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THft QUESTION OF'PEACE OK AVAR .
We have just rend the latest let
ter of t)ie celebrated correspondent
of the Morning Chronicle, O. I*. Q,.
It is full of inte test, and we only re
gret the impossibility of publishing
it entire. The first half of it is de
voted to the consideration of the
change Os Ministry in England.
In the second the able and intelli
gent writer considers the question
fi'ill there be tear in Europe ?”
He does not fear a rupture between
France and ling laud. He does not
fcnr for France, because he believes
England and France will be allies,
and they united, can contend against
the world in arms, lie next empha
tically asks: —“ What thendo I fear'?”
The answer is too important to he
omitted, in any event.
I fear that tens of thousands of
human beings may be slain;. that
-villages and towns may be depopu
lated,- that “the drum’s discordant
sound” may again he heard in Bel
gium, in Spain, in Italy, in Prussia,
and in France; that widows will
mourn their husbands, and mothers
mourn their sons—that the fiercer
passions of our nature will be again
roused into actvm, anfl that we shall
rejoice at the “glorious news,” of the
slaughter of a Prussian or Russian
army.—Yes, I fear that the conse
quence of Avar will be the suspension
of the march of civilization—will
stop the progress of the schoolmas
ter—will arrest the happiness of the
human lace, at I past for a season—
will encourage the biggoited and in
tolerant, the Jesuits and the Priests
af Europe, and-will make “orgies of
the congregation” less mournful and
jiad. I fear that trade will he injured,
commerce ruined, the arts neglected,
manufactures and science, literature
and law, religion and morals consid
erably affected, and I fear lest young
and regenerate France should again
be induced to think of conquest, and
to extend her thoughts and wishes to
other lands, after she shall have first
repelled the invader from her own.—
Have I not then a right to say, as
one who wishes well to France, well
to t'lis old Europe, and well lo human
n it lire, that I fear much, very much
fear, and tremble when I think that
there will be war in Europe!
Hut do l believe that this war is
probable? lam obliged to do so.—
Fact after fact occurs; and courier
after courier, from every country in
Europe, arrives with such rapidity,
“bringing additional facts and additi
onal news all leading to war, that 1
.am compelled.against my will to de
cline—yes, war is possible. Take
mw facts. Take the news which we
have received from the various couii
-tries-of Europe within the fast forty
eight hours, and tell me iiow 1 can
think otherwise.
From Uussin we have official in
telligence of the raising of troops—
of the non-recognition of our Louis
Philip King of the French—of the
determination of the Emperor to
maintain tliecurscd Holy Allegiance
system of 1815—of the marching of
troops to the environs of Germany—
and of the Protest of the St. Peters
burg!) Court against the exclusion of
the House of Nassau from Belgium,
fc against the, revolutionary spirit!!!
in the west of Europe 1
From Prussia we have official in
telligence of nearly one hundred thou
sand troops being.ready to march
into Belgium at an instant’s notice—
we have the fact of the marriage of
two members, of the families of the
Kings of Holland and Prussia which
hind them together to oppose the
late Revolution in Belgium— —we
have next the official news of the
concord existing between the Courts
of Berlin and St. Petersburg, as to
the course which should be adopted,
incase the. House of Nassau should ho
excluded.
From Belgium we have official
intelligence t ,f the exclusion for ever
.of the House of Nassau from all
power in Belgium!! adopted by a
majority in the Congress of seven to
one ! But we have more than this !
We have offtciul intelligence that
1 his decision was come to, notwith
standing before its decision a diplo
matic communication was made to
the Congress, on the part of Russia,
which stated, that, m case the House
of Nassau should be excluded from
ilie ihroue of Belgium, the peace of
Europe would be disturbed. When
this communication wuo made, were
the brave Belgians i.mimouUj and
the
Order ol the Bay—paid tto attention
to the diplomatic communication
which was intended to intimidate
them —and fitiully resolved that the
House of Nassau was for ever ex
cluded from the throne!!
From Holland wc have intelli
gence which is too. confirmatory of
our fears of war. Prussian troops
are entering Holland. Meastriclit
is reinforced by Dutch soldiers.—
Vcntoo is said to he retaken; Ant
werp is not to be abandoned; the ar
mcstic is in fact broken, and King
William remains obstinate and de-j
cided.—Luxembourg is to be oceu-!
pied with an army of the Germanic
confederation; and the King of Hol
land .treats the Belgian revolution as
an insurrection, and the Belgians as
rebels, lie is encouraged in this
view by Russia, Prussia, Austria and
Spain, who have all common inter
ests to protect and common views to
guide them.
From Austria vve have intelligence
of the levy of fifty thousand men in
Hungary—of the dissatisfaction of
the Court of Vienna with the present
order of tilings in France—of the
occupation of the south of Europe by
150,000 Austrian troops—and of the
resolution of the Emperor and Prince j
Mctteruich not to recognise the Bel j
gian revolution.
Os Naples, Sardinia, and Spain 1 j
will say nothing/ They will follow
their leaders! If the;; we are to;
have war, i* will begin about the i
question of Belgium. France will i
not allow Belgium to he attacked, :
and Prussia will resent the ioterl'er- i
once of France. Russia will not ad- ]
mit the exclusion of the Nussans, and ,
the Belgians have rejected iJvcin. I
What then do I fear? That war !
is, phis! inevitable. Try to avert |
it! assist in preventing it. But ifit
must come, then let Great Britain
and France act together, and the ;
contest against them in the final re-;
suit, will be as ludicrous as that of j
Don Quixotic and the windmills. 1
am, Sir, your obedient servant.
O. P. Q.
—O^-Oar—
Mr. O’Conneli. and-Sir Henry
llAitniNGE.—The Dublin papers of:
the 25th October, received at New
York via Havre, contain the cor res- i
pondence’ below, between Sir li.
Jlarikxce, Military Secretary to the
Lord Lieutenant who signed the
Proclamation for suppressing the
meetings for the dissolution of |l;,e
Union, and Mr. O’Co.NWELf.. The
present correspondence grew out of
certain expressions used by the hit
ter in a’ speech published in the
Freeman’s Journal of Oct 23d, in
which Mr. O’Conn ELI. is reported
to have used the following •words:—
“In the beginning off >his neek. j
you saw an English soldier, a hire-1
ling scribe, at the Castle, writing
down the freedom of our country. ‘ 1
had not before given my opinion up
on that infamous act—l had remain-j
cd silent -until i had counselled the 1
people, and obtained their, pledge,!
to obey the hnv—to keep the peace. 1
Having succeeded in obtaining that |
promise, 1 knew the people would |
rather die than violate it. I shall j
now then speak my mind upon tlioj
act of this English soldier.—(Gum.
hear, hear.) —I arraign that paltry, I
contemptible little lHiiglish. soldier, i
that had the audacity to put his piti- J
ful and contemptible name to an atio-1
eious Polignuc proclamation—(lolui I
cheers) —and that too in Ireland, my |
country—in this green land- flic j
laud of B rownlow—the country, of]
Grattan, now in his grave—(iiear, !
hear,) —the laud of Churleinont, and 1
of seventy thousand volunteers, the
heroes of the inunmtnl period of
1752. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
In that country it is that a wretched
English scribe, a chance child of for
tune and of war, urged on by his pal- 1
try pitiful lavvverlings, put his vile |
name to his paltry proclamation,
putting down freemen.—(Cheers.) —
“I would rather be a dog, ainj bay
the moon,” than the Irishman who
would tamely submit to so infamous
a proclamation. I have not opposed
it hitherto, because that would impli
cate the people, and give our ene
mies, the English Major General and
his lawycriiiif Staff, a triumph
(Hear, hear,) —But 1 will oppose it;
nnd that too, not in the way that the
paltry CaStlc scribe Would wish—by
forccj. No; Ireland is not in a state
for repelling force by force. Too i
short a period has elapsed since the ’
cause of contention between Protes
tants and Catholics, was removed— ■
Too little time Juts been giten for
healing the wounds of factious con-,
tent ion, to allow Ireland to use physf
ical force in the attainment of her
l ights, of the punishment of wrong. |
**#### I never will sub
mit to such audacity; and I here pro
mise that I never will cease to pur
sue the—miscreants, shall I call
them? No, that would be too hard
a phrase, hut I will call them the
despicable, base, miserable, paltry
creatures, with had heads and worse
hearts, who issued that nefarious
proclamation.”
The following is the correspond
ence which took place on this ptib
. lication:—
No. I.
“Secretary's Lodge, Oct. 23, IS3O.
My dear D’AciUtEER—I enclose
you the Freeman's Journal, in which
you will perceive that Mr. O’Con
nell has used expressions towards
me which proceeding from a person
who may ho supposed to have the
claims of a gentleman, if 1 were to
insult him, entitles me therefore to
call upon him, first to ascertain
whether he avows those expressions,
and next, whether lie is disposed to
maintain them, affording me in such
case tlie remedy which one gcntlc
man has a right to expect from an
]other. If Mr. O’Connell refuses to
jgite me this satisfaction, it will be
! for the world to judge how far that
! individual who chooses to screen
j himself from the usual consequences
j of insulting another, can. be justified
I in making use of intemperate lan-
Jguage, w hich would he grossly of
fensive proceeding from the lips of
j any gentleman.
“1 am my dear D’Agttilcr, yours
■very tiuly,
“11. HARDINGE.
| “P. S.—Mr. O’Connell will pro
jbubly not be at home at half past
‘twelve o’clock, and I therefore beg
of you to call upon him as soon as
you can.—S shall he at the castle at
one o’clock.”
Having in pursuance of the rc
j quest contained in this note, waited
upon Mr. O’Connell at his own
; house in Moirion Square, l read tfjc
■ contents of Sir 11. llardingu’s note
distiuc ly to Mr. O’Connell, and
] pointed out the olmoxiotis passages
in the report of the speech n inch Mr.
O’Connell Lien perused. 31r. O’-
; Comtek disavow! and the expression
“a chance child of fortune anil of
war,” and then entered into a geno
j rul conversation outlie subject. I
requested Mr.O’Connell to piit what
ever he might have to say in connex
ion with tins matter in writing in or
jdcr that I might run no chance uj
misrepresenting him in any way
more especially, as I bad no alterna
lave t hut turcqniio a disavowal of
• hose expressions which were ofieo
/ six c to Sir 11. Ilnrdinge, and w hich
‘arc recited in the passage above, ot
to demand that satisfaction which
; “as due horn one gentleman to an
! other.
I Mr. O’Connell then wrote the fol
lowing note, to which I replied in
| writing likewise as w ill be seen at
I the foot oi it.
No. 2.
j 31 r. O'Coancii does not fill him
!s< 11 called on cither to avmv or dis
| avow anv thing attributed to him by
jtho politic papers. At the same
j Hine, that if any allegation of fact he
pointed out to him —attributed to
I him—which is not true, he will rcutl
| ay either disavow the assertion ifun
j truly attributed, or contradict and
Intone in every way possible for the
j allegation if lie made use of it.
j No man living is more ready than
Mr. O’Couueil to disavow and a
loue for any error in point of fact,
which he may have fallen into.
Mr. O’Connell will not receive any
kind of communication with refer
ence to a duel, lie utterly disclaims
any reference to sucli a mode of pro
jceediiig, be the consequences of such
{disclaimer wliut they may, repeat
ing his readiness to retract and a
toac for any fact alleged by him not
founded in proof.
He spoke of Sir 11. Hurdinge in
his public eapacity, as an instrument
of despotism. He did not say one
word of him in his private capacity.
Asa public man, be did speak ol
Sir Henry as be would of any other
man who trampled on the liberties
of Irishmen—and he must say, that
fighting a duel would be a bad way
to prove that Sir Ilenry was right,
jor Mr. O’Cormell wrong,
j No. 3.
■ Having received this from Mr. O’-
j Connell’s hand, and read it in Mr.
O Cojiqdl’s presence it only .remains
for me to say, that this is net tTic dis- j
.avowal of the expressions required
by Sir H. Ilnrdinge-—and I . do, j
therefore, in tbiit gentleman’s naifte, I
call upon Mr. O’Connell for that sa-;
tisfuction, for his gross und intent -I
perute language, which is due from
one gentleman to another.
Mr. O’Connell having heard me
read this aloud, I hen said, “refused!
already”—but added, hi liis own ,
hand writing, “In addition t6the pas
sage I marked as disavowed (viz: I
a Chalice Child of Fortune and of |
Wat,) 1 diavow using the words j
“Hireling Scribe.”
GEORGE D’AGUII.ER.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Slate of the Country. —The accounts of riots, ‘
burnings, the destruction of threshing machines, :
cue. continue to be numerous from marly every ;
part of the country. The destruction of proper- j
tv is not great, barns, haystacks, ku\ being gene- !
rally set on fire* A desperate iiot took place at |
StoUield, in fiedfoidshire, at the beginning of j
the nionili: several of the ring leaders were tak- j
en into custody. Sixty prisoners had bceu lodg-!
ed it Gloucester jail, and two hundred and eighty j
in the Devizes Mouse o! Correction. The objec-j
lion to the use of machinery seems to be the prin-!
cipnl cause of the disturbances.
