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ATLANTA, GEORGIA:
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1863.
cAEttkST DAILY tIECHLITIUl IN THE STATE.
• KICK FiBST‘PAGK.‘W
Speech or the Hon. B. H. Hilt herore the
General AntmUr of Georgia, at SHI-
ledgevllle.
We here unavoidably delayed the publication
of thia speech from the recent preaanre on oor
column*. It embrace* several subjects growing
out of the war, and which address themselves
to the patriotism as well as the reason and jndgs
mentofamixed audience. .It is mainly suscep
tible of two divisions: 1, Historical, 2, Consti
tutional. On the first bead the crgument as a
historical demonstration sppears to us decisive
and complete. Mr. Hill reviews the entire
series of acts passed by the Provisional and
Regular Congress of the Confederate States,
showing 1 that every inducement was held out
by them to promote enlistments in the Confed
erate armies down to a recent period, 2 that
without conscription by Congress, the ranks
of onr armies could not have been filled and our
independence won. This branch ot the argu
ment being conducted to a satisfactory conclu
sion, the Senator enters upon the question o f
the constitutionality of the law.
In denying its unconatitutionality, he first
considers the argument of its opposers on its
popular ground, that of constraining the will of
the citisen as contrary to individual liberty.—
The argument here, in reply, is conclusive.—
Constraint is one of the necessary ingredients of
authority. Protection and defence, right and
obligation are correlatives. If there is a duty
in government to defend there must exist an
equal obligation to serve the State, in either a
civil or military capacity when required. To
this extent the reasoning is unanswerable. But
Mr. Hill carries the argument beyond its due
limit when he denies that political authority is
founded on the content qf ike governed. The
the qualification here is not the consent of all the
governed, but the consent of such a majority as
is declared in the fundamental law to be sufficient
to make an organic change. It is not necessary to
utter a reproach against the phrase "consent of
the governed” to show that the minority must be
coerced when placing their individual .wishes in
opposition to the general will legitimately ex
pressed.
Senator Hill convincingly shows that the
Confederate Congress has, under the war
making power and that to create and support
armies, authority to raise them by conscription,
1, Because there is no constitutional restriction
forbidding it; 2, Because it ia essential to the
efficiency of the war-making power; 3, Because
it can alone provide effectually lor the common
defence. Senator Hill derives the right, in part,
from a distinction between the objects to which
the power may be applied, whether aggressive
or defensive. We do not think the distinction
sound. The armies of the Confederacy may be
employed for one or the other purpose according
to circumstances. They may and have been
taken beyond the limit* of the States in which
they were raised lor the defence, of other States
or for invasion of territory of the enemy as in
the recent invasion of Pennsylvania, la
speaking of the restrictions imposed on these
divisions of military power ot the Confederacy
he very justly observes that the only check is
that providing that no appropriation for the tup-
port of the army ahall be made for longer than
two years, leaving the pouer to raite armies
without restriction. What might tend perhaps
to illustrate ibis branch of the subject would be
a comparison of the militaiy with the revenue
power in the Constitution, also a concurrent
power. Congress is empowered to raise reves
nue unlimitedly, as far as amount is considered
as well as the choice of means. It can adopt
either of the usual modes, by Customs, Excise,
a Property or on Income tax. The only restric
tion is on the States, which are prohibited, un
less for a very limited purpose, to raise revenue
by a duty on imports and tonnage. The only
only restraining check, then, is on the States,
who are prohibited from imposing, except in an
insignificant degree, a duty on imports and ton
nage. Even in the Militia clausa where the
power ia divided, it ia doubtful on which aide the
balance inclines, the central government having
the organisation, arming and disciplining the
Militia, while the Sterna retain the power of only
drilling and appointing the officers.
To what result then do we arrive amidst
these oontradictory interpretations? Our con.
elusion is that both governments have equal
power over the militia, while the Confede
rate authority possesses exclusive jurisdiction
over all troops in the Confederate servioe.—
Neither has the supremacy. Theoretically
and in an abstract point of view the Confed
erate Government has the right of Conscrip
tion for oossmon or general purposes, within
the limits of the Suites forming the Confeder
acy, as regards all arms-bearing men, by vir
tue of a clearly delegated authority, while
the States retain for local defense, an equal
right over its militia, by virtue of their r«-
terved rights. How is this apparent discrep-
ency to be reconciled? In no other way than by
that sort of practical adjustment that results
from mutual forbearance. If Georgia raises
a State guard of 10,000 men and the Confed
erate Government calls for a quota from Geor
gia of 30,000 men, all that is necessary to
reconcile thia apparent oonflict is that the
Confederate Government should respect the
authority, and Georgia reciprocally that of the
Confederate Government, by each abstaining
from meddling, in the premises, with the au
thority of the other. In a compound system
of government there is no other oonceivable
mode of avoiding a oonflict of laws and juris
diotioalhat aught threaten collision. These
conflicts may be expected to recur as long as
our complex scheme of political authority en
dures. Let us pnrfcoe the comparison be
tween the two concurrent powers of War and
Revenue as illustrating thia branch of the
argument. Shoald the Confederate Govern-
be under the neceaaity of increasing its
fiscal resources by taxation and that State and
Municipal taxation 'on'property in the States
was already burdensome, would it not he the
part, of wisdom in the Confederate Congress
to escape ^property lax or a tax on income
to avoid possible collision ?
In concluding a review of this speech,
which has drawn a large share of publio
attention,.we have no hesitation in according
to Mr Hill’s construction of the Constitution
oar praise for discrimination and sound
reasoning. Bat to some of the general con
clusions of Mr Hill, we cannot but enter
onr protest. We think he attaches undue
importance to government as the embodiment
of the will of the people, and to ignore the
distinction between allegiance and obedienoe.
It is true, as he affirms, that as regards onr
Foreign relations this distinction is unimpor
tant. To look to the central Government
alone, aa the representative, of the collective
sovereignty of the American people when
united in a Confederacy, they do hot re.
gsrd and will not recognise those geographi
cal divisions called States. But it does not
follow that the difference between allegiance
and obedience begins and ends in a verbal
distinction as intimated in several of Mr
Hill’s speeches. This was the distinction of
the South Carolina politicians when they com.
menced their dispute with the Federal Gov
ernment, and although it was misapplied to
sustain Nullification, it is sound when prop
erly understood and applied. Obedience ia
due to government and the laws constitution
ally passed. Allegiance is due to the State,
not merely to the soil, but to that collection
of people organized into a political commu
nity, under a constitution of government-—
Obedience follows under every form of gov
eminent until overthrown by revolution,
whether State or Confederate. The right to
•ubvert it when it usurps or abuses delegated
authority has tbo same, foundation, the vol
untary consent of thepeople. From these prin
ciples it results that allegiance is supreme,
paramount, and has a higher authority than
obedience. Mr Hill seems disposed to ridicnle
wbat is oalled Agenoy in Government. This
is only an other name for representation. It
applies no leu to State than to Federal Gov
ernments. All who occupy offices in'the dis
tribution of political power are Agents, al
though they may be entitled, Jndges, Legis-
tors, Governors or Presidents. All offices
being trusts, they are to be judged by the
same standards of duty that we apply to all oth
er functionaries, civil or military, that involve
a delegation of authority. To withdraw the
attention of the publio too much from these
truths and view government as the sole source
of political power, has a tendency to make
the people oblivious of the real ultimate ori
gin of government, if not to render them
slavish in their attachment to those who ad
minister it.
Mr. HilHn bis view of government in a
Confederacy, such as oars, of a compound
ebaraoter appears to look too exclusively to
the opinions entertained of it by foreign
countries when they form treaties with us.
With them the Oovemmenl may be the Slate,
but in their relations with each other and in
their relations to the common government of
the States, each State being a separate sorer
eignty, no such idea can attach to a term of
abstraet character, such as government. The
States are ^political entities—inother words,
certain organised communities, constituted
as suob by written constitutions. Allegiance
is not dne, therefore, to the mere soil—to that
wbioh is inert matter, but to certain oollec
lions of persons having political life, a ma
jority of whom constitute the State when act
ing in conformity with written charters. It
may be a convenient political fiction to call
the Government the Stale, for the time ei er-
oiaing the powers of delegated sovereignty,
but the common government in a Confedera
cy, like oars, is no more the State, than the
government of a State, is the Slate itself.
C.
Major A. M. Lea, C. 8. A.
The bri/af narrative we gave in our last
issue of the sad meeting of this officer of
the army under General Magruder, with
his son, the 1st lieut. of the Steam sloop-
of-war, Harriet Lane, who fell in the recent
capture of that vessel, has elicited curiosity
to know more of the father thus singularly
tried and bereaved.
He was bora in Grainger county, Tenne
ssee, in 1808 ; graduated at West Point in
1831; served in the first artillery, seventh
infantry and first Dragoons, and also on
Topographic duty in Louisiana, Tennessee,
Michigan and Iowa, having mapped, de
scribed and named that Stale when an in
cipient territory, in 1835. In 1836, re
signed his commission, and was made Chief
Engineer of the State of Tennessee. In 1838
he was U. S. Commissioner and Astronomer
for adjustment of the disputed boundary
between Missouri and Iowa. In 1841, he
was Chief Clerk of the War Department
under Mr. Bell, during the Harrison and
TVler administrations; the professor of
Mathematics and civil engineering in E. T.
