Newspaper Page Text
Graham, Huntington, King, Linn, Alcßdberts,
Mangun, Miller, MoreheