Newspaper Page Text
be. satisfied. If itav supported General Har- ,
risun, and inadvertently brought certain of!
lus trieolsinio puwer, they assuredly did mt
do so with the remotest expectation that a
and elective discriminating to nil, either open, or
disguised as a lax mi luxuries, was to be last
coed on them. And when they hod iliatsucli |
a result is likely to follow ‘-the events of fast
summer,” another “cnange ’ may come over >
the spirit of my colleague’s dream. ‘
Mr. Chairman; I haye no vatu regrets for.
the past; but let us look to the future, and j
watch closely the shadows whichever precede ,
coming events. Precaution is the sanguat |
of our rights and liberties; in this sp.nl only, (
as one of Uie people, and as a representative •
of the people, 1 sound the alarm. In doing !
so 1 have done mv duty; and come what
tnav of if, I shall always he consoled Gy the i
recollection that I have suffered no personal,
feelings to deter me from my post when I had
nought tofiice but a victorious and overwhelm
ing enemy.
From tho Federal Union, FVh. 23.
GOV. M ’ DON A L It’S RELIEF MESSAGE,&c.
The following judicious remarks on tins
important and interesting measure, from the
pen of Judge Warner, we take pleasure in
recommending to the notice of our readers.
II is letter cannot fail to exert a salutary and
wholesome influence on the mind of every im
partial reader. Such plain practical views,
and illustrations of the measures proposed by
the Governor lor the relief of the people, are
peculiarly important now, especially while so
many plausible and ingenious expedients for
deceiving, and misguiding the opinion of the
public as to the objects and effi c'sof the pro
posed remedy for their relief are brought for
ward by the opposition every where. In this
letter points of deep import to the wril being
of the whole community, are discussed with
great lucidness and power, and with dignity
and fairness.
The Republican principle that, ‘ The great
est happiness and comfort of the greatest
number, is the only safe maxim, and in the
long run, will prove as advantageous to the
security of the rich as it will be beneficial to
the comfort of the po<-r and industrious,” is
forcibly illustrated and maintained, and the
constitutionality as well as practicability of
the message, with the benefits, that would
have resulted to the whole people of Georgia,
had the proposed measure been carried out
by the Legislature, are ably and fully sustain
ed, and manifested too clearly, to he question
ed. In taking the liberty of presenting to
the public, this private letter, we offer no apo
logy other than that, which is lo lie found in
the important subjects of a public character
to which it relates, and Ihe gn at abilitv with
which they are discussed by flie writer. I his,
in the absence of any confidential intimation,
we think justifies its publication and • ur re
marks, to draw the attention of our readers
to a perusal of i', not doubting that the
rievvsand arguments it .contains, will receive
a hcartv concurrence rv.> >■•£? p'‘ r ' ion <>(
the people, and the confidence and respect of
every one at all acquainted with the distin
guished individual, fiom whom they ate re
ceived.
Greenvili.e, Ist Fel). 1811.
Dear Sir: — l received your letter by due
course of mail, but continued engagements,
have prevented me from answering it at an
early period. It is true as you seem to sup
pose, in the late Presidential contest, I did not
take any active part. When I accepted the
appointment of Judge of the Superior courts,
I considered myself the officer of the whole
people, and not the officer of any particular
party, and honestly endeavoured so to conduct
myself, as to secure if possible, the confidence
oi all—therefore, I laid off my political man
tle, reserving to myself the right to exercise
nay privileges, as a free citizen, bv voting for
such candidates for public favor as mv better
judgment might dictate. In the late politi
cal contest, I preferred Mr. Van Boren to
General Harrison, not so much on acco’unt of
the financial policy of Mr. Van Boren’s ad
ministration, as lor other, and different rea
sons, which, acco ding to mv judgment, are
of vastly more importance lo Uie interests of
the country. I have always professed to be j
a practical man. That which works well in
its practical operations, 1 am unwilling to ex
change for any abstract theory, however j
plausible it may appear. Abstract principles,
relating to financial operations more particu
larly, should always yield to the incontestible
evidence of practical experience. One prac
tical illustralibfi adapted to the wants and ne
cessities of mankind, is worth forty theories.
In regard lo the proposition for the relief of
the people, submitted bv Governor M’Donald
to the legislature at its last session. l have never j
entertained but one opinion. My constant
intercourse with a portion of the people do- i
ring the past year, enables me to know some
thing of their pecuniary embarrassments and
distress—and I was ie juiced to see the recom
mendation from the Governor, calculated to I
relieve them, without auv violation of consti
tutional obligations. The only matter of sur
prise with me is, that the plan proposed,should
have met with serious opposition Iron; any
quarter. It ought not to have been made a
party questi >n. The sufferings and distress :
of a chivalrous people should be considered
as paramount to all partisan considerations, I
so far at least, as to gram them relief. There
is however, one class of our fellow citizens
from whom, opposition to the proposed relief,
might reasonably have been expected—l mean
the note shavers, usurers, and those who have
been anxiously waiting to purchase the pro
perty of their neighbors, who unfortunately
happen to he in debt, lor one half its value.
Had the proposition of the Governor been
carried into practical operation, it would have
conveyed the tidings of joy and gladness to
the bosoms of many disuessed families; it
would have enabled them to save their horse,
their land, and their faithful servant, who
nursed them and their children in their infan
cy, from the iron grasp of the impatient cred
itor. This great good might have been ef
fected without injury to any body, so tar as I
can discover. The State possesses credit
which individuals do not. The proposition I
understand to have been, that the Stateshould
loan her credit to borrow the sum of two mil
lions of dollars, to be deposited in the Central
Bank, and then be distributed in loans to the
people who are in debt, in small sums, not to
exceed one thousand dollars, payable in three
years, and drawing the same rate of interest
which the State paid. These loans to the
people to be well secured by at least two good
indorsers. This would have enabled those in
debt to pay off the judgment creditor, make
two or three crops, and with the proceeds pay
the debt due the hank with the lawful inter
est, instead of rushing into the fatal embrace
of some hungry usurer, who would exhaust
all their labour in the payment of usurious in
terest, and then sell their properly to pay the
principal debt. I have carefully examined
the reports of the committees, adopted by the
majority in the Legislature, upon the subject
of the proposed relief, and cannot for a mo
ment entertain the belicfi that the people will
consider the arguments there advanced, either
sound, or well sustained in point < f fact. Ie
the report which was adopted by the majori
ty in the House ot Representatives, the com
mittee remark: “\\ hile we are duly sensible
of, and deeply regret the pecuniary embrrrass
rnents of many of our fellow-citizens, we fee!
constrained by a sense of public duty, to de
clare, that we deem it uinvise ami impolitic, to
use the credit, and pledge the property and !n
hour of the whole people, to raise money to
supply the private wants of a portion only of
the pe iple.” “The use of public credit” sav
the committee “should never be used for the
benefit of one class of the community, to the
exclusion or injury of the rest- whether the
demand for it grows out oi their cupidity, or
, real, or supposed pecuniary difficulties.” The (
! committee assume the (act, as the basis ot
their argument, that to grant the proposed te
|iie!j would be “taxing” one portion of the
people to benefit another portion, to wit; trie
debtor cla-s Is this tiue to point of fact?
Let us examine t, by way of illustration.
Tiiere are two neighbours residing near each
other—One of them is wealthy “and has an
j extensive credit, which will enable him to
: borrow money at eight percent interest—The
! other is in debt and becomes embarrassed, irt
! consequence of the “unprecedented failure of
jiiis cotton crop”—be applies to his wealthy
I neighbour lor the loan ot his credit, savs to
j him. it you will borrow tor me one thousand
a! eight per cent interest, I will give you mv
note payable in three years, dra wing the same
rate of interest, with two of my neighbours,
j (known to be worth three times the amount)
as security. The wealthy neighbour borrows
the money upon his own credit, loans it to his
embarrassed neighbour at the same rale of in
terest which tie pays, and is amply secured
lor its reimbursement—can you teil me, in
what manner ihe wealthy neighbour is “:ax
ed,” for the benefit of his neighbour who is in
I debt? The State in regard to her credit, oc
cupies the same relation to ilie people, whom
the Governor proposed to relieve, as the
wealthy neighbour does, to his embarrassed
neighbour, and would he liable, to be “taxed”
in the same manner, and no other. In fact,
the officers of the Central Bank, receive their
vdaries any how to perform the duties inci
dent to the institution, and could perform all
the additional duties, connected with the pro
posed relief, without further charge to the
State, except perhaps, the comparatively tri-
I fling expense, of raising the two millions of
| dollars, by the sale of S'ate bonds. But the
people will examine this question for them
selves. Will they in the-languageof the re
port, adopted by a majority of their Repre
sentatives, “feel constrained by a sense ol
public duty to declare, that they deem it un
wise and impolitic to use the credit of the
Slat*', to supply the private wants of a por
tion only of the people?” Was not the gov
ernment of Georgia established by the people,
Ihr their own benefit? Is it not ttie duty ot
the agents of the people, selected to adminis
ter the Government, so to administer it, as to
provide for their wants, and necessities? Is
the Government created by the people, supe
rior to the people themselves? Have the ser
vants of the people become their masters, and
may they with impunity, deny them that re
lief, which their unparalleled distress, so im
periously demands? If it is legitimate and
proper to look to the General Government for
reliel from pecuniary embarrassment, repre
senting as it does, the conflicting interests, of
twenty six different Slates, how much more
legitimate and proper is it, for the people of
‘his S-aie, to look to their own Government
for relief, representing as it does, (lie same
people, having the same interests? Although
the committee whose report was adopted,
“deeply reE*u” 1(10 diiOrocfoil condition of
their fellow-citizens; yet, in their opinion, it
would he “unwise &nd impolitic” to use the
credit of the whole people, to supply the pri
vate wants of a portion only, of the people.
That the people are in great pecuniary distress
is admitted; but the majority it appears, are
not. bound, to relieve the minority! !! I had
always supposed it was a settled axiom in re
publican governments at least, that the whole
was bound to protect the parts—that the ma
jority ol tiie people was bound, to protect the
rights and interests of the minority; but the
majority of the peoples representatives have
decided it is “unwise and impolitic, to use the
credit of the whole people, to raise money, to
supply the private wants of a portion only of
the people”—meaning as I suppose, that “por
tion of the people,” who from Providential, or
other cause, happen to be in debt. -To grant
relief to that portion of our fellow-citizens in
the opinion of ihe majority, in the Legislature,
would (to use their own language) be “impo
sing previous burthens, in the way of taxes,
j upon the many, for the benefit of the few.” —
| The “few,” to whom the Legislature refused
I to grant any relief, because it would “tax” one
j portion ol the people, for Ihe benefit of ano
j timr portion, may not constitute such a ve'ry
j contemptible minority, as seems to be suppos
ed, when the report of (lie ballot box shall be
heard, on the first Monday, in Occtober nex*.
j It is true, the Representatives of the people
i fell the “few” who are in debt, “u'e deeply
regret your pecuniary embarrassment, but in
effect tell them, it. was their own “cupidity”
which embarrassed them, their own impru
dence and they must work outtheir “own sal
vation,, with fear and trembling;” the Govern
ment cannot afford them any relief, for the
reason, that those who are out of debt, may,
j by a hare possibility, be ultimately injured by
jit.. This argument against granting the pro
: posed relief to the people, exhibits, in a most
j striking manner, how fruitful is the mind of
; man, in the invention of reasons, for not doing
that, which ho does not wish to do. It also
reminds me of an occurrence which took place
recently, on the road tq market. Three neigh
bours started to market with their produce,
ami agreed to travel in company. One ot
them having a tolerable heavy load, drove his
I waggon on apparently good ground, which
; however proved to be rotten, arid his waggon
sunk down, tip to the axletree—of course, he
was greatly embarrassed, and in much trouble;
but relied upon his companions to aid him in
getting out ot his difficulty. They soon came
up, and saw his condition. They'expressed
their “dee]> regret” for his situation, hut could
not lend him their assistance, as it would be
using the labour of the whole company, to
supply the “private wants, of a portion only;”
besides, it would be “unwise and impolitic”
tor them to aid him, as it might possibly mud
dy their clothes; therefore, he must work out
‘lie best way he could—it wak owing to his
own imprudence, he got into the difficulty, told
him he ought to have had better sense, and
left him, to struggle through unaided and alone.
Ilow much better, and humane would it have
been, for those two neigbours immediately to
have put their shoulders to the wheel, reliev
ed him from Ins embarrassed condition, and
have admonished him, about being prudent and
cautious, afterwards? But if is the delight of
some people “to laugh at our calamity, and
mock when our fear cometh.” There may be
some, who are honestly opposed to this great
measure of relief, on the score of principle:
and I am willing to admit, as a general rule,
that the people, ought not to rely too much on
the government for relief, but we must recol
lect, iliere is no general rule without its ex
ceptions. The “unprecedented failure of the
cotton crop,” the forced resumption of specie
payments by the banks, at a period, of unpar
rel'eled pecuniary embarrassments and dis
tress, constitute such an exception to the ge
neral rule, as demanded from the hands of the
representatives of the people, that relief, which
was so opportunely proposed by the Governor,
in their behalf Fortunately for the country,
we have an officer in the Executive chair, who j
has a practical knowledge of those every day j
affairs—one, who can readily understand their j
wants, and deeply sympathise with lhe : r mis- j
fortunes—prompted by the purest motives of j
benevolence, he boldly took the responsibility j
of proposing a constitutional remedy for the i
relief of the people, to their representatives; j
not doubting they would most heartily avail
hcmselves of the occasion to grant it. lie I
lid not stop to censure those in debt, for their)
mpruder.ee, nor tell them he “deeply regret
ed their embarrassed condition, without pro
'osing substantial relief, lie did not cavil a
out “taxing” one portion of the people, for
he benefit of another portion. So far as the
Manciple of the measure was concerned, he
mew it had received at least the sanction of a
cry respectable portion, of the members of
he Legislature, in the proposition to loan the
red it of the Sta*e, to build Rail Roads, and
o reueem the circulation of -the notes t f the
Central Lank. Ii it was legitimate and pro-
per, to loan the credit of the State for such
purposes, why was it not legitimate and pro
per, to use it, for the relief of the people whose
necessities were pressing, and immediate! 1
concur in opinion with you, the proposition of
the Governor evinces a very high regard for
the interests of the people, whose Chief Ma-
I gistrate he is: yet, if we only view it ns a
i measure prompted by benevolence alone, we
j shall come very far short of doing Governor
I M’Donald justice. The proposition not only
I proves him to have been animated by a lively
! regard, for the suffering condition ot that peo
ple, from whose ranks lie has been recently
elevated; but it also affords high evidence of
his capacity, as a practicalsiatesman. What
ever may be the ultimate fate of the measure
the Governor, has faithfully and fearlessly, dis
charged his duty—and I have no doubt, the
people will sustain him. lam opposed to an
extra session of the Legislgture, as it will be
composed of the same members as the last;
cost the State much money, and do no good to
wards relieving the people from their embar
rassments.
Very respectfully, your friend,
HIR AM WARNER.
Col. John G. Park, Milledgeville.
To the Stockholders of the Ga. 11. R. and
Banking Company. —This Bank, in obedience
to the act requiring the resumption of specie
payments, though not admitting that the pen
alty for refusing is applicable to us, under
the constitution, in good faith resumed the pay
ment of specie on the Ist inst. Immediately
a drain on our vault commenced to supply the
the demand of tire Western trade. To meet
that exigency, we had provided ourselves
with Tennessee Bank notes. But after the re
sumption, these were refused on the ground
that the Tennessee Banks were not paying
specie, and that it could be sold again at a
large premium. Our own people, in the
meantime, were very moderate in their de
mands ; not usually going beyond what was
necessary tor the purposes of change. So far
as they are concerned, our n ceipts of specie
exceeded what we paid out to them.
But as soon as the news of the suspension
to the eastward, and the determination west
to remain suspended spread, alarm became
manifest. The run commenced, and contin
ued with increased intensity up to the second
week. On the 13th, at a meeting of cit izens
in this place, resolutions were adopted re
commending suspension by all the Banks in
Georgia, which resolutions may be seen in
the public prints. On the night of the 14th,
we received notice from Augusta, that large
demands for specie, or northern exchange,
would probably be made on us the next day.
They were made, as was anticipated. On
Tuesday evening, the Directors then in Ath
ens met, and acting on their own convictions,
as well as on the known opinions of absent
members, then considering that, in the exist
ing state of excitement, if we continued to pay
specie, we must soon part with a large part of
our supply, the consequence of which would
have been heavy and unceasing demands on
our debtors for reductions on their note?, de
termined to suspend specie payments for the
{.'resent.
I he propriety of this determination will be
the better appreciated, when it is known that
in two weeks from the Ist inst., this Bank and
its Branch at Augusta supplied the public
between one hundred and fifty and two hun
dred thousand dollars of specie funds; and
that we still have a supply of over §IOO,OOO
in specie, to enable us to resume, as soon as
another crop shall enable our debtors to fulfil
their engagements with us.
It is thought proper to add, that if, in this
movement, we had pursued the usual course,
we would have continued to pav out our coin,
and have pro eedt and t collect, with the least no; -
rible delay the debts due us bv the people.
But the effect of such proceeding, it was be
lieved, would be disastrous. Those who owe
us live cheifiy in that part of the State in
which the cotton crop of the last year was an
almost total failure. They cannot pay us
what they owe, until they-make another crop,
without a sacrifice of property beyond all for
mer example, within our knowledge. Jf we
had determined to press them by suit, it is not
seen how wide spread ruin could‘have been
avoided, occasioned by the sale of property at
ruinous prices.
We have, under these circumstances, deter
mined to place ourselves before the public and
our Stockholders, as having taken a position
demanded by the best interest, as t hey believe,
of both parties. If we shall succeed in war
ding oft; to any extent, the mischief that
threatens the public from the failure of the
cotton crop, it will amply compensate for any
temporary loss we may sustain. For our Rail
Road is dependant on the people ; by their
prosperity, it must prosper. Ruin them, and
i will not be worth owning ; for they will be
able to make nothing, to carry on it to market,
and, of course, be able to buy nothing to be
brought back on it for their consumption.—
We have taken the position, moreover, with
full confidence in our ability to pay every dol
lar of the notes we have in circulation; hav
ing, beyond all question in specie, notes, bills,
Rail Road and corporate property connected
with it, over three dollars for one of bills in
circulation : owned by a list of Stockholders
numbering near five hundred, and consisting
of the very bone and muscle of the country,
who are both able and willing to sustain the
enterprise in which they have keen so long
and so arduously engaged.
This circular is addressed to you for the
pupose of putting it in your power to correct
any misrepresentations that may be current
as to the course we have pursued.
Bv order of the Board,
WM. BEARING, Pres’t
Athens, Feb. 20, 1841.
From the Comet of Many Tales, a Comic Almanac
for the year 1 841.
SOVEREIGNS OF THE WORLD.
England. —Victoria, m 1819. Queen, de
fender of the faith and of her ministers; who*
in return for her patronage cling to her person
and her table with the tenacity of ivy, and like
the ivy, would be in the dust to morrow but
for the support to which they cling. She is
the only wife in the empire who is not subject
to her husband —dejure we mean; for far be it
from us to say that she is not subje ct to him
de facto. If her being the wife of a prince
whom she has chosen for herseif be an auspi
cious omen, her reign cannot but be prosper
ous—as heaven grant it may. That her hus
band is worthy of his good fortune is proved
by the fact, that all the world has been talk
ing of him for the last twelve months without
uttering a word to his dispraise. He appears
to be winning golden opinions by assimilating
himself to the English gentlemen—a cbarac
ter which the greatest monarch in the world
might be proud to make his model.
France. —Louis Piiillippe, born in 1773.
A man of three titles—Duke of Orleans, King
; of the French, and Napoleon be la I’aix The
: first the workof birth; the second, the work of
| accident; the third, the work of talent His
fortune has been triple, like his title—first a
Noble, next a Jacobin, and thirdly a king. liis
wealth is enormous, and he has used it for .three
purposes—to enjoy the reputation of being the
richest man in Europe to marry his daughters
to all the needy princes of Europe; and to pur
chase the French by gilding Versailles for the
Parisians, hanging up the fables of French
battles, and delighting them, from the peer to
the beggar, with the belief that they are the
first populace in the world. A people of con
tradictions, they are now with one hand trum
peting a challenge to Europe, and with the
other digging a ditch for the defence of Paris.
They have erected a despot, under the title of
a “citizen king,” and to revive republicans,
are bringing back the bones of the haughtiest
of emperors.
Gh.ina. —Taou Kwaug.—China is the great
tea warehouse of mankind. A quarrel hav-
ing been raised by some of its dealers, the
warehouseman hcc shut up his shop. Foolish
as tins was the oealers stood on the point, and
determined to starve —more foolish still. But
this was not enough. The warehouseman
turned some of igp capital into powder and
phot, and building up Ins windows, mounted
them with guns. The dealers, already half
I r ’-thied, resolved to go the whole length*, turn
led the tea money into cannon balls and Con
jgreve rockets, and determined to burn down
j l he warehouseman, shop and all. to force him
I to trade with them again—most foolish of the
j whole! The affair is going on still, and the
j dealers said that, when they have destroyed
I some thousand of Chinese lives, and wasted
| some millions of British money, they will only
!be the more amiable on both sides, and will
i have the privilege of buying more tea and sel
j ling more poison than ever.
| Belgium .—Leopold the first, born in 1790.
j Ihe luckiest of the luckiest family of Europe,
j An Austrian Captain of cavalry who superce
ded the Prince of Orange in the alliance of the
Princess Charlotte of England; enjoyed a
pension of £50,000 a year for twenty years,
ot which he saved every shilling; next super
ceded the Prince of Orange in the possession
of Belgium, and is now a King on the simple
credit oi having a good leg, doing nothing, and
being a Coburg.
Russia. —Nicholas the first, born in 1790
—a daring, active, and an ambitious despot.—
He began by excluding his brother from
the throne, and is supposed to have the lar
gest oesophagus of any sovereign inexistence.
He has already swallowed Poland ; has made
an enormous bite out of Persia ; holds Tar
tary in his left hand, ready for luncheon ; Tur
key lies dressed before him for dinner, and
what lie is to sup on, or where, is known on
ly to himse sand his old namesake. But he
is vigorous, vigilant, subtile, and persevering ,
and therefore, the better to be baffled by Lord
Palmerston.
Pi ‘ussia. —William the Fourth, born in
1'95. Since the beginning of this year, suc
cessor to his father, Frederick, William the
Third. His character is yet to be known.—
He is a supposed lover of war, as all princes
are for want of something else to do; and
certainly no lover of the French, from his rec
ollection of that most polished and plundering
of all nations; but a worshipper of Russia, on
the principle that makes the African bow
down.
Austria. —Ferdinand, born in 1793. In
Aus r a th Gove anent is w! oily eons'ructed
on the principle oi the nursery ; the people are
children who think of nothing but their break
fasts, dinners, and suppers, and, if furnished
with dolls and dances, are as happy as the
day is long. But they never grow. When
good humoured, they are suffered to run
about the fields, provided they never run out
ol sight of the hea l nurse, and can be brought
back by a check of the apron string. While
they live, they merely walk in go carts ; when
they die, they are merely wrapped up and put
to bed.
Spain.- —MtTTtfi IslbeTM’ Louisa, born in
1830; The youngest of sovereigns, though
by no means the most childish. 1 ier mother
manages the State for her; Gen. Espartero
manages the State for her mother ; the city
of Madrid manages the St ate for Gen. Espar
tero ; the mob manages the State for the city
of Madrid ; and the mob itself is managed by
the beggar, the thief and the soldier. The
civil war has died out for want of material,
and Spain is now amusing itself with shooting
prisoners.
Portugal. —Maria de Glcrin, born in 1819
—Sovereign of an “independent” country,
which England alone saves from being swal
lowed up by Spain; ruling by an “imperisha
ble” constitution, which has been changed
three times since her accession in 1820, and
sitting on the throne of an enlightened, free,
and “tranquillized” nation ; themselves ruled
by the priests, the police, arid the mob of Lis
bon.
Sweden and Norway. —Charles John the
14i J), born in 1704; iormeriy Beruadotte ; a
singular !• stance oi fortune, seconded by con
duct. A Frenchman entering the service as
a common marine ; then rising above the high
est to the ihroive ; and then rising above the
man who placed him there, by keeping the
throne when Napoleon had lost it. He now
lives the solitary survivor of Napoleon man
archs, a bold, vigorous, and honest man ; a
brave soldier, a successful general, and in a
country of strangers, a secure king.
Turkey. —Abdel Melted the Unfortunate,
the son oi Mahmoud the Unlucky, born in 1823.
He has come to the throne as a man might
come to his dinner, with a party of wild beasts
round the table. It is not likely that he can
much enjoy his meal. All the sovereignties
of Europe are open mouthed round him, and
lie is spared from hour to hour only by the
show of their tusks at each other. But the
first bite is the signal for universal battle, and
whichever gorges, Turkey must furnish the
meal.
Holland. —William the First, born in 1775.
The first King of the Netherlands—a kingdom
cut from France by the scissors of the Con
gress of Vienna, and cut in two by the hatch
ets of the mob of Brussels—a prince hard
headed, hard working, and hardly used. To
solace the cares of sovereignty in the foggiest
land of the universe, he ieli in love. But the
Duke dreaded the expense of a royal marriage,
the Prince of Orange dreaded a step mother;
and the old w omen of the court a rival. What
king could preva 1 against the union of forces ?
William the First, with a broken heart and
helpless sceptre, had tire sole alternative of
marrying or resigning. A Mark Anthony of
seventy, he has resigned.
U. S. Bank Stockholders. —The position of
the Directors oi this institution before the pub
lic, is indeed one of extreme delicacy. They
a:e only contending with public prejudice,
while the innocent stockholders are lone in
danger of becoming the victims of popular ex
asperation. Those who are now engaged in
a crusade against the < ank, should remember
that the officers of the institution cannot, be
made the pecuniary victims. They may en
dure the odium which is heaped indiscrimi
nately upon them, and yet not suffer, except
in feelings and reputation. But tire widow
and the orphan have some claims upon the
forbearance of the public.
The unoffending and injured stockholders
have a right to legislative protection. They
need the aid of the popular voice to save them
j from great losses, and so ne of them from irre
! trievable ruin. It would be well for those
j who are eager to join in a ruthless crusade
j against this Bank, to remember to chasten
■ justice with mercy, and not to involve indis
criminately the innocent with the- profligate
and guilty.— Phil. N. American.
AVLeod. —The Batavia Times and Journal,
of the 11th inst, contains sundry particulars
in relation to the indictment of M’Leod. Ii
says:
“An unusual number of wfinesses were in
i attendance, and examined in this case—some
iof them from a grea ■ distance. The unanim
; ity which characterized the proceedings of the
jury, shows conclusively, that taken ex parte,
i the case is a strong one. There are twenty
jurors present, nineteen of whom were for the
indictment of murder.
“The prisoner was brought before the court
on Saturday last, and was informed by the
District Attorney of the finding of the bill of
indictment, after which he was remanded to
jail, by,an order of the court, until the next
term of the Oyer and Terminer, which com
mences on the 4th Monday of March, when
it is expected his trial will come on—unless
his counsel should show cause why his trial
should be removed to some other county.”
O’ The foreign imports into the port of
Mobile for the quarter ending 31st December,
1849, amounted to 8173,699. Same time in
1839, §lo2,39B,— Savannah Rtp.
TUB TIMES.
Columbus' marchl umi.
Hon. E. J. BLACK.
In this paper will be found the speech of
Mr. Black on the Treasury Note Bill. W e
shall, at an early day, publish the remarks ot
Mr. Nesbit, to which the speech of Mr. Black
is a reply.
APALACHICOLA &; ST. JOSEPHS.
Vv e regret to learn that the union which
was supposed to be effected between these
rival towns, and of which we made mention
two or three weeks since, will not, probably*
be consummated—and that each of them is
reposing on its sovereign rights. It may be
to them the repose of death.
The Columbus Enquirer must excuse us
for extracting so liberally from its columns-
Its editorials furnish such rich materials for
comment, and are placed before us in such
various profusion, that it would be unjust both
to that paper and the Public, to omit any men
tion of them.
The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday says
that “ Mr. Granger, the Post Master General,
is well known as the candidate for Vice Pre
sident on the ticket with Gen. Harrison in
1830.”
Will the Enquirer be kind enough to state
what that ticket was called; and whether Mr.
Granger was not placed on it, to conciliate a
double interest.
The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday says
that, “some of the early political positions of
Mr. Webster, it is true, have never met their
approbation.”
Does, the Enquirer mean to say that Mr.
Webster has changed or repudiated any of bis
former political opinions! If it does, it and
Mr. Webster are at issue.
The Columbus Enquirer of yesterday, says
that “our political institutions are, for the next
four years, safe from the covert attacks of Fed
eralists and Consolidationists in disguise.’,
As Mr. \\ ebsfer and Mr. Badger are to
have a voice in the Administration of the Go
vernment, the Enquirer would seem to inti
mate that the “disguise” is to be removed, and
that the “attacks” will not hereafter be “cor
crt.”
THE NEW POST MASTER GENERAL.
our readers are already apprised that the
lion. Francis Granger, at present, and for sev
eral years past, a Representative in Congress*
from the State of New York, has received and
accepted, from the President elect, the station
of Post Master General of the United States.
On the mention of the name of this gentle
man, in connection with the very important
and responsible Department of the General
Post Office—various journals, North and
South, proclaimed the Abolition prepossessions
of Mr. Granger, and deprecated his elevation
to a seat in the Cabinet. Several weeks since 7
indeed, and prior to the semi-official announce
ment of the names of ihe gentlemen, who
were to be the Constitutional Advisers of the
President elect—the occasional rumors which
met the public eye that Mr. Granger might re
ceive a Cabinet appointment, were viewed
with alarm and apprehension; and drew, from
the friends as well as the foes of General [lar
riscn, in the South, the earnest, and almost
unconscious exclamation—“lt cannot lie—so
open and unwarrantable an assault upon the
rights and feelings of the South, cannot be con
templated by the President elect-” Probably
not an individual will read this article, but can
call to mind remarks of a similar character
made in his presence—with, perhaps, the ad
ditional comment that it was a trick a device of
the defeated party to injure, in advance, the
Administration of Gen. Harrison.
Now, General Harrison has declared, in a
public speech in Richmond, Virginia, and upon
the authority, too, of Mr. Grander himself, that
the latter gentleman is no Abolitionist—that,
he disavows the name and the doctrine, gen
erally and in de*ail—and requests, if he prove
a wolf in sheep’s clothing 1 , to be evicted from
the Cabinet. There is certainly vcrv great
misapprehension somewhere—or what is more
probable, General Harrison and Mr. Granger
affix one definition 1o the term Abolition—and
the Southern people quite a different one. It is
Hearty evident, (Tor the furls on record will au
thorize no other interpretation,) that the Prrs
dert elect and bis Constitutional Adviser, re
strict the appellation to those merely, who be
lieve lhal Congress has the constitutional new
er to interfere with slavery in the States where
T exists, and are in favor of the exercise of
that power, now or hereafter. Tn this sense’
Mr. Granger mav he no Abolitionist. Tut
where is the danger in this matter? Docs it
proceed from him who disclaims all constitu
tional restraints on this subject, and is for im
mediate, unconditional and unlimited emnnei
patjon] Or, is <he deadlv enemv to Southern
slavery —the vinerto be dreaded, he who, un
der hypocritical professions of constitutional
obligation—under fbe ostensible ptea of am d
ing the rio-ht of petition—is soothing the ap
prehensions of those unacquainted with the
nature of his designs, while, by slow but sure
J effects, be is infusing poisonous tendencies
! into our moral and political arrrangements
| T,ot the question be fairlv met, and let Mr.
j Granger abide its test. Will the supporters
of the new Administration denv that Mr.
Granger insists upon the right and the duty of
j Congress to receive abolition petitions—upon
the power of Con cress to discard slavery
in the District of Columbia. —and upon the
propriety and necessity of the exercise of that
power, at some period? Ts no* fh : s abolition
ism. according to the sense and understanding
of the South? If not, whv characterize the
petitions presented to Congress as abolition
memorials? None o f them prav the interpo
sition of Congress in the matter, in the States.
Not at all. They onlv ask its ■ ication j
from the District of Columbia- Has not the
South declare^ l again and again that it will
suffer no interference with the subject, even
in that District —as the real design and object
of the movement, thus restricted, were tg
work far more extensive and incurable mis
chiefs?
The Richmond Whig attempts to exculpate
Mr. Granger from the charge, by the exhibi
tion of proof— and what is this proof? Why,
that Mr. Granger had voted that it was un
constitutional for Congress to meddle with
slavery in the States where it exists. Does
this meet the question? Has any member of
Congress, having the slightest discretion, voted
otherwise, as it respects the States? An avow
al o* their real designs would defeat their
’ most cherished purposes—disclose their covert
intentions, and frustrate all their plans. Mr.
Adams himself—who is daily and hourly re
j ceiving the anathemas of the whole Southern
press —if his own explanations are to be cred
ited, desires on'y the acknowledgment, on the
part of Congress, of the right of petition —
and yet who confides in the sincerity of these
declarations of Mr. Adams? Does he not
daily furnish himself the refutation of them*
; and show that his designs are more extensive,
i deep and daring in their nature—that this can
dor, and professed reverence of the right of
petition—are-cunningly affected for the pur
pose of giving additional strength to political |
views, manifestly hostile to the spirit of our
I Government—-and which, when introduced in
to the bosom of our country, will operate up
:on the Body Politic, like poison infused into
j the human system.
But, the Macon Messenger pronounces the
‘charge that Mr. Granger is an Abolitionist,
“false”—“utterly false”—and the Columbus
Enquirer of yesterday, in its accustomed posi.
tive and dictatorial tone, employs the follow
ing language—“ The fact is, if there had ever
. existed against Mr. Granger the l ast suspicion
of even a leaning towards that abominable
I heresy, he would be far from holding any
place in the new administration, lie lias not
only denied the charge, and hurled it back
| with scorn, but has always condemned with
great severity the wretched designs of these
people.” Now, it would be wrong to suppose
that the editors of the Enquirer do not. under- ;
j stand fully the meaning and import of lan
guage. We, by no means, intend to imply
| even that they do not. But then, they do not
; always employ it as the “representative of
i things”—-lor, il they did, they would certainly
have abstained from the use of the terms—
“least, suspicion”—“leaning”—“scorn”—and
“great severity”—when speaking of Mr
Granger’s abolition notions—and for two very
sufficient reasons. First, these terms da not
tally with the facts in the case—and second,ihe
! Enquirer would be running counter to various
of its own statements, in times past, respecting
I the peculiar opinions of Mr. Granger on the
subject of slavery. It Mr. Granger “has ai
ways condemned with great severity the wretch
ed designs of these people”—the Enquirer
ought to be able to furnish some proof on the
subject; and if such evidence be extant, why
then all we have to say is that the Enquirer
and Messenger ought to make full and ample
atonement to Mr. Granger for all the injury
and injustice, which they, in common with al
most every Southern print, have heretofore so
lavishly and unsparingly heaped upon him.
The truth is, the whole cabinet from Mr. Web
ster down is unacceptable, to use no stronger
word, to the more candid and steadfast of the
Old State Rights party—but the Enquirer*
true to its party instincts as the needle to the
pole, “distends its elastic throat, Anaconda-like*
aad would swallow any “Minister” whom the
President elect bids it receive, be lie Abolition
ist, Federalist, or not. Like the obseqi.ius
Frenchman—Tell him to go to he;!, to hell he
goes.”
Many of the local dissensions of a political
nature, with which we have, from time to
time, been afflicted, have originated with men
like Mr. Granger. And unless some effica
cious mode is adopted of checking their per
nicious career, they will not only paralyze
the operations of the Government, but soon
involve ns in all she horrors of intestine war;
unless they are held in proper subordination
by the general voice of the country, or con
trolled by law; unless they are excluded from
places that facilitate their operations, she peo
ple of this country must prepare to surrender
their rights, and suffer their opinions to be
regulated not by their own good sense, but bv
men, governed by no principles or feelings,
but those which interest or unprincipled am
bition inspire—who would heedlessly abandon
(he interests of the Republic—disregard the
oaths of office—trample under foot all public
considerations—and violate, without remorse,
those plain and eternal precepts of justice
which even savages respect.
Prom the New York Times, and Evening Star Feb.
18.
GOLD AND PAPI-ill IN'GREAT BRITAIN.
We are indebted to a gentieninnoflhiscity,
says the Philadelphia Inquirer, himself an able
judge of finance and currency, for a valuable
work on the financial operations of the British
Government. It was sent to this country hv
the celebrated Joseph Hume, M. P. From
it we learn the following progress of ennenev
and taxation, from the year 1 SOI to 1833 in
clusive.
Iti 1801, the nett produce of the'British rev
enue in paper amounted 1o 34,113 146?; in
gokl, to 31.777 048?; gold being at S3-* 74 p< r
ounce. PopttVion 16,388,102, and the taxa -
tion per head, 1 IS9?
In 1808, the revenue in naner nmotnitpd to
62 098 191?; in gold to 57 584 201?; rmld hein *
at 85s S I per ounce. Population 17.871.563.
Taxation per head—3 4 4?.
In 1815, the revenue in paper nmoun'ed f
72.210 512?; in gold to 60 575 156?; gold be
ing 92-. 10.1. per ounce. Popnlalion 16.563
935; Taxation pur head 3 1 11/. (This yea
closed the great European warn.)
In 1823. the revemie in paper was 55 187
142?; in gobl 55.187.142?; the price of gob
being 775. 10 1 24. per ounce! Popidatio
23.304 120. Taxation per head 27 4?
In 1838, the revenue in paper was 47.333,-
460?; in gold the same; the price of gold be
ingasinlß2B. Population 26 688,879. Tax
ation per head 115 5.
A forthcoming publication states thepont -
lation of the United Kingdom of Great Bri
tain in 1840 to be 27 200.000.
WASHINGTON NEWS* OFFICE.
Thursday, Feb. 25 h.
After our paper went to press, about Id
o’clock last nigh s , an alarm of fire was giv
and the store of Messrs Burton and I’.dot <•
the south-west, corner of the public sqm
was discovered to be in flames. The fire ha
ing taken in the most exposed part of t
town and our citizens being perfectly destitute
of any means of arresting it, spread with great
rapidity in different directions from the place
of its origin until it had consumed part of the
town in which a great portion of the bu
siness was done, and was only arrested at last
by the most vigorous exertions.
We have suffered in common, with many
others of our fellow citizens, but our loss is
trivial compared with theirs. Our printing
establishment was luckily at a distance from
the square and therefore sustained no injur}’.
The principal losses were Mr. A. A. Cleve
land (store and dwelling house burnt,) Burton
& Felot, store burnt, and a house owned by
Burton & Pelot, and occupied by .T. Hogan
as dwelling house and shop—John R. Edison’?)
store and dwelling house ; house owned lot
A. A. Cleveland and occupied by Getting /*
Butler as a law office and Dr. Ficklen ; house
owned by Mrs. Corbet; & Tailors shop occu
pied by \\ in. I. Sohan ; store au I dwelling
house owned and occupied by F. T. Willis;
store, owned and occupied by McMillen &
Vincent; store owned and occupied by Wm.
F. Sohan; store unoccupied owned by F. T.
Willis ; store owned by J. I). Thompson and
occupied by Geo. W. Jarrett; store owned
and occupied by Johnson &. Waterhouse;
house owned by W. F. Sohan ; house owned
and occupied by John Burkes, besides a great
number of valuable out buildings. The loss
cannot be less than -335,000.
From the Apalachicolian, Fob .20.
Probable, loss of the k i steamer Lamplighter.
Captain IWcx/.—iJiki steamboat Lamplighter,
Capt. Wood, left this poit on Saturday last the
13th inst, for T&mpe Bay. When about five
miles outside of AheEast Pass, she broke ifer,
shaft, and was compelled to come to an an
chor. Two of the passengers, and the car
penter of the steamer, left in the small boat
to procure assistance; after proceeding sjme
distance they met sebr. Rockwell, Capt. An
natoync, who immediately started to relieve
those on board the disabled boat—it then be
ing late, the Rockwell did not reach the place
where the steamer had come to anchor, until
it was dark, and a severe gale then springing
up, she could not be tound that night. Fur.
ther search was made on the following morn
ing, along south Cape and Dead Man’s Bay,
but nothing could be seen of the steamer, nor
of her wreck, and the probability is, that she
drilled out to sea during (lie gale, and went to
the bottom. The L. had ten passengers, in
clusive of the two who left her, and a full crew,
and it is lamentable indeed, if all on board
have perished.