University at Knoxville, Tenn., from 1844
to 1851, when he was unfortunately in
duced, by strong solicitation, to lease and
operate glass works just established there.
In 1853, he resumed engineering, and in
1857, came to Texas as Chief Engineer of
the Aransas Road company, in regard to
which he produced some able reports.
When the Confederacy was inaugurated, he
tendered his services generally to the Pres
ident, and was appointed a Major in the
rvrnimiBRariat, with a view to a special
service, but was soon detailed on engineer
duty, and charged with the defenses of
Cumberland Gap, whence he aided to re
pulse the enemy, and was then transferred
to Chattanooga, where he again underwent
a bombardment.
Ordered to report to Gen. Magruder, he
arrived at Houston just as the expedition
against Galveston was moving, and asked
leave to join it, expecting to meet his son
on the steamer, but concealed the fact from
the general, that his disposition might not
be affected thereby. He left Monday for
important services on the Rio Grande.—
Galveston Ifaot, Jan. 9.
■ Subscribe for the Confederacy.
Speech of Hon. B. H. Hill.
r 'TV ' COSTIHEKD.
Whatever might be my opinion of the patriot
ism or wisdom of a controversy at that hour of
darkness and gloom, I did desire, if possible, to
avoid it; and to avoid it I was willing to leave
no room for the prejudices of the reckless or the
whims of the capricious. Pending the subject,
there tore, I preferred another proposition, or
bill, a milder form of conscription, which 1
thought might accomplish the good and avoid
the controversy. With the lights now before
me, I doubt whether the milder form of con
scription-lor which I voted would have been suf
ficient for the crisis. At ali events, the present
proposition became the law of my country, and
I snail, as a good citizen, .support it; and with
equal cheerfulness whether 1 voted lor or against
it. I will not countenance that sickly patriot
ism, nor render commendation to that highers 1
law-fanaticism which cannot support as law
that which, as a proposition of expediency, did
not meet the approval of individual preference.
Failing in tbe argument, the opponents of the
law seek to provoke tbe jealousies, and to alarm
the fears of the people. Why, say they, if this
power to raise armies by compulsion ia conceded
to the Confederate Government, that Governs
ment could destroy tbe people and the States —
Thus they pass away from the Constitution to
the motives of those who happen to administer
it, to ascertain the powers of the Government!
Until the advent, in political logic, of these new
lights, whose theory seems to oe that nothing
was ever before understood, and whose practice
seems to be that nothing shall ever be consider
ed as settled, it had been conceded by reasoned
ot supposed ability, that to prove a pjwer could
be abused was no argument to show the power
did not exist. Existence itself may be abused,
and unfortunately, all existing things are liable
to be abused. Still, all things do exist. By
this method of reasoning you could soon prove
that Congress had no power whatever, for what
power in the whole enumerated catalogue might
not be abused to tbe injury il not the destruction
of the people and States ? .
Congress would have no power -"to provide
and maintain a navy,” for they might block
ade and destroy all tbe ports of the States.—
Congress would have no power to “regulate
commerce,” for they might destroy all the
commerceof the State-. And it wonld never
do to permit the Confederate States to build
forts and iron-clad vessels for tbe protection
of our cities, and man them with Confederate
troops, for they might turn the guns on the
cities and destroy them. The truth is, my
friends, when men or rnlers wish to destroy,
they do not wait for authority to do so. Tbe
best evidence of a willingness to assault right
and liberty is the exercise of powers not
granted, or of functions not conferred. Rev
olutions neither make nor justify tyrants,
but they do develops them. Place no power
in the bands of those who betray a love for
the exercise of power—who plead necessity
as tho excuse for usurpation, and revolution
as the occasion for oppression. The crown-
ing grandeur of Washington’s character was,
that in the midst of revolution he obeyed the
laws; and the highest olaim whioh Mr. Da
vis presents for your confidence is, that with
examples to the contrary all around him, he
has; thus far, strictly refused to exercise any
power not expressly authorized by law. It
is a fact well attested by all history, that
they find most fault with power in others,
who themselves exercise ungranted powers
most freely. This is the sure unerring ear
mark of that ambition which made Cmiar and
Cromwell and Bonaparte trample upon the
liberty they swore to defend, and grasp em
pire.
Was the conscript law intended to destroy
the States? Did.it destroy the States? On
the contrary* history will record the fact,
that it saved the States, and saved the coun
try. Yea, it drove baok the foreign invader
and secures to its domestic foes-the privilege
of sitting here in peace, to defame the law as
an usurpation, the government that enacted
it as oppressors, and the heroic army that
obeyed it as slaves.
Nor will I omit this occasion to enter my pros
test against that lolly now so common, of at
tempting to excite jealousies, controversies and
conflicts between the Slates and their own
common government. To hear these ill-timed
phillipics against that government, a. stranger
would suppose that the Confederate States waB
a government foreign to the States, and the un
necessary and unyielding enemy of the States.
The people are constantly warned not to trust,
not to help, not to sustain, but to distrust and to
resist their own government as some insiduous
monster always stretching for power to destroy
the States. Now, my friends, who are they
that administer the Confederate States? Are
they not citizdns of the States, delegates from
the States ? Are not their interests all in the
States? Havel lost my affection for my State
because you have honored me aB her delegate in
’.bat government which was created by the
States and whose business is to protect the
States ? Is not my family, my property, my
borne, my every interest and every hope still in
my State ? Why have I less interest in, or less
affection for Georgia than I had when I occupied
one of your Seats in the State Assembly ? We
have gotten rid of those whose interests and
sympathies were different from our own. Let
us also get rid of the excessive jealousies which
those differences furnished politician* with an
excuse to inflame.
The government is your own. The agents
who administer it are of your own choosing
from your own citizenship. Choose wise men,
good men; then give them your confidence and
support. And when they become unworthy , re-,
turn them to private life.
Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty ! j
grant it. But I deny that eternal vigilance
means perpetual snarling, snapping, fanlt find
ing and complaining. I deny that vigilance
means resistance to the government, disaffection
to the lawa, contumely tojauthority, or tbe dis
organizing freedom of individual opinion to set.
itself up against legal enactments and judicial
decisions.
No, there is no foundation for these constant
jealousies and threatened conflicts between tbe
State and Confederate governments. Nine ,of
every ten of these issues'spring, not from ayy
real welt grounded differences, but from passioja,
personal ambition and party manesuvre. There
u little difficulty in understanding the respective
rights and powers o! the two governments wherd
the des re is sincerely and only to understand
them. The powers of the Confederate Govern*
ment are plainly and specifically delegated.—
The rights of the States are covered by two.
propositions: first,- to exercise the powers re.
served or not prohibited; and, second, to* have
the powers delegated exercised according to tbe
purposes of the grant. Tbe great business of
the Confederate Government is to manage the
interests common to the States, and especially
to conduct the relations with foreign govern-,
ments. There ia too much quibbling about
terms. I sometimes speak of the Confederate
Government as a nation. What is meant by
this? When applied to the Confederacy it his
no territorial reference. Are we not struggling
or admiasionf into the family of nations t Are
we not claiming and demanding recognition
by other nations ? ~ As what will we aek
them to recognize us ? By what name will
we be called? Agency? Created by r re
vocable power of attorney, which experiment
entered into to-day and which caprice may
recall to-morrow ? Partnership ? A socie
ty of convenience, without rank or national
dignity? A standard writer, concurred in by
all standard writers, tells us, "that the indepen
dent States entitled to rank in the great family
ot nations, are those powers to whom belongs
the right of embassy/’ The right to receive
and to send public ministers. Will npt this bp
•he great—the peculiar—the appropriate prov
ince of the Confederate States ? W bo shall con
clude our treaties of peace and of commerce;
form alliances; receive ministers of foreign Tia»
tions; resent insults and demand reparation for
injuries? Who shall float the flag, and protect
the citizen over ali waters and in ali lands ?—
Who, but the Confederate States? And shall
wo say they shall enter this great family with
less rank, less dignity, and less power for success
than other nations? Less than England, or
France, or Russia; yea, less than Turkey, Bras
zU, or Mexico? •
Away with this perpetual effort to belittle
and paralyze our own government. We have
prescribed Us boundaries, beyond which it
cannot pass, and within those boundaries let
ns not quarrel over forms nor quibble about
terms, but render that confidence and co-op
eration so essential to efficiency. Let each
government—State and Confederate—move
in its own sphere, neither interfering with,
abusing, nor exciting jealousies against tbe
other, for both an seeking the one great end
—the happiness of the earns people.
Too many persons Will not interpret the
Constitution according to its plain langnage,
and.clear intent and meaning Adherence to
some preconceived theory; the prejudices of
education; the bias of association; the desire
to accomplish some given object; even pas
sion, impulse, personal disappointment, or a
dislike of those who, for the time, adminis
ter the government; ambition, interest, or
caprice, often shape the judgment and form
the opinion of men. Every law whioh does
not conform to their theories is at occe de
clared an usurpation and void, and the Con
stitution itself is unconstitutional when it
does nonsuit their views or promote their
wishes. It is according to the philosophy of
the human mind that those who are thus in
fluenced rarely see tbe right and as rarely ad
mit an error. Soeh minds are always ex
treme, sometimes fanatical. There is no rule
of logic which they will not violate, no per
version of fact which they will not commit,
and no elevation of character’which they will
not assail. They rarely yield an opinion, yet
are never consistent. They admit no wisdom
in precedent, no respect for authority, and
nothing binding upon eonsoience but their
own abstract individual opinion. It was pre
cisely this spirit, which, in the old Union, in
augurated the crusade against the South.
The taws of Congress, though based upon a
plain grant in the Constitution, were nnllifled
by State Legislatures, set aside by Circuit
J udges, aud made odious by the official lan
guage of State Governors. Tbe decisions of
the highest Courts in the land fixed no obli-
■gation upon individual opinion to conform,
settled no disputes, and judges, distinguished
for learning, patriotism and every virtue,
were openly assailed as governed by outside
influence! Read tbe reoords of Northern fan
aticism and find toe verification of all these
statements. Thou turn your eyes to tbe
fields of bluod, and wail aud ruin all over tbe
Continent, and you will see tbe only legiti
mate l esul s of suoh an insatiate spirit of dis
coid. it is not the subject which this spirit
may agitate that makes tbe mischief; it is tbe
spirit itself which will always find a^gubject -
and make au occasion.
Why, gentlemen, if the people wore to se-
leot a thousand times they could not find per
sons into whose hands they could more safely
entrust the" rights and honor of the States
than those who now administer the Confeder
ate Government. The President, from his
youth up. has been distinguished for his de
votion to the States. If you enter the Senate
chamber you find there the well balanced Clay
of .Alabama; his colleague, the eloquent
Yancey; that able, experienced and renowned
statesman, .Mr. Hunter, of Virginia; Mr.
Barnwell, of South Carolina, than whom no
better man nor purer statesman ever blessed
his country or adorned a Senate; and many
more well deserving of mention; all of whom
have ever been champions of the l ights of the
States, and all of whom voted for and advo
cated the Conscription Laws. Yet, the men
of yesterday tell us that these men are usurp
ing power which may crush the States I Has
absurdity no limit ; effrontery no blush ? Has
statesmanship ho avooation butfault finding;
patriotism no end but power; ambition no
satiety even in blood, and the country no des
tiny but dissention and endless divisions?
But, it these high Conldeerate characters'
merit not your confidence, will not the decision
of your own highest Stale Court—a Court com
posed of judges than whom none ere more emi
nent as jurists nor more worthy aa men—ap
pease your wrath and convince your judgments?
Is your own highest Court, engaged, also, in tbe
terrible work of destroying the States and en
slaving the people ? Can none be right but tnose
who condemn the law ? Can none be trustwor
thy but those who persist ip discord ? Has it
come to this, tnat statesmanship can settle no
principle; character excito no confidence; and
the courts end no controversy ? Does freedom
ot speech consist in assailing tbe constituted
authorities ot the land: and freedom of opinion
confer the right to disregard adjudicated law?
Bewsre, my countrymen, lest with such wild,
unbridled theories, you mistake licentiousness
for freedom, and enthrone bloody anarchy in the
seat of law-restraining liberty! Casuists have
written, and cabinets debated, to ascertain tbe
best form of government and the true philosophy
of governing . Every form has had its advo
cates, and every people their experiments, and
the bloody arbitrament of war has shed its
crimson tides in the ever-recurring controversy.
But to one great conclusion casuists and cabi
nets. people and armies must agree. All gov
ernment is vanity where the laws are not respec
ted. Vain, vain indeed, will ail your sacrifices
be; your sons will fall in vain, and in vain will
your heroes roll back the red wave of battle and
vanquish tbe countless host* of the invader, if,-
when peace returns, the law be not the rule of
every man’s life, and the guide of every man’s
opinions. This is the rock on which we have
split. This is the rock towards which we are
steering again: the growing, spreading disre
gard of law and disrespect for authority. The
philosophy of government is law. The stabili
ty of government is law. Tbe glory of govern
ment is law. Aud oh that I c could catbh tbe
emphasis which would force universal convic
tion when I say, the frxxpoic of oovebnmejtt is
lav ! Where shall conflicting opinions har
monize, save in the decisions of legal authority;
and bow can we agree except on the. basis'of
well considered law ?
These, my friends, are no new thoagbts
with me. 1 alter them with earnestness, be
cause I have felt them for years. Lawless
ness is tbe power I never cease to dread;
and I warn yon this night, that it will re
quire all your vigilance to prevent it from
enslaving yourselves, and establishing its
throne of ruined hopes in'this land we leave
for onr ebildren, and all in tbe name of libe
rty.
But there is another state of things which
transpired in the history of tbose Conscrip
tion laws which is the reverse of that against
which 1 have been speaking, and wbicb is
well calculated to gladden our confidence and
inspire onr hope.
