Newspaper Page Text
Veto message.
from the President of the United State?, re
turntugwith Ins objection?, the hill, “To provide for
the belter c<> lection, safekeeping, and disbursement
of'he public revenue, by means of a corporation, to
be si vied the Fiscal ‘Joipoiauoii of the United
States.' 1
To the House of Representatives of the L". States:
It is with extreme regret that I feel myself
constrained, by my duty faithfully to execute
the office tl President of the United States,
■nd to the best of my ability to preserve, pro
tect, and delend the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, to return to that House in which
it originated, the hill “ to prov de for the bet
ter collection, sale-keeping, and disbursement
ot the public revenue, by means of a corpora
tion to be ssyled the Fiscal Corporation of the
United States,” with my wntien objections.
lit my message sent to the Sen .(< on the
15th day of August last, returning the bill “to
incorporate the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank
ot the United States,” I distinctly declared
that my own opinion had been uniformly
proclaimed to be against the exercise “of the
power of Congress to create a National Bank
to operate per se over the Union;” and en
tertaining mat opinion, my main objection to
that bill was based upon the highest moral
and religious obligations of conscience and
the Constitution. I readily admit, that whilst
the qualified veto with which the Chief Ma
gistrate is invested, should be regarded, and
was intended by the wise men who made it
a part of the Constitution, as a great conserv
ative principle of our system, without the
exercise of which, on important occasions, a
mere representative majority might urge the
Government in ils leg.station beyond the
limits fixed by its framers, or might exert its
just powers too hastily or oppressively: yet it
is a power which ought to be most cautiously
exerted, and perhaps never, except in a case
imminently involving the public interest, or
one in which tlie oath of the President, acting
under his convictions, both mental and moral,
imperiously require* its exeicise. In such a
case he has no alternative. He must either
exert the negative power entrusted to him
by the Constitution chiefly lor its own pres
ervation, protection, and defence, or commit
an act of gross moral turpitude. Mere re
gard to the will of a majority must not, in a
constitutional Republic like ours, control tfiis
sacred and solemn duty of a sworn olfi er.—
The Constitution itself, I regard and cherish
as the embodied ami written will of the whole
people of the United States. It is their fixed
and fundamental law, which they unanimous
ly prescribe to the public functionaries, their
nieie trustees and servants. This, their will,
and the law which they have given us as the
rule of our action, has no guard, no guarantee
of preservation, protection, and delence, but
the oaths which it prescribes to tlie public
officers, the sanctity with which they shall
religiously observe their oaths, and the patri
otism with which the people shall shield it bv
their own sovereign will, which has made the
Constitution supreme. It must be exerled
against the will of a mere representative ma
jority, or not at ail. It is alone in pursuance
of that will ilia! any measure can ever reach
the President; and Jo sav that because a
majority in Congress have passed a bill, the
President should thereibre sanction it, is to
abrogate tne power altogether, and to render
its insertion in the Constitution a work of
absolute supererogation. The duty is to
guard the luridamental will ot ihe people
themselves from (in this case, I admit, unin
tentional) change or infraction by a majority
in Congtess. And in that light alone, do I
regard the constitutional duty which 1 now
most reluctantly discharge.
Is this hi'l n ivv presented for nr.y approval
or disapproval, such a on* as I have already
declared could not receive my sanction? Is
it such a bill as calls lor the exercise of the
negative power under the Constitution? Does
it vio:,oe me Constitution by creating a Na
tional Bank to o|icrale per se over the Union?
Its tide, in Hi • liist place, describes ils gener
al character. It is “An act to provide for
the better collection, sale-keeping, and dis
bursement of the public, revenue, by means of
a corporation to le styled llu? Fiscal Corpora
tion of the United States.” In style, then, it
ts plainly nalioii.il in its character. lis powers,
functions, and duties, are those which pertain
to the Collecting, keeping, and disbursing the
publiih revenue. Ihe means by whicli these
are to be exerted is a co pmotion to be siyled
the Fiscal Corporation of the United States.
It is a corporation created by the Congress
of the United Stales, in the cliaracier of a
National Legislature for die whole Union, to
]erltiriii the fiscal purposes, meet the fiscal
wants and exigencies, supply the Jisca\ uses,
itnd exert die fiscal agencies of the Treasury
of Ihe United States. Such is ils own des
cription of itself. Do its provisions contradict
its title? Thev do not. It is true that by its
first section it provides that it shall he estab
lished in the District of Columbia; hut the
amount of its capital—the manner in which
its stock is to be subscribed for and held—the
persons, bo ties corporate and politic, hy whom
ns stock may be field—the appointment of its
directors, and llieir powers and duties—ils
fundamental articles* es|iecially that to estab
lish agencies in any part ot the Union—(he
corporate |xnvers and business of such agen-
cies—the prottibilion of Congress to establish
anv other corporation with similar powers tor
twenty years, with express reservation in the
same'clause t<* modify or Create any back for
the District ol.Coitimbia, so that the aggiegale
capital shall not exceed five millions—without
enumerating other leatures which are equally
distnctive and characteristic —clearly show
that it cannot be regarded as oilier than a
Dank of the United States, with powers seem
inglv more limited than have heietof. re I een
granted to such an institution. It operates
per $e over the Union, by virtue m the unaid
ed, and, in my view, assumed authority of
Congress as a National Legislature, as dis
tinguishable from a bank created by Con
irress lor the District of Columbia, as the local
Legislature of the District. Every United
Slates Bank heretofore created lias had power
to deal in hills of exchange, as well as in -local
discounts. Both were trading privileges
conferred, and both exercised, bv virtue-of
the albresaid power of Congress, over the
whole Unioar'The question of power remains
unchanged, without reference to the extent
of privilege granted. If this proposed corpo
ration is to tie regarded as a local hank of the
District of Columbia, invested by Congress
with general powers to operate all over the
Union, it is obnoxious to still stronger objec
tions. It assumes that Congress may inveM
a local institution with general, or national
powers. With the same propriety that it
may do this in regard to a bank of the Dis
trict of Columbia, it may as to a State bank,
who can indulge the idea that this Gov
ernment can right fully, hy making a State
bank its fiscal agen*, invest it with the abso
lute and unqualified powers conferred by this
bill? When I come to look at (he details of
the bill, they do not recommend it strongly to
mv adoption. A brief notice of some of its
provisions will suffice.
First. It may justify substantially a system
of discounts of‘the most obj ctiooable charac
ter. It is to deal in bills of exchange drawn
in one State and payable in another, without
any restraint. The bid of exchange may
have an unlimited time to run, and its renew*
ability is no where guarded against. It may,
jn fact, assume the most objectionable form
of accommodation paper. It is not required
to rest on any actual, real, or substantial
exchange basis; a drawer in” one place be
comes the acceptpr in another, and so on in
furn the acceptor may become the drawer,
upon a mutual understanding. It may, at
the same time, indulge ip raere local discounts
under the name of bills of exchange. A bill
drawn at Philadelphia on Camden, New Jer- 1
sey, at New York on a border town in ptfew
Jersey ; at Cincinnati on Newport, Kentucky,
not to multiply other examples, might, for any
thing in this hill to restrain it, become a mere
mailer Os local accommodation. Cities thus
relatively s; uated would possess advantages
over cities otherwise situated, of so decided
a character as most justly to excite dissatis
faction.
2d. Thete is no limit prescribed to the pre
mium in the purchase|ol a bill of exchange;
thereby correcting none of the evils under
which the community now labors, and ope
rating most injuriously upon the agricultural
Slates, in which ihe inequalities in the rates
of exchange are most severely felt. Nor are
tnese the only consequences. A resumption
of specie payments by the banks of those
Slates would be liable to indefinite postpone
ment : for as the operation of ihe agencies of
the interior would chiefly consist in selling
bi'ls of exchange, and tne purchase Could only
be made in specie, or in notes of banks paying
specie, the Sta'e hanks would eilher have to
continue with their doors closed, or exist at
the mercy of this national monopoly of bro
kerage. Nor can it be passed over without
remark; that, whilst the District of Columbia
is made the seat of the principal Bank, ils cit
izens are excluded from all participation in
any benefit it might afford, by a positive
prohibition of the Lank from all discounting
within the Dislridt.
These are some of the objections which
prominently exist against the details ol the
bill; others night be urged, of much force,
but it would be unprofitable to dwell upon
them: suffice it to add, that this charier is
designed to continue for twenty years, without
a competitor; that t lie deft cts to which I have
alluded being found in the luiidarnenta! law of
the corporation, are irrevocable; and that, if
the objections be well founded, it would be
over hazardous to pass the bili into a law.
In conclusion, I take leave most respectful
ly to say, that 1 have felt the most anxious
solicitude to meet the wishes of Congress in
the adoption ol a Fiscal Agent, which, avoid
ing ail constitutional objections, should har
monize conflicting opinions. Actuated by i
ibis teeling, 1 have been ready to yield much,
in a spun of conciliation, to the opinions of
others; and it is with great pain that I now
leel compelled to differ from Congress a second
time in ttie same session. At the commence- {
meiit of this session, inclined lioin choice !o
defer to the legislative will, I submitted to
Congress the propriety, of adopting a Fiscal
Agent which, without violating the Constitu
tion, would separate the public moneys from
the Executive control, and perform the ope
rations of the Treasury, without being bur
densome to the people, or inconvenient, or.
expensive to the Government. It is deeply
to be regretted that this department of ihe
Government cannot, upon constitutional and
other grounds, concur with Ihe Legislative
department in this last measure proposed to
attain these desirable objects. Owing to the
brief Space between the jieriod of the death
o* my lamented predecessor and my own
installation into office, I was, in fact, not left
lime to prepare and submit a definite recom
mendation of my own in my regular message;
‘and since my mind has been wholly occupied
ir, a most anxious a Kempt to conform my
action to the legislative will. In this commu
nication I am confined by die Constitution to
my objections simply to this bill; but the pe
riod of the regular session will soon arrive,
when il will he niv duly under another clause
of the constitution, “to give to Congress in
formation of ti e state of the Union, and re
commend to their consideration such m asures
as” I “shall judge necessary and expedient.”
And I most lespeotfully submit, in a spirit of
harmony, whether the present differences of
opinion should he pressed further at this time,
and v hether the peculiarity of my situation
does not entiile me to a postponement of this
subject to a more auspicious period for dclib
eia'ion. .
The f n Houses of Congress have distin
guished ihemselp'S at this extraordinary ses
sion, l>y the perlormance of an immense mass
of labor at a season very unfavorable both
to health and action, and have passed many
laws whicli I trus’ will prove highly beneficial
in the interests of the count yand fully answer
its just expectations. It has been my good
fortune and pleasure to concur with them in
all measures, except this; and why should
our difference on this alone be pushed to ex
tremes? It is mv anxious desire that they
should not be. I, too, have been burdened
with extraordinary labors ol late, and 1 sin
ceie'y desire time for deep and deliberate
reflection *n this, the greatest difficulty of my
administration. May we not now pause,
until a more favorable time, when, with the
most anxious hope that the Execu'ive and
Chngress may cord.allv unite, and that some
measure of finance may be delberately adop
ted, promotive of the good of our common
country.
I will take this occasion to declare, that the
conclusions to which I have brought myself
aie those of a settled coiiv ction, founded, in
my opinion, on a just view of the Constitu
tion; that, in arriving at it, I have been actu
ated hv no other motive or desire than to
iipi old the institutions of the country as they
have come down to us from the hands of our
god-like ancestors; and that I shall esteem
my efforts to sustain them, even though I per
ish, more honorable thaJi to win the applause
of men, bv a sacrifice of mv dntv and my
conscience. JOHN I'VLER.
Washington, Sept. 9,1841.
MR. WEBSTER £ND TrfE I.AST WAR.
Extract from the speech of Mr. Eastman,
of New Hampshire, delivered in the United
States House of Representatives# August, 19
1841.
But, sir# the gentleman’ from New York
[Mr. Fillmore] who resides at Buffalo,- and
who has got an amendment to this bill for fifty
thousand dollars, to be expended at that place#
very ingeniously contends, that we may have
war—war with Great Britain. But the gen
tleman knows full well that if the appropria
tion is made now, it cannot be expended till
next season. He knows also that it can just
as well be made at the next session if it shall
be found to be needed, as at the present, and
the country suffer in no respect whatever by
the delay, but be the gainer, as I have before
shown, in more ways than one. Still the gen
tleman, who is a skilful tactician, and who is
always Tor striking when the iron is hot, would
no doubt consider it a most desirable attain
ment, should he get at this extra session fifty
thousand dollars lor bis flourishing city—and,
sir, he very shrew dy talks about war. But,
sir, I can tell the gentleman from New York,
and the country too, that we shall have no war
with Great Britain for the present. Sir, I as
sume this position for more reasons than one.
But I am satisfied that so long as the present
Secretary of State shall fill the office that he
now so long as he (shall manage our for
eign affairs and control our foreign negotia
tions, so long shall we have peace with Great
Britain. Sir, this nation will he made to sub
mit to almost any indignity in the opinion of
honorable men. before that officer will suffer
a war with that country. Look back to the
last war, and see what his course was then.
Sir, the records in this Capitci show his re
corded votes against measure upon measure
which it would be supposed that every patriot
would have most cheerfully supported^
On the -7th of Jan. 1614, one of tl>e darkest
periods of the war, and after our gallant little
navy had covered itself with glory< he voted
against an appropriation for defraying the ex
penses of the navy.
On the 10th, he voted against a proposition
more effectually to detect and punish traitors
and spies.
On the I4tb, he voted against a bill making
provision to fill tilt'ranks of the army.
On the 22d, lie voted, in a minority of sev
en, against a bill authorizing the eniistment of
troops for five years, or during the w ar.
On the 25th, he voted against a bill for en
forcing the non-importation laws.
On the Bth February, againstgthe bill to
raise five regiments of riflemen.
On the 25th March; be voted against the
! bill to call forth tiie militia, to execute the lavfs
jot” the Union, and repel invasion.
On the Ist of December, only a few days
before the sitting of the Hartford Convention,
he voted against a bill to provide additional
revenue for defraying the expenses of the
Government and maintaining the public cre
dit.
On the 10th, he voted to postpone, indefin
itely, a bill authorizing the President of the
United States to call upon the Several Statee
for the : r respective quotas of militia to defend
the frontiers against invasion.
On the 13th, he voted against the same bill.
He also voted against the bill to provide addi
tional revenue for the support oL Government
and maintain the public- credit, and also against
an appropriation lor rebuilding the Capitol and
public offices which had been destroyed by the
enemy.
Such were his votes and such his course
when this country vas engaged in a most
deadly struggle with the English nation. Nor,
sir, has his public career since that eventful
struggle been in many respects less exception
able with regard to that nation. Ido not pur
pose to go into it. Many have charged that
he is British in his feelings and British in his
principles. But, sir, I make no such charge.
My intention is to do him no injustice. I sit
in judgment upon no mao’s motives. I speak
only of his public acts. They are fair matter
of comment, and, as a public rnan, he c&nnot
except to if- Sir, when I look back upon his
past history; when I call to mind his recent j
course with that nation in regard to the case !
of McLeod—when 1 reflect upon the crouch
ing servility which is manifested in his instruc
tions to the Attorney General in that case—
oxdering him forthwith, in hot haste, to the
Stale of New York, that a British ‘ pirate”
might receive no indignity—l assure the hon
orable gentleman from New York, that so long
as he can manage to keep the honorable Sec
retary of State in his present, position, so long
shall we have no war with Great Britain.—
American rights may be surrendered, and the
American spirit crushed, but there will be no
war; end the gentleman need not urge that
as an argument to obtain his fifty thousand
dollars.
From the Standard of Union, Sept. 10.
OUR PROSPECTS ARE BRIGHT.
The Democracy are moving in all direc
tions. Party lines no longer keep men asun
der, who revere the constitution, and regard
State Riglus as the palladium of their fiber
ties.
Tlie s’rides which the late Congress has
taken over the boundaries ol the constitution,
Dave awakened the people to a sense of their
danger, and rallied them as their fathers ral
lied in seventeen hundred and ninety-eight
i he cry is up and on to the rescue.
The whole course of legislation, from the
beginning to the end of the session, is marked
The first act in the'drama, was a donation of
twenty-five thousand dollars to the w r idow of
Gen. Harrison, in open violation of the con
stitut'on. The second a National debt A
National Bank was next set on loot, followed
by a bill to repeal the Sub-Treasury. Then
came a Lill to distribute the proceeds of the
public lands among the S ates, a measure of
iniquity, intended for no other object, than to
create a deficit in the public revenue, that an
excuse might be furnished for a great in
crease of the Tariff—and of course a Tariff
bill followed, by whicli, in addition to form-1
er Taxes, from ten to twelve millions of dol
lars more are to be dragged out of the people.
A bankrupt law has also been passed, the ef
fects of which, are yet to be seen, but which,
it is thought by many intelligent men, will
open a door for ihe most alarming and stu
pendous frauds ; and to crown the whole,
after the the first attempt to fasten upon the
people, a great overshadowing Bank, to reg
ulate the value of their property and labor,
and to rule their government, had been stran
gled by tiie firmness of President Tyler, an
other brat was hatched fro i the same foul
nest, which we trust will share a similar, fate
and entitle Mr. Tyler to the gratitude of the
American people.
We might go on to enumerate the wild, and
lavish appropriations which have been made,
io swell the public expenditures, in which the
expenses of the session alone, are sufficient
to arouse the indignation of the people.
The people are now convinced that the ses
sion was called without reason or necessity,
and that nothing but waste and mischief have
resulted from it, and they are every where
rallying to the cause of the constitution. —
From t e East and the West, the North and
the South, there is one general move in the
great cause of State Rights; and the men
who have betrayed the principles,and trampled
upon the inter; sts of the people, will be sig
nally rebuked.
‘I he first Monday in October will read them
a lesson, which we trust, will sink deep into
their hearts.
Where are the promises to retrench the
public expenditures, an I bring them down to
thirteen millions 1 Where are their pledges
to reform and relieve the people from tiieir
distresses 1 They have all vanished to the
winds ; and instead of all the blessings which
were promised, this extra Congress has not
only carried up the expenditures to Forty six
millions but they have levied anew, and unex
pected, and unpromised Tariff upon us, to draw
twelve millions snore from cur pockets rand
had not their prominent measure of evil been
arrested by the virtue and independence of the
President nothing would have been left us j
but the shadow of our constitution.
This extraordinary Session of Congress will
long be remembered by the friends of the
constitution# a session at which, the majority
assembled with the deliberate intention to
skin the people with a Tariff—butcher them
with a bank, and eat them up with a National
Debt O fie Mr. Dayvson. how can you look
the people in the face and ask them to make .
jyou Governor]
The Tax oix Iron—Mr. Dawson.— We
charged it some w-eeks since upon Mr. Daw-,
son, that lie had voted for a bill which exemp- j
ted Rail Road Iron from taxation, while the 1
same bill, continued to impose a heavy duty
on iron, nsed for all other purposes ; which
we contended, was an act of great injustice
to the farmers and mechanics, and which the j
whig papeis were making an effort so to mys
tifv, as to create a belief that the charge w'as
unfounded.
But the authority upon winch we charged
Mr. Dawson with an act of such palpable in
justice to a large portion of his constituents, |
is derived from a source, which cannot be de. j
nied by the party to which lie belongs. The
evidence upon which we rely, is drawn from
the Southern Recorder, a paper that would be j
the last to injure Mr. Dawson by unfounded
assertions.
We reter our readers to the Recorder of the;
10th ult., from which we make the following
extract.
“ To Mr. Dawson is the credit due for hav- j
ing Rail Road Iron excepted from duty, thisi
will save to Georgia alone, SIOO,OOO or more,
by the time the present works in progress, are
completed.”
This statement in regard to Mr. Dawson’s l
course uixm the iron tax, is taken from a let-!
ter written by one of the editors of tl>e Re- :
corder wuo was at Washington City, and bears
date on the 4'hof August, 1841.
If Mr. Dawson can satisfy the people, that!
it is right to exempt the wealthy portion of his
constituents from taxation, who have money
to embark in splendid enterprises with the,
hope of great profits, while the poor man who i
toils for his living, is compelled to bear the bur
den, we shall have only to regret, that the
principles of aristocracy have gained the as
cendancy in our government. —Standard of
Union, Sept- 10.
PUBLIC MEETING l-N Si EWART.
According to previous notice, a large num
ber of the citizens of Stewart courtly met at
the Chattahoochee Mineral Springs, to take
into consideration the pecuniary embarrass
ment of the people, when, upon motion, Wil
liam Hilliard, Esq* was called to the chair,
and Charles H. Warren appointed Secretary.
The meeting being organized, the follow
ing Preamble and Resolutions were read and
passed:
The erv of distress which meets us in al
most every grade ol society, caffs loudly for
relief from some source. Something must he
done, or ruin, wide-spread, will inevitably
overwhelm this country. Did the debtor re
ceive any thing like valuation for his property,
as the creditors obtain their pay, we should
be silent. But this is fitr from being the case.
In a vast variety of instances the debtor’s
property is sacrificed, shamefully sacrificed,
witiiuut benefitiing tlie creditor one cent; and
when a creditor is henefitted at all it is lre
quentyat tlie expense of other claimaats.
We have instances in abundance within the
range of our own observation, to give us a
sorrowful satisfaction u|>on this subject. We
have seen property worth from three to four
thousand dollars sad under the Sheriff ’s ham
mer, at a sacrifice of one tenth of its real value.
We have seen the farmer’s land sold for an
amount hardly sufficient to pay the Slierift’s
cost. Who, we ask, are benefitted hy these
operations, but a ftw moneyed men, who
have reured upon their wealth from the spe
culations of tiie day ? Why, then, we ask in
the name of humanity, should not something
he done ? Some course should be adopted to
stay the hand of oppiestien and plunder
uuuer the sanction of the law whici now pre
vails in every section of our country. Every
man snould pay his debts, and every honest!
man will do so if an opp.ift. uity is afforded
hint to manage Ids own means. But it you
wrest these Irom turn and sacrifice them for
nothing, ieavmg him frequently a large family
toprovide for, tic cannot be expected to be
able to pay; because his credit is gone with
his property. But stay the hand ol violence,
at least tor a while, and give him time to re
cover liom the confusion into which his dis
asters have thrown him, and to husband hi®
means to tiie best advantage; then, if he c.n,
lie will pay. But it may be asked how this
is to be effected. We are aware that there
is great difficulty in answering this question
satisfactorily; but we most earnestly believe
that some measure might be devised which
would be to the interest not only of the debtor,
but to the creditor also. Under this impres
sion we shall proceed to make some sugges
tions, and then leave tiie subject to lie ma
tured by more practiced hands. But bef>re
entering upon these suggestions we beg leave
to spend a tew thoughts mi tiie measure sub
mitted to tiie last legislature by His Excel
lency Governor McDonald. We must ac
knowledge that there is some slight objections
to the plan as suggested by His Excellency.
But we do not dunk the measure so danger
ous as is supposed by many. If the State
Bonds could be sold at a discount of not more
than eight per cent., tiie proceeds placed in
the Central Bank—the Central Rink notes
loaned to the people at a rate per cent not
less than the discount on tlie bonds, we do
not see how this could involve the Siate in
such a serious and dangerous debt. If the
necessary guards were thrown around ihe
Central Bank, the institution would be in dan- 1
ger of no losses. But tiie embarrassed state
ol m dietary affairs, both in this country and
in Europe, forbids tiie hope of selling State
Bonds, unless at a ruinous sacrifice. Another
objection: If the Stale Bonds could be sold
and the proceeds loaned to the people as pro
posed, we fear that the money would fall into
tlie hands <>i speculators, brokers and note
shavers. But could the Legislature in their
wisdom p ace such guards around die Central
Bank, as not to endanger the State in loaning
the money to tiie people, we would prefer it
to no relief.
But were the Legislature to adopt some
plan which would afford the debtor an oppor
tunity ol using his means to the Lest advan
lage, and securing to the creditor the eventu
al payment of ins claims, we believe the relief
would be general, and the interest of both
debtor and creditor secured. But lobe more
explicit upon the subject—Were tiie Legisla
ture, for instance, to grant the debtor tiie
payment of his liability by instalments of one
two, and three years, at the same tune secu
ring the creditor in ids claims, compelling the
debtor to give ample security for the regular
payment of the instalments, either by respon
sible endorsers or mortgages on projrerly.
Tiiis, we think, would do no injustice to the
creditor, because in a majority of instances
one or two claimants make their money at the
exp use of all others having equal claims, and
who are thereby prevented from getting any
thing at all. Or suppoSedhis plan was adopt,
ed: Compel the debtor to make a schedule
of ail his assets, on oath, to a Trustee or two
Trustees, one appointed by a majority of tiie
creditors, and one appointed by the debtor, to
whom the debtor should make a mortgage of
all his property and an assignment ol his
assets for tha eventual payment of Ins liabili
ties, to be divided pro rata among his credi
tors, should he fail to meet the regular instal
ments allowed of one, two or three years, as
the case might be. This, we think, would be
ample seem ity to the creditors, aiiJ would
allow the debtor time to turn his in-ans Io the
best advantage. Or suppose the creditor
should proceed to get j idgmentlbr 1 1 is claims,
and then let the judgment lie over by tlie
debtor giving bond and security tor t lie forth
coming of tlie property at some distant day,
which ihe Legislature may designate, of one,
two or three years. We do not see any ob
jection to either of the measures proposed.
Both debtor and creditor would be benefitted.
There is one class of people that tlie measures
proposed might affect winch we suppose
might be excluded without affecting the im
portance of the object, ft is tiie retail mer
chant : Say all of the accounts made will] ihe
retail merchants since Christmas last be exclu
ded from the effects of this measure. We
make this proposition because knowing tlie
connection between the farmer and the mer
chant. One cannot live without tlie other,
and the merchant cannot supply the lam er
without gening pay for fps goods. We do
not think that tins would lessen the import
ance of the object sought for, as the farmers’
liabilities for goods has been curtailed lor tlie
last several years, ami such as have made
accounts in stores this year will find no diffi
cully in paving for them. Any one of tiie
measures proposed, vve think, would make
the relief m re general than the one proposed
to be obtained through the Central Ba ;k, as
it would reach all claries of society and allow
the poor as well a® tlie rich to avail them
selves ol its provisions.
It is therefore resolved, That the next Le
gis’ature afford such relief to the suffering
citizens of Georgia as they in their wisdom
shail deem most general and effectual.
And be it further resowed, That our Sen
ator and Representatives of this county be
instructed to take this matter into serious con-!
sideration ami use their best efforts to procure]
tiie possageof some law which will abate the i
desolation which threatens us.
Resolved, That the citizens of the differ
ent counties in this State be requested to hold
primary meetings and express their views
upon this subject previous to the silting of the
next Legislature, that our representatives in
general assembly may be able to act advi
sed lv.
Resolved, That the candidates for the Le-
gUiature in ttiii county be requested (o give
in writing to the President and Secretary of
this meeting within ten days their several
views upon this subject.
Resolved, That this Preamble and Resolu
tions be signedby the President and Seeretarv
and sent to the Columbus Times and Enqu
irer for publication.
WM. HILLIARD, Pres’t.
Chu.es H. Warren, Sec’y.
BALDWIN ANTI-TARIFF MEETING.
• In compliance vVith the following notice
previously published, to-wit:
“ The citizens of Baldwin county,
without distinction of party, are requested to
attend a meeting to be held on Saturday, the
4th df September next. at. the court house in
this city—for the purpose of taking into con
sideration the late Tar iff Act, passed at the
extra session of Congress All those op
posed to the heavy Tariff imposed on Salt,
Sugar, Coffee, Iron, Cotton Bagging and other
necessary articles of consumption are espe
cially invited to attend.”
A highly respectable portion of the citizens
of Baldwin county, assembled at the court
house at the time specified, when on motion,
Dr. W. G. Little was requested to preside as
chairman, with any gentleman of the Harri
son party who should be present; there being
no one of that party in attendance, Dr. Little
and Thomas Young, Sr. Esq. were called to
the chair and Major F. H. Sanford, appointed
secreta-ry.
The meeting being organized and the ob
jects of the notice briefly explained, the fol
lowing preamble ,and resolutions were offered
By Col. Thomas Haynes, which being taken
up and seperately read, were unanimously
adopted:
Anti-Tariff Meeting in Milledgeville-
In accordance with a usage, sanctioned by
time, and hallowed by experience, we, a por
tion of the citizens of Baldwin County, op
posed to a burdensome Tariff upon articles
necessary to our subsistence, cqmtort and
convenience, and deeply impressed with the
vital importance of preserving the sovereignty
of the States, and the rights of the people,
have this day assembled to speak in the
name of liberty and the Constitution.
Recognizing aud maintaining the principle,
that it is the unamenable right of the people
to govern themselves, and that all legiti
mate power emanates from the people ; and
that the government under which we live, was
created alone, for the benefit of the whole
people, and not for the protection of particular
classes, we hold it to be our highest duty to
guard with sleepless vigilance, the conduct of
our public functionaries, and whenever, in the
exercise of the trust committed to their
charge, they disregard the wi'l, or abuse the
confidence of their constituents, to express
our most decided disapprobation, aud to adopt
the most prompt and efficient constitutional
measures, to dismiss them from our service.
The course of measures adopted, and in
progress, at the present extraordinary, un
called for, and illegitimate session ot Con
gress, has awakened our apprehensions for
ihe r.ghts of the States, and tire rights of the
people.
Maintaining as we do, that ours is a gov
ernment of well defined and specified powers,
plainly and distinctly marked out in a written
constitution, by which, all those not specifi
cally delegated, are reserved to the States and
the people—we hold every departure from
the letter and spirit of that instrument, by
the public functionaries of the federal gov
ernment, whether Legislative, Executive or
Judicial, to be a palpable iniracnonof its most
solemn provisions; as tending to the utter
prostration of Slate Independence, and the
establishment oi a government without limi
tation of powers.
We contend, upon constitutional principles,
tint there is no power granted to Congress to
tax one portion of the beople, for the benefit
of another, and that every attempt to sustain
the manufacturers, at the expense of the ag
riculturists, is oppressive, unjust and uncon
stitutional.
It is further, our deliberate opinion, in j
which we are sustained by the Constitution
itself, that “all duties, imposts, and excises,
shall be uniform throughout the United
States,” and that every attempt on the part of
Congress, to exempt one portion of the people
from taxes which are imposed upon the other,
is at war with the letter and spirit of that in
strument, and in gross violation of the prin
ciples of justice and equity.
And whereas a bill lias been passed by the
House of Representatives, at the present ex
tra session of Congress, increasing the Tariff
duties upon many articles of paramount ne
cessity, including Sugar, Salt, Moiasses, and
Cotton-bagging, and imposing a duty upon
Coffee and Tea, of twenty per cent., which
had been long imported duty free—-ahd
wtiereas an invidious discrimination has been
made among the citizens, by exempting alto
gether from taxation, the article <:f iron, to be
used in the construction ot Rail Roftds while
that which is used by the farmers and me
chanics, and for all other purposes disconnec
ted with Rail Roads, is still burdened with an
enormous duty, contrary to the spirit of liberty
and equality, which should be the prominent
and distinguishing features of our govern
ment. Be it therefore
Resolved, That the Tariff duties now
sought to be imposed by Congress, upon Su
gar, Coffee, Tea, Molasses, Salt, Iron, and
Cotton-bagging, are unnecessary and uncalled
lor, and is the commencement of a system of
oppression set on foot by the Northern Man
utacturers and Federalists; to plunder \pon
the honest labor of the South, and finally, to
make us “ hewers of wood and drawers of
water.”
Resolved, That the exemption of Rail
Road Iron from taxation, while the same arti
cle consumed by the farmers and mechanics
is heavily taxed, is an outrage upon the plain
est principles ot reason and justice, and in
open violation 1 of the Constitution.
Resolved,- That in the opinion of this
meeting, every Southern Senator and Repre
sentative; without distinction of party, who
advocated and voted for these obnoxious and
oppressive measures; has misrepresented the
true interest of his constituents; and departed
totally and fundamentally; from those great
principles of State Rights and constitutional
construction for which the Southern States,
(and Georgia in particular) have been so much
distinguished.
Resolved; That we respectfully suggest to
our fellow-citizens at large, and of all parties
opposed to an onerous and unconstitutional
Tariff; to meet in their primary assemblies,
or the purpose of expressing determined hos
tility to a proceeding so obnoxious to their
principles and their interests.
On morion, it was Resolved; That tlife pro
ceedings be signed by the Chairmen and
that all the papers of this State of the South
ern States, be requested to publish the pro
ceedings of this meeting.
On mot ion; the tlianks of the Greeting were
tendered the chairmen and the secretary and
On motion of C. D. Hammond; Esq. the
meeting adjourned.
WiLLtAltf G. LfTTI.E,
Tihjmas Young, Sen.
Chairmen.
Fredrick IL Sanford, Secretary.
From the Standard of Union, Sept. 10,
THE TARIFF—MR. DAWSON—THE RE
CORDER.
Since the Recorder has undertaken to gel
Mr. Dawson out of the Tariff’ difficulty, in
which he lias voluntarily involved himself, we
take leave to propound to that print, a few very
plain questions.
Ist. Was there any tax upon Coffee at the
commencement of. the late extra session o!
Congress ?
2nd. Did not Mr. Dawson vote for a bill,
during that session, to impose a duty or Trx
upon coffee, of twenty per cent 1
3d. Was there any tax upon Tea, at the
commencement of said extra session 1
4th. Did not Mr. Dawson vote for a bill to
impose a tax of twenty per cent upon tea ?
sth. If a tax of twenty per cent has been
laid upon coffee and tea, will it not require a
Dollar, to buy the same quantity that eighty
cents would purchase, when it was not taxed
at all? . .. ‘
6th. Did not Mr. Dawson vote for a bill to
continue a heavy tax on iron consumed by the
farmers and Mechanics, and did he not vote to
take all the tax off of Rail Road iron, and make
it free of duty]
7th. Can you give a satisfactory reason why
one citizen should be exempted from a tax
which another is compelled to pay?
Bth. Are the stock holders in Rail Roads
better men than those who cultivate the soil,
or follow- the Mechanic arts ?
9th. Is it just to burden one class, and far
the largest, with a tax which compels them to
pay from 6 to 7 cents a pound for iron, while
another class under the peculiar favor of gov
ernment, can have theirs brought to them, at
three cents a pound !
If you can show to our satisfaction, that un
equal taxation is just or constitutional, we shall
give it up, but until that is shown, we shall
contend that Mr. Daw’son has acted in bad
faith to the people.
In conclusion we would a’ k our neighbors,
if the burdens imposed upon the people by the
tax upon tea and coffee, tea, and iron, are to
be set down to the account of the retrenchment
reform, and relief, which were promised to
them in 1840!
From the Standard of (Jnionr, Sept. 10;
MR. DAWSON AND MR. NISBET.
THE BASK AND THE Ta RIFF—GLARINO IN
CONSISTENCY.
There is nothing which adds more to the
characters of public men, than unbending firm
ness and unwavering consistency. Upon the
principles of such men, the country can rely
with confidence-to their actions, the people
can look, withont. doubt or uncertainty.
Such are the men when danger threatens,
who s’and out boldly for their country, and to
such men are the people indebted for all the
blessings and glory they enjoy. But when
men are elevated to power and distinction, for
1 heir expressed devotion to the principles of
those to whom they owe their elevation ; and
when in the exercise of power so bestowed;
they desert the principles which they profess
ed, and prove recreant to the interests and
opinions of those from whom they received
their honors and their trusts, it becomes the
duty of the constituent, body to declare them
unfit to be their representatives, and to rebuke
and dismiss them.
‘The political crisis of 1841 has presented a
fit occasion “to try men’s souls,” and while’
many have maintained their ground with a
moral courage and Roman firmness, which re
flect honor upon their names, many others
“who had run well for a season,” and had ex
cited hopes of future consistency and useful
ness, have “returned to the flesh pots” of fed
eralism, and the strong holds of consolidation/.
We have been led to these reflections by
events which have recently transpired in Con
gress, of a character well calculated to 1 shake
tl.e confidence of the people in the professions
of men, seeking their favor, and aspiring to
high places in the councils of the nation ; nor
are most of the Representatives front Georgia,
less conspicuous than others, for the “change’
which has come over the spirit of their dream,”
nor for the unnatural and unexpected position
which they now occupy, compared with their
former attitude in relation to the doctrine of
State Rights and consti.utional construction.
Opposition to a National Bank, upon c insti
tutional principles; was a leading tenet in the
creed of the State Rights party of Georgia;
indeed such has been the unanimity of her
people; that for twenty years past, not more
than two representatives havebuen elected to
Congress, who were knovtm to b favor of
a Bank. Butout of the nine now m Congress,
but one has maintained his State Rights
| ground i and stood aga ut the creation of such
‘an institution. We allu- ie to the Hon. i hos.
F. Foster; who deserves v/dli of his country
for his consistency and independence upon the
Bank question; at the extra session.
But where do we find Mr. Dawson, Mr. Nis
bet, and Mr. King] all bank tnen, dyed in the
wool ;■ although, a few years ago, they declar
ed upon their oaths that a Bank of the United
States was unconstitutional.
Bv reference to the Journals of the Senate
of this State, for 1834, we find the following
• proceedings upon the subject of a National
Bank.
“Mr. Nisbet moved to receive in lieu of the
Original resolutions and substitute proposed by
Mr. Cleveland, the substitute (as airfonded,)
as follow’s
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives of the State of Georgia; in Gen
eral Assembly met, That Congress Iras not in
the opinion of this legislature; the power un
der the Federal Constitution; either expressly
conferred; or by necessary implication from
♦hat instrument, to grant charters of incorpo
ration for banking purposes; and that tire act
of Congress incorporating ihe Bank of the
United States, is therefore unconstitutional.”
The votes of Mr. Dawson; Mr. Nisbet,- arid
Mr. King'; are recorded in favor of this resolu
tion.
“Mr. Wood of Mclntosh; moved to strike
out the third section, with its preamble; and
insert the following
“Resolved; That tire act incorporating the
present Bank of Tie United States, granted
byja former Congress, is unconstitutional, ex
pressly against the letter, and contrary to the”
spirit and meaning of the Federal Constitu
tion.”
Mr. Dawson; Mr. Nisbet and Mr. King vo
ted for this resolution.
Mr. Dawson moved the foifowing;to stand
as the first resolution; to wit j
“Resolved, That in the opinio# sis this Gen
eral Assembly; the charter of the Bank of the
United States ? is unconstitutional, and ought
not to be rechartered.”
Mr. Dawson. Mr. Nisbet; and Mr. King, vo
ted for this resolution.
So much at present for the opinions of Mes
srs. Dawson; Nisbet, and King, upon the sub
ject of a Bank of the United States: and
next of Mr. Nisbet’s views upon tire Tariff
From the Journals of tire Senate for 1830,
we extract as follows:
“Mr. Daniel offered the following as a sub
stitute.”
“That the Tariff of 1824 and 1828, are un
constitutional and oppressive to the South;
and that when the constitution is violated by
an act of the Federal Legislature;destructive
of the sovereign rights of the
State throwing itself upon its original sove
reign and reserved rights; may ot right, do
any act which the people of such State may
deem necessary for their paace and happi
ness.”
Mr. Nisbet voted for this resolution,
Compare the foregoing; with the coufse riOw
pursued by these gentlemen and others of
,heir colleagues, ami their inconsistency is
made manilest.
t’HE COLUMBUS REFORM ASSOC 1-
ATION.
THE monthly meeting will be heM in the Baptist
Church oirlhc evening of Friday, the 241 m inst.
Several addresses may he expected.
L. T. DOWNING.
September Ift 32 2t
LOST,
BETWEEN Cuthbert and my residence, on
Friday the 13ihinst a large calfskin POCKET
ISiAJK, containing 14 or 15 dollars; and some valuable
•apers, among which is a note on B. W. HeinJersOti
, for 80 or 90 dollars, made payable to me and dktt on
Christmas next. The finder will be iiberady rewar
■ led bv delivering the book and contents to thyself or
>aines Bucfmnin or Lewis Gregory, Esq. ax Cuth
iert. Gen. Henderson is also requested to pay the
lote to no one but myself.
B. RAVES
Randolph eo. Aug. 28 2 4t
EXCHANGE & BANK NOTE TABLE
CORRECTED BY NORTON & LANCDON.
EXCHANGE.
Bills on NeW York at sight, I i per cent premV
Bills on Baltimore, 13 “
Bills on Richmond, 13 •*
Bills on Mobile, 3 “
Bills on Savannah, 10 “
Bills on Charleston, 12 “
Bills on Philadelphia, 10 “
Specie, 10
CURRENT NOTES.
Bank of Columbus,
Planters and Mechanic’s Bank.
Central Bank of Georgia,
Rirckersvrlte Banking Co'. S’ pre.
Georgia R. R. and Banking Company. 5 preirt
SPECIE PAVING BANKS.
Insurance Bank of Columbus at Macon.
Commercial Bank at Macon.
Bank of State of Georgia and Branches.
Bank of Augusta, ,
Bank of Si. Mary’s
Bank of MrlledgeVill*.
Augusta Insurance and Batiking Company.
Bank of Brunswick and Branch at Augusta.
Mechanics’ Bank of Augusta.
Marine and Fire Insurance Bank of Savannah and
Branfch at Mac Uh.
Branch of tne Georgia Rail Road at Augusta.
PI inters’ Bunk in Savannah.
Farmers’ Bank of ‘.be Chattahoochee.
Ocui'tlgee Bank at Macon,
Alabama Banks, 3 pr
So il.i Carolina Bantc Notes, 10 a 12 prem.
Specie paving Bank Notes, 10 per cent premium.
UNCURRENT BANK NOTES.
Bank of Darien and branches, uncertain
Chattahoochee R, R. & Banking Company, 75 per
Cent, dis.-
Monro'e R. R. & B’g C*.
at Macon; SO do.
Bank of Hawkinsville; . 20 do.
Western Batik; unce . am.
Life Ins. and Trust Cos. 60 do.
Union Bank of Florida, 60 do.
Bank of Pensacola, uncertain.
-COLUMBUS PRICES CURRENT.
CORRECTED WEEKLY BY HIRAM YOUNG & CO.
B*ooio—Kentucky, yd 00 ■ 29
Indian, : : V “ 30 a 35
Inverness, : : “ 00 a- 25
American Tow, : : “ 00 a 00
Bale Rope, : : : lb’ 121 l4
BacoN—Ha us, : : “ 7 a 19
Sides, : • : “ 07 a 8
Shoulders, s : “ 00 a 10
Beef—Mess, t : bbl 00 a 00
Prime, : i : “ 00 i 00
Butter—Goshen, } lb $5 a Vi
W estern, : t : “ 15 a 2d
} “ 50 a 00
Tal'ow, ii t 11 00 a 18
Casi-INos, i : i ct 6 o 7
Cheese —Northern, i “ 12 a 15;
Cotton, 81 a 10*
Coffee —Havana green, “ 00 a 15
Rio, : : : : “ 0U a 16)
Fish—Mackerel No. 1, bbl 00 a 00
“ “ 2, t “ 00 a 00
” “ 3, i “ 00 a 00
Herrings, : ; : box 00 a2 CO
Flour—Northern, : bbl 00 a 8
Western, : : : “ 7 00 a 7 50
Country, : : s 11 6 00 a 7 00
Grain —Corn, t s bu 00 a 50/
Wheat, : : s “ 00 a 75
Gunpowder, : : keg 7 00 a8 00
Hides, t : : lb 7 a 6
Iron, : s : : “ 07 a 8
Lard, : : : : “ 00 a 12
PeAs, : : : : bu 00 a 75
RaisiNs, : : : box 300 a4 00
Lime, : : : cask 00 a 5 Off
Molasses—N. O. : gal 35 a 37
Nails, : : : : lb’ 8 a 9
Poke*,—Mess, : : : bbl 00 a (0
Prime, : : : lb 00 a Off
Rice, : : : ; “ 00 a 03
PtppEß, : : : “ 12 a 15
Spirits—Brandy, Cog. gal 175 a2 50
Peach, : : ’’ 1 CO a 1 25-
Apple, : : “ 00 a . 70
Gin—Holland, : : “ 1 50 a 1 75
Domestic, : : : “ 45 a 50’
Rum —Jamaica, : : “ 1 75 a 2 00
Domestic, : : : “ 00 a 45
Whiskey— Irish, i “ Os) a4 00
Monongahela, : : “ 87 a 1 0 0
New Orleans, : : “ S5 a 40
Suoir—New Orleans, lb 08 a 10’
St. Croix, s : : “ 12 a 13
1 1 oaf, : : : “ 18 a 25
Salt, : s : : sack 00 a 2 50
Soap’, s : : : lb 8 a *lO
Shot, : : : : “ 60 a 12
INSURANCE AGENCY.
A agency of the United States Insurance Com-’
XnL pany of the City of New York, with a Capital
of One Million Dollars having been proposed to be es
tablished in this City—for Fire, Inland or Marine In
surance, upon liberal conditions, the undersigned to’
whom the proposal has been’ made irtviteS the Mer
chants, citizens and traders in the Vicinity to n ex-’
ainin ition of the plans of business and ter the fcchdi ions
upon which its establi thment will depend. Theii rates
of premium will be as lofw a(d thoke charged by oihor
good Companies, and all fair and just claims for losses
will be promptly adjusted and paid in thirty days after’
proof, without litigation, by drafts oh the Company in’
New York.
The Directors and Officers’ will be composed of the
most Wealthy, respectable and intelligent men in the
City and State of New York, and their business in
every department will be conducted with prudence
and cSimotr.
Believing that Ntfch an Agefiiy r/iay prove highly
advantageous to our Merchants and Citizens, anj
save much trouble inf sending to our large cities for In
surance whert it may be equally well done through
such an Agency, the subscriber w?TI be happy to pro-’
mote their interest as well as that of the Corhpan), mr
its permanent establishment, should oin* citizen'; re-’
commehd it, and the conditions meet with their ap
proval, ,
A few Shares of the StoteK tWay be obtained by
those who are desirous of securing an interest and
have the means to make a small investment, which it
is believed will prove both safe, and profitable. No’
payments wifi be required until ten days notice has
been received fitAu the Directors.
joßn e. Davis, Agent.
September 18 32 ts
_ SHOES AND HATS*.
OF various quality and sizes, for sale by
John and. Hov<rfcßL,
Cornor of Crawford and Rroad-sts.
September 16 32 ts
caSTlngs!
POTS, Ovens, Spiders. Skillets, FiTO-drons, and
other articles hr this line, for sele by
JOHN D. HOWELL,
Cot-ner of Broad and Crawford sts.
September 16 32 ts
WHISKEY, RUM, GIN, &c.
ALWAYS on hand, and for sale by
JOHN D. HOWeED,
Corher of Crawford and Broad-st*;
September T 6 32 ts
cotton and wool cahDs.
FOR. safe by JOHN D. HOWELL,
Comer of Crawford and
September 16 32 ti
RAW HIDES WANTED.
ANY Quantity will be ourchased at fail 1 btices,
by JOHN D. HOWELL,
Cortfefof CranMbrd and Broad-st.
September 16 Si ts
GLASS AND PUTTY.
FIRST qua ity Window Gtwss and Puttv, for sal*
by JOHN D. HOWELL,
Corner of Crawford and Broad-sts.-
September 16- 82 ts
SALT, IRON, &,c.
A constant supply of salt and assorted Iron, al way r
on hand. JOHN D. HOWELL,
Confer of Crawford and Broad-st s.
September f6 32 ts
WOODEN WARES.
A LARGE and well assorted lot of T'Aif, Brrel*
ets, Sugar Boxes, &c. For sale by
JOHN D HOWELL,
Corner of Broad and Cmwf-rd-sti.
September 16 32 ts
PUBLIC! SALE
THE Subscribe, has lard ofT a number of lota im
mediately adjoining the beautiful and htalihy
town ol fitshegee, Macon I county, Ala. and will offer
them for sale, on the Best Tuesday in October ‘
These lots will be hrghly desirable fcrgemlemev-ownl”
mg plantations rrr the rich lime lands of Mato.* coun
ty, for their reatrddnces, where they can combine good
I sotie.y whb he education of their chdqnTu. The
wmnr n rrJw, notwithstanding the of our
monied affairs, continually nunro/ing apd increasing
m population, and good schools'wtU, always be found
anohg such people.
The terms will be cash, one half of th*
balance payable at CbttEfiaaa, and the oilier half the
Christinas after. The title*, to l)je Lots will be re
tained t.ll all the purchase money is paid, or persop*
can get titles at <u*ce, hy giving good security or M.y
ing up the whole purchase money ; 10 per P*t*
annum Jeducted for prompt payment. ‘
The plan of the iqis may be seen by ftPP.lyipg to
Mr. Geqrge Stone, at Tuskeeee.
SEABORN JONES.
September 16 32 td