The steamboat Caroline, of St. Marks* pas
sed within a few miles of the Lamplighter,
a short time after her shaft was broken,but re-
timed logo to her assistance, in consequence,
as the Captain said, ol having as many passen
gers as he could accommodate.
Flood at ISashvilh, Term ‘sscc. —On the night
of the litli ult. the Cumberland river rose to
an extraordinary height, sweeping every thing
away in its progress and overflowing all the
lowlands in its neighborhood. A large portion
of the t *wn of Nashville on the east side of
Broad street was covered with water, which
m many places tilled the basement stories of
Ute houses. Amid the destruction caused by
the watery element, it is gratifying to add that
we have seen no account of any loss of hu
man life.— Columbus Enquirer if yesterday.
WESTERN BANK OF GEORGIA.
We copy the following information relating
to this bam;, from the Western Georgian of
23;i inst.
“This institution commenced the redenip
iott of her circulation on the Ist inst., and has
continued to pay out promptly, all her liabili
ties io lull holders, and others, in specie, with
out any delay or hesitation. The demand on
this institution for specie up to this date has
not been very large, and there has been no
excitement in this section concerning its lia
bility.-. In lact we have no fears tor its fu
ture ability to sustain itself, under the man
agement ol its present energetic and able
officers. We sincerely believe at this time
there is not an institution in the State better
able to sustain itself under a resumption of
specie payment. They plank up the “itino”
cheerfully and promptly.”
MEETING IN 7 ATHENS.
Since the publication of the proceedings of
the public meeting in Athens, we have re
ceived the following note from Judge Harri
son, who presided at the meeting, with the
request that we should give it publicity, and
a; k those papers tea copies the proceedings
to do the same.— Augusta Chron. 23 d inst.
Athens, Feb. 11J, 1841.
i o the Editors of ihe Chronich & Sentinel.
ikeii'l men — l noticed in your last paper the
proceedings of a meeting of the citizens of this
jdace, beld lust Saturday, in relation to the
suspension ot’ our Batiks, at which J presided,
i avail niyselt ol l!ns mode of saying, that
although i presided by the request of my fe
iow citizens at the meeting, i did not concur
With that portion ol them that recommended
a. su.sj-cusioii, believing then as I do now, that
Me Banks should bo held to a faithful and
honest discharge of their obligations.
Respectfully, your obd’t servant,
THOMAS W. HARRIS.
(Corresj oucknce of the Charleston Courier.)
Washington, Feb. 20.
Air. Wise visited Richmond last week, and
Mr. itives went also, in order to insure the
i appointment of a day to go into the election
or U. S. Senator. It is said that or. Wise is
anxious to tbtain the office for himself, but he
must be unsuccessful, as Judge Upshur is
understood to be tins regular party candidate.
(Correspondence of the Charleston Courier.)
Washington, Feb. 20.
On Mr. Clay meeting Mr. Rives the other
day, he observed, “I want no more experi
ments., Mr. Rives.” “No sir,” replied Mr.
Rives,” “nor I any more U. S. Banks.” I
only heard this anecdote.
Air. Dawson, ol Georgia, it is said, is to be
made speaker of the House at the extra Ses
sion. lie preters it to being Governor of
HU ’ f 'i(- party here too : for Georgia
It is feared i- ./ month at some of Mi. Clay’d
;JTi;s—partum rh, . protect .e Tariff espe
; ciftlJy sint - Mr. Alford h:e- turned up tin
nose at 1 1 . v. hoie Box.
Prom c Charleston Courier, ]\l, -ch 24.
D-o' h Judge Barbour. —The whole city
’ was Hi >-4, yesterday morning, (says the
fv.'tonal Intelligencer of the26tii ult.)*by tl e
immnation of tfie sudden demise of the Hon.
!> I*. Harbour, of \ irginia, one of the As
■ Justices of the Supreme Court. He
usual health and more than usually
at the time of retiring to bed at 10
’ or Wednesday night, and the next
i mornn. r.; - found m his bed a lifeless corpse!
• harbour entered Congress, in the
i m.e oi a. - presents lives, in the year 1814,
; and soon e-gnaitzed hum-est by cons.derable
lability in debate. Ho remained in Cot green
| tor t number ->t yours, during a part of which
i time lie idled ibe ii utoroblc office of Speaker
jor the House. Since retiring from Congress,
| b.s *;!h >;•)’ bo-:* do oted with great assiduity
j"ib .a; duties with he had been cal'eci
t . perform.
T Hie Sonare of ‘ -,e next Congress will
be ft: i ou the 4 ii of March, with the excep
tion one : -v in the representation f
V:rgm;a, and o,; . that of Tennessee. The
elei-i.t.u to u ■ V irginia vacancy . •
;la ?on the ft >i Marc l —Savannah ]{, ,
i Truman Stillman, M D., states in a
no* - the j.-liters of the New Orleans Yd
-e- . ek m exifonded $200,00(1 ori
pi.nm.s a;.d f.- c-s for advertising, &c. his
Concentrated jfyrup of Sarsaparilla and Pills
within the past 12 years. His receipts during
hat period he says has been $1,000,000. &
Savannah Rep.
Missions—lt is stated as an interesting fact,
‘hat the hfeest local Protestant Church on
mrth, is u the Heathen world, at llilo,Sand
■vtch Islands. Upwards of 5000 have been
•onver: J there the last year. The present
lumber of church members in these islands
,s no ,/Ss than 15,915— Savannah Rep.
paper says that in one pin-
t e es!; ibl i-; h merit no fewer'than forty-fire rail
vrms of Steel pens were manufactured be
ween October, 1838, and October, 1839
Savannah Rep,