1 hive said that I predicted resistance by
some in authority to theso laws, and that un-
der the circumstances then existing, this dis
affection might extend to the army, and wo
shoold be undone. My judgment was not at
fanlt in its conclusions aa to what politicians
would do; but tbe apprehension that their
teachings might possibly affect the conduct
of tbe troops was groundless. I know of no
incident of tbe kind in all history more beau
tiful and touching than the self-denying pan
triotism with which tbe troops who originally
enlistedfor twelve months, obeyed the first
Conscription Act.
In ancient Sparta the evidenoe of all worth,
the test of all courage, and the sum of all
virtue, was obedience to tbe laws. And Soc
rates, the Athenian, has been coneeerated to
immortality for more than twenty centuries
as the greatest and wisest of ancient philoso
phers, because.he submitted himself to the
iaw of his country, though that law was pro
cured by false accusation, and doomed him
to the death of a felon.
For a short period in the beginning of the
revolution, the government asked for volun
teers to serve for twelve months.
In a very little time more than one hundred
thousand enlisted. They came from every
rank and condition in Boeiety. They oame—
the tender son of fortune, the hardy mechan
ic from his shop, the student from his lamp,
the laborer from his plow, the bridegroom
from his chamber, and the old man from his
household—all peers and oomrades rushing to
the front in this dawning struggle for imper
iled liberty. They braved the scorching heats
and life destroying miasmas of the tropical
South. They endured the frozen snows and
icy winds of -he chilly North. Amid-the
flowing gardens of beautiful Pensacola; by
the wave-washed shore of snrt-beaten Hatter-
as; on the banks of the classic James and
York; and over the dreary’ summits and
through the rugged gorg e of the mountains
of Virginia, these first oulisted bands of Con
federate braves, marched and camped and
fought and suffered for their beleaguered
country. By the deeds which heroes lovo,
and the pains whioh martyrs only -leel, they
Save made the names of Bethel aud Manas
sas, Leesburg and Belmont, Laurel Hilt and
Sewell Mountain, as familiar as Marathon,
sacred as Bunker Hill and immortal as York-
town.
The months rolled by and the end of en
listment drew near. Fatigue to the extent
of physical strength had been borne, and glo
ry enough even for the spirit of -the Cavalier
had been won. It was natural that the heart
should turn its longings from the strife, and
the tired soldier, "loot-sore and weary,"
should iflssire to go home ani rest. The
sweet thought made the laugh ring merry
around the camp tires, and was whispered iu
earnest hope from comrade to comrade along
the line of battle. To the quiet night the
sleeping veteran, ali fitful in dreams, wonld
start and mutter in half uttered ucoents the
names of the loved ones rushing to the gale
to meet him; and th: faithful senliuel, wide
awake with the joyous anticipation, would
count by his steps as he paced his rounds,
the days and tbe hours that lingered, ere yet
he should receive the heart-warm welcome ot
wife and family.
Alas! for the cruel, heartless demands of
relentless war. The foe still gathered along
our borders. These very homes were yet
threatened with desolation and ruin by as pi
ratical an invader as ever cursed the inno
cent of the earth. Therefore, the reluctant
but stern enactment oame, and said to these
earliest patriots, "This return muBt not be
yell The march must still be made; the
watch must still be kept, and for two long
years more you must endure the hardships ot
oamp and dare the dangers of the light 1—
What a test of patriotism was this! No won
der that statesmen felt anxious for the effect
of this trying announcement. No wonder
the enemy expected our army to disband.—
Ami just at inis moment—this critioal mo
ment—the voice of the politician was heard,
in accents as unsuited to the camp as the whisr
pers which seduced from allegiance in Eden,
saying to these troubled and disappointed
spirits : The law ia unconstitutional—uujubt—
unnecessary, and binding on no one! Yet, not
one of that hundred thousand listened to the
voice of the charmer, .or questioned the
duty of obedience. No, no, tney Clinched
anew the rifle and started afresh tor the bat
tle. Their vengeance was against the foe
that made the law a necessity. And by that
.triumph pur independence was won.
Ail along from Malvern Hid to Sharpsburg,
and from the Potomac to the Mississippi, those
heroes are Bleeping in glory to night. To these
that happy returu will never come, but they
have furnished an example of duty and sacrifice
which ail nations shall praise and their children
shall bless forever. Oihers, more fortunate,
have returned, and many of them with one limb,
or one eye, and with scars of honor such as
Trojan never wore, and Grecian never, won, are
everywhere urging obedience to the laws of the
country they defended. It chivalry obeyed,
what excuse has ambition to resist ? If the ar
my is satisfied, why should po.ilietans aud the
people comp aid ? Here let the gown and the
ermine learn of tho sword and the bayonet a
lesson of obedience and submission. Let tbo
sublime examples speaking in the rattling mus
ketry and deep-mouthed cannon along the
Cbickahominy and the Shenandoah silence your
cavils—ye of easy seats aud sate positions! Fo«
shame, let detnagogueism slink away in silence,
and cease forf ver to disturb a people *0 worthy,
to dwell in peace; and with one voice and one
heart let us consecrate to immortality, and to
the perpetual emulation of our children, the
memory of these confederate heioes of more
than Spartan courage, and greater than Socratic
virtue.
