlantic RoiiioiJ. Some
bottom Land and well timbered, witn thrtv settlements
of houses; some twenty-live bushels of until gram so an.
For further particulars spply to
javlS-tf J. It. JAMES, Broker.
ENGINE FOR SALK.
SANK 23-HORSE POWER ENGINE, Winehip’e make;
U two se-inch Boiler*, SI feet long; one Worthington
steam Pnmp, largieixe; a lot offS-inclt Copper Pipe; and
a large quantity of Quicksilver. All will be told low for
ApplT tO
CAPT. WILLIAM McCONNSLL,
janlO-Im Atlanta, Georgia.
HOUSE IN OXFORD TO REST.
ST1HE HOUSE is in Oxford, Georgis, the seat of Emory
A College, forty miles from Atlanta, ou the Georgia
Railroad, bas seven large rooms and two small toss, from
ten to fourteen acres of land attached. A very desirable
place. Apply to G J Orr or J 8 Stewart, Oxford, Ge.rgia
Jynie-lm
ON CONSIGNMENT.
-I OQ BACKS SALT, forsale by
1^0 dcc25-lm • f’EAEE A DAYI8.
A. C. WYLY & CO..
WHOLESALE
Ct R OC E Rn
Commission Merchants
vw,
At I licit- Olil stand,
Corner of Peaoh-Tree and Walton Sts,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
JgjQ PRIME TO CHOICE OLD PROCESS NEW OB-
leans Sugar, for into by
A. C. WYLY A 00
1,500
BOXES TOBACCO FOR SALE BY
. A. 0. WYLY A 00.
rrt TIERCES RICK FOR SALE BY
GU A. 0. WkLtaCO.
1 COUNTRY JEANS FOR SALE BY
U A. c WYLY A 00
Eft BARRELS TANNER’S OIL FOR SaY.b BY
’ A. C. WYLY k CO.
E BASS RIO COFFEE FOR BALE BY
u A. n. wyiY a e<».
JgO SACKS SALT FOR SALE BY
A. C. WYLY * IV.,.
nov26-tf Commission MurcUanL*, Atlinita. (At
TO ADVERTISERS.
B
USINESS MEN who desire a first Class'
Advertising Medium
For the wholo C.>nftxlorite Stat04, will flu I gush au on
in the
Confederate States
Railroad Ouide.
Advertisements wilt be received at 430 per page, in
fractions! parts thereof a the tamo rates. Address al!>
orders for advertisements, or tho book to
H. P. HILL A CO,
Qriffin, Georgia.
43. Liberal.commission to the trad*. jan6-tf
WANTED,
AT TIIB
ARMORY OF COOK & BROTHER
ATHENS, GEORGIA,
machinists, Blacksmiths, and a -*w Cabinet or
1’attern Make-**
F IR *11 good Mechanics, yCrmacent employment and
fFWtol wraMO ai_a war trbl hn sdw.. rpL._ _»x
-'At. till giAMl .ULVUltniM, /tilURi.Ull OlOpiUJDlPDI RQG
m. good wages, during the war, will bo given. They will
be detailed for service •* their trac e,, l- otenl of entering
as Government hands.
COQK k BROTHER.
the Army, tho same
doc23 lm
30 Hogsheads Sugar,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
40 Boxes Star Candles,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
Liverpool and Va. Salt,
^WHOLESALE AND RETAIL.
At [Uei23-tfl EDWARD Y’S.
TO SHIPPERS OP FREIGHT.
L M consequence of tho extraordinary demands made
nnmt •mv ItnmAm Cm. le. Ja*.>.sIsoI- f . .. - -
ltu * di ** TrunsportatfoD, by the Oonfedo
rate states Government; together with the existence of a.
state of circumstances, over which we nor opr Aget-ts can.
7*T?.‘ n ^, contr ' 0, ' aoUve is hereby given, that the Western-.
* Atlantic, Macon k Western, and Atlanta k W< st-foinr
BOt k V‘*»i ter receive, transport, or store
maf freight, until further notice, (except for Uovornn ent>
unl6 i * owner, agent, or shipper, nt iho point of shi;-
rnent, first signs a stipr.’ation of agreement,*re.ie«tag tbe
Bead, from alt u-• •• >
i liability for toe, or damage
JOHN S. ROWLAND,
Superintendent W. A A K. R.
* ISAAC BOOTT,
Preiident M. & tV. It. R.
(.LO G. HULL,
fenperintendent-A. A iV. P. R. B.
Atlanti, Nov. 28,1 ; ti. novtatl
New Clothing Store.
tflHK subscriber havtng recently located tu this cit, r.-
Asprotftilly tavttes attention tot* ‘
attention to Ma Urge and varied *—
sostment of'Goods te the Empire House, on Wlilteh, i
street, formerly occupied- by Vr. CtMMtnd aa a Dr*
Goods and Clothing Stora, The stock is principally ««*-
dy-Hada Clothing, moatiy mada to order, aud the w«*.»
My swttnssl comprise, atskost every garment ius.u»
sar, fm- Mca, Yonths and Boys, torn, milium to tboflne,:
Malay- A. good Tuistr of Buttons, general sasortmn.t
of Moti3.de and Caahmare Hats, boys clines and Boots,
mimes and chil Wa Shoes; a quantity j*Light Goods,
and a varietyof Tr darnings for Ladies’ brtmat; a gMinvt
amortmeot of Fancy or Showcase Goods, from common t
the finest fat tha market. An exriy sell is solicited
| AC VAIL, Agon
LIFE INS Ml WtbU
THE GLdRblA HOME IJLsn’A.VCE COMPANY,
Capital $230,000.
DR. 3AS. F. BOZEMAN,'I-rcsi !.-■
D. V. WIL30X, Secre'ary.
Life Department at Savannah.
AARON WILBUR, Actuary.
DU. it. D. ARNOLD, Cjuatuiing Physician
F LICIK3 are isswsi on the ltres of white pernor s, oli
or yount op very favorable term The security i
ampte, and puuilogvs are very literal.
.TV,’ 4'*.u.iigvs are very l jw — ■
^ lnfjn “ Uo
Jan2-3m ^ j>. nILEB, Agent.