The new Ministry is preparing lor a thorough j
reform in the public expenditures. Beginning ■
with themselves, they are about to reduce all sa- >
laries owe third or one fourth, and a great ifcduc
lion iu the Civil List is contemplated,
The recent occurences iu England amount
nearly to a revolution in the government, and •
an insurrection of the people. Great Britain has
never before been in a more critical situation as
to iulertcrual affairs.— Nat. Lutz.
Karl Grey on He form in Parliament, Nov. 22
“My Lords, upon this most important question
to which the petitions just presented refers, it
cannot be necessary lor me to say much. My o
piniovis on that subject bavC been long know n.
If is not long since I had an opportunity, of ex
pressing them tj you, in the debate that occured
oil the first day of the session. I then stated what
: I now feel the necessity of, find what I now reite
rate, that the government of the country, by
i whom alone that measure can be satisfactorily
I settled, should take into its immediate consider-!
i Hliou tie state of the people in t'ariuiment, with 1
j a view to re-establish that confidence in the pub- \
lie mitul which the present constitution of i’arlia
! incut does not at present eiijOv the full extent re- j
J quisite for the safe government of the country, j
: My Lords, on that occasion 1 stated, and 1. now
! repeat* that 1 am not one Os those who will sup
! port any of those fanciful plans of Reform, which
i will lead to Reform, but to the work of mischief.
I have nev.er supported, nor will I now, those
principals of universal suffrage—of wide and ex
travagant changes—the idea of which has cer
tainly been too much promoted in this country.
I wish, 1 say, to slum! ;i& much as ! can, on the
true principles of the settled institutions in the
country,—(cheers)—and feeling that some re
form is noc ssTiiy, the principles on which I
should wish to regulate,thnt Reform will proceed
! on that footing.—AJy Lords, your Lordships will
i easily feel that this will be a task of no slight dil
! ficuMy: bin it aill be my object, Insecure to the
| people of this country their due influence in the;
Council in which they are particularly repie- I
1 sealed —to secure to them that due influence !
jby the means calculated to restore*a satisfaction •
1 and confidence—extensive to ihe utmost in this j
! degree, without which it would be ineffective, j
i but also by a careful attention to the settled in - j
) *titulions of the com.try, but nt>ovc nil, by uu j
earnest desire not to embark in tiny extensive \
1 change, as will lead todlstihbance and not quiet.
I- dj not Know that it is necessary for nre lo say J
any more—and what i have said is general—all j
that it amounts,to is tliis—-an acknowledgment ol j
i the principle ol reform, the statement of its ne- j
■ cessily, and my anxiety to regulate it in such a j
manner as to leslore confidence without upsiting ;
| any thing of essential importance, in our coustitu ;
{ tion. 1 world oi.ly say that those extravagant 1
! theories, iu which I know some indulge, which I 1
, believe, if carried into eflV.ct, instead of rc-eMa- i
i hiishingconfidence, would produce a ay atom of
: collision ami counteraction, which, whatever it 1
j may be my fhity to propose or support, it will
j never be toy object to advocate ”
i ’com. uu iiiiJiinond Enquirer. Jan. ti.
THE CITATION.
Some of the Southern Prints still
! express doubts, .whether the sum
mons ethlresscil to tile Stale of Geor
igia, he not spurious.—'t hey may
, dismiss such doubts. We have as
certained that the paper is uuqiies
lioimhly genuine.
Most of the papers in Georgia and
S. Carolina have already expressed
their astonishment and resentment
I at the issuing of any such summons.
They rejoice at the course which the
| Georgia Legislature promptly took
ujkiii the occasion—some of them
only are surprised hy the moderate
tone iu which Georgia has asserted i
her inalienable rights of jurisdic
tion.—But what species of jurisdic
tion would she possess within her
own acknowledged boundaries, if she
could no* exercise a criminal jurisdic
tion upon her own soil; if she could !
not try and bring to punishment an
Indian who had been guilty of nun
doling a white man ?—How dot s the
Supreme Coutt get any jurisdiction
iu the ease? Sujqiose tin; Chcrokees
to be Citizens of Georgia; the Con
stitution gives the Supreme Court no
jjowei to take cognizance of eases
instituted against a state by her own
Citizens.—ls they should peradveu
ture, he considered as Citizens of an
other oi of a foreign state, the Uth
article ol the amendments to the Con
stitution declares “That the Judi
cial Power of the U. States shall
not he construed to extend to any
suit iu Law or Equity, commenced
or prosecuted against any one of the]
U. States, by citiz.-ji.ss of another
State, ur by citizens or subjects
ny foreign State,.” —In the case of
Gliisloni, Ex. versus Georgia (2d.
Dallas’ Reports) the right of a Citi
zen of another State to sue a State
was maintained .by the Supreme
Court in 17U3 —But this amendment
was subsequently made to the Con
stitution which says the Reporter,
‘swept at once from the Records of
, the tom t, this ease, und all the other
suits against States/’ fn the Fed
eral Convention of Virginia, Mr.
! Marshall held even, that tinder the
j Constitution as it otiginally stood, no
! such cognizance could lie taken by
jihu Federal Court; “I hope (suys
■ lie) no gentleman will think that a
‘state will he railed at the bar of the
j federal court”— “It is not latidnal to
suppose, that the sovereign power
: shall be dragged before a .court!”
! Yet was Virginia actually tlraggcu-to
; that bar in ease of the Cohens—and
{Georgiais lo be dragged in the caso
i of Tassels.
| But will she now? The man is
, actually hung.
Tassels is gone beyond the verge
!of all h uina ll authority. No power
of tiie Supreme Court can “touch
him now.” They cannot bring him
from the grave—And what will they
do? Will they punish for a con
tempt —Whom? {Viil they imprison
the state of Georgia? Will they pu
nish the Sheriff or the Judge of Hall
county on whom no notice was serv
ed? Will they lay their hands or levy*
a fine on tlie Governor?’ They da/e
not—The fine never would bo paid
--No marshall or posse comitatua
would dare to lay a finger on Gover
nor Gilmer, ftr-iwearccrato him for
an allcdgcd contempt'. How then
stands the case? Where is the <Jtg
! nity of the Supreme Court in this di*
1 lemma?
The fact is, that the two govern
ments ought to hear and forbear,
Much discretion and delicacy must be
shcXvn in the use of the authority
they possess—and much n*ore care,
lest they assume a power which does
not belong to them—else, the two
systems must clash with each other
—and discord, dissention, and w©
know not what direfulcoiisiquenr.es,
may yet endanger .one of the most
beautiful and useful forms of govern
ment. tl at was ever devised by the
i wit of man. , -
] W e-eon fuss ourself entirely at fault
] ‘ v '<h regard to the recent proceeding
j of Judge Marshall, towards the State
|of Georgia. We do not understand
j it at all, and are more than half in
clined to agree with those who con
; sider it a hoax. At all events it is a
j most extraordinary proceeding ; and
as it strikes ns, a proceedingcalcula
’ ted to force the Southern Staffs into
the most violent conflict with the
General Government. Wc have ah
i ways said it and vve still most firmly
! believe it--the Federal authorities
and altruists of the North, are, and
; have been driving the Southern por
tion of the Confederacy into extreme
I measures. Much as we deprecate
i our otvn violence in S. Carolina, .wc
have no manner of hesitation in say
ing that Northern indiscretion is do
! ing most to keep it alive.—We hold
no term with Southern “Nullifies
! tion.” Wc view it with all the con
tempt w hich it deserves but it would
j be well for certain politicians at the
North to look to it, that they do not
come in for a full share of the blame
, for the consequences that are very
. sure to arise from a much further ex
. tent ion of their reliance upon South
! era good feeling and forbearance.
Camden Journal.
Extract of a letter from Washington
City, to the Editor of the Jiural
Cabinet, dated Dec. 14. 1-830.
“From the letter of Taylor, Ridge,
and Coody, contained in the enclo
sed paper, you will perceive that (lie
Cheiokc.es: (lidhd men at least) aic
determined to take all possible con
sequences which can result from
their continuance in Georgia.—
Who does not see in this additional
reason in favour of the course pitkt.
sued by our friends in the ?G<?orgiu
Legislature. These Cherokee lea
ders are determined to remain, Ire*-
cause they are determined to gov
ern their more ignorant country
men. How is their government to
he broken down ? not by lumberim*
tbe statute book with enactment af
ter enactment, which, in the pre
sent state ofthings cannot he enfor
ced, hut by a few plain laws to be
carried into operation by a white
population residing amo*’g them.
Take my wonj for it, Georgia Will