Thusj gentlemen and fellow-citizens, in fee
bleness but in candor, have I given yon my
views of the condition and prospects of onr
country. We began ia divisions and doubts.
These divisions are healed and these doubts
are gone. We began in weakness. In the
very straggle for life we are growing strong.
We began without arms, without munitions of
war, and without known resources. We have
procured and are daily making plenty of arms
of most excellent quality, from the pistol to
tbo heaviest ordnance. We -have no lack of
the inanitions of war; and our mountains
and onr caves, onr fields and our looms are
furnishing resources and supplies abundant
fit every purpose and for all our people.—
Providence seems to have hid away in onr
earth every good and desirable thing, and
when the hour of our need arrived, kindly
guided as to them. We have suffered disas
ters, and in the nature of war must suffer
them again. But we have had four fold tri
umphs, and shall have final success. But few
differences and discussions have arisen, and
time and patience have soon ehiwn them to
be unfounded and unnecessary. -
The only remaining difference—the con
scription laws—was never extensive, is
narrowing daily, and must soon pass away
with the others. They are founded on a
specific grant, were obeyed hy the army,
and saved the country. In the shadow of
these great facts -opposition must ricken
and die. We have a better army than we
have ever had and are stronger in every
element of power. We have already won
success, and patience will bring the {till
fruition of onr hopes. No other nation
will molest us. No outside power, nor
combination of outside powers, can subju
gate V.s. We can never be subdued until
we ourselves shall will it. All the civilized
nations commend our devotion and admit
our wisdom. Our enemies, in fear and
trembling, concede our power. The dark
est day of the crisis is behind us; and as
surely as'the natural sun shall rise on the
early morning, and brush away the mists
and darkness which surround us to-night,
so surely will the sun of our independence
arise on an early morrow, and driving away
these murky clouds of war, give splendor
to the earth, and light and life and happi
ness to our children.
New Advertisements.
JUST RECEIVED
FROM NASSAU,
PER STEAMERS
CALYPSO, DOUGLAS, FLORA AND THISTLE.
4 000 133 Rxtbaot log * OOP
8.000 lbs Bt Carb Soda
2.000 lbs Oolong Too
0,000 lea Super ior Copperas
2 000 Ibt Foda Cry steis
800 dts Look’ Brown Windsor Soap.
For sale by . W * YOUNG A CO,
Wholesale Druggists.
fel-8 1» Whitehall at, Atlanta, Goo-gie.
UKRfc’s voUK jack:
[ HWB.FORSAl.lt A L VUGK NO. 1 SPANISH JACK.
For i iforasation apply to the Clerk rf the
ieo8-lw* tllOUr HOUSE.
WANTED.
QEVKRAL WOMEN. Also-sad Boys, to w.m in our
(J TOOTH VAOlOsY. Constant employ ment given.
Aa tbe work is eminently AuT.STiC, noonoueed apply
who has Lot aumcieni teste to epprici.telt, tor each party
will have 11 he taught at ouniiuerubie watte uf material.
We intend paying libel ally, a? that it can be followed as
a permanent business.
Some worthy young met a ho have boon dkabkdtntke
Aruiy, or who are not subject to military dnty preferred.
BROWN A HACK,
Dental Depot,
fet>8 01 W hitehall street.
URDKIU.
A LL officers and men able lor duly, furloughed from the
** let Regiment Georgia Cavalry, are ordered to report
immediately, at KodgervUtn, -lean, on the E T A Va K K.
Their horses will await them there. All leavoe of absence
to officers and men able fo- uuty, are hereby revoked.
By order of hieut-Col A H HARPER,
Jso N. Peeking, AcU *•
Com’d'g let Ga Kc^t Cavalry.
febS-31
hlFE INSURANCE.
THE GEORGIA HOME IHSUfiAJICfi COMPANY,
Capital $250,000.
DR. JAS. F. BOZEMAN, President.
D. F. WILCOX, Secretary
Life Department at Savannah.
AARON WILBUR, Actuary.
DR. R. D. ARNOLD, Consulting PhyaMau
F LICIKS are imued on the lives bf white persona, old
or yonng, on very favorable term. The security i*
ample, and piiuileges are very libeiai.
Gall upon tbe Agent and get all noco eery information
and take a Policy on your Ufa. - —
|au2-3m 8. D. NILES. Asent
WANTED fTO HIRE,
A SMALL FARM, 2>$ or 8 miles horn the city. Ary
person having one for rent may find a customer by
addressing J.L.C, box No. 68, Atlanta, Ga. feb3tf
DR. H. W. BROWN.
( VKFIUE—At bis residence on Oalbonn street, near tbe
t Medical Ool!
o
I Collet*
DR. WILLIS F. WESTMORELAND,
FFICK at bis raaldenoe on the north aide or Marietta
street ly'JO-ly.
a Good chance.
OK BBLS 0009 SMOKING TOBACCO
OIF 100 boxes Gravelly Tobacco, for sale by
*Jen81-lm WILLIS A YOUNG.
-MAOOH A WkSTlUX, IUIL ItOAB Co, \
. Macon, Ga, Jan. 28,1SG3. j
VN and after February lit," this Comoany will receive
J no Freight for Passenger Train.
JanSOtf . ALFRED L. TYLER, Sopt
TENNESSEE BANK BILLS.
I WANT TO BUY ten thousand dollars in OLD TEN
NESSEE BANK bOTES Apply at my offloe, Wood
ruffs Bulking, Atlanta, Georgia. .
Janll-Un* W L. HIGH.
FOR SALE.
A 60 HORSE POWER STEAM ENGINE, with heavy
' ‘ Fly .Wheal, Copper JJteam Pipes, Heater,Ac., com
plete. without boilers, NOBLE, BROTHhR A CO,
fcb7-lw Rome Georgia.
WANTED.
MMKDIATKLY, two Stilts and Wormer complete, and
J hi good or.er one or one hundred gallons, the olhei
of sixty gallons, for ehloh the highest cath prices will b<
paid. Want them convenient to a Railroad, cr to be de
livered on one For farther particulars address at Allan
feb7-0l*
TQOS J LIGHCFOOT.
TO CONSIGNORS.
F ROM raw DATE, February 1,1883, we, Ware-Hou
Merchants of West Point, Ga, will io no wise be t
sponsible for breaking ol ropes and damaging of cotton
on. Ware-HoOaee, as a great doai of cotton has been <
storage for two or more years, and a great deal hu bet
expand to the weather beiore renting | n our poaseiGo;
w' r **£*L.* nr 'P?* 0 ** having rotton in eliberof Ol
Ware Hanses, an4 expectir g to hold us responsible 1
damage., will please send forwent aad receive their «
ton immediately, aa we will not be responsible!.
. JT P OBUOLM,
,. ro WMODABDEo,
feb54w PERRY COLLINS.
SNUFF, SNUFF.
Tobaccoy Tobacco.
rUBundmaigped b»re on band 1000 boxes of Msnn-
1 factored Tobacco, from the ioweat to the finest grades
wUf ponUtme t » msnufartare throughout the sum-
nw. AuOf •> Urg« amount of superior Smokinc Tobacco,’
2V 1 *" “““ r * £t0 ™ r * <> f M ex. ellent article <?f 8nuff—
Pmsons wishing to deal or specuhue io any or ail of the
GOOD INVESTMENT.
, A GOOD LOT OP FINE
JL n o: s ;
Always on hand at
Bramnulle’rs Music Store.
UM-t -
SELLING OUT ,
Without. Reserve.
gQ TIERCES NEW RICE
U bog.hrate Sugar in etore
40 hogsheads Sa*ar to arrive
CO gyo*e-Imported Matches ■ •
GGO bushels Cjrn ?
2JO bushels Meal, Ac. At ,j-
feb7-tf KDWABDra.
VOLUNTEERS WASTED.
C APE. J. B. RHODES Sad Eatjg’t. H. W. CRAVflL at
tbe HHLL.YOUiMTERRfli, ]*tCoofederu>- Regiment
Georgia Vxtni tee S, are new at heme for the damp oi
miring recraSU for their Regiment. They will give tbe
"FIPrY DOLLARS BOUNTY” to ell who will wlunla.
rUy come forward and enroll ibemrelves. But those who
w::; i-.-tlU-en to their country'* .all. iu thi* her boorol
Deed, they are order ol to Conscript. No dcobt the call
will soon be m ede to 45,- aud the I
Bo come forward and Tollin' ter nr
Tfigir commend Is located at MOBILE, AL& , one of tbe
mo t desirable and healthy localities in tbe servize Tt)rii
Com] * '—*—* -* BjijMl
One or them will be (bond at all tin. vs at the effieo ol
OcOa Gartrell A Ilill, on Whitehall street.
) li KHOD F.S,
Jan3»-tf Capt Com’g CoC, lnt ConfedReg Ga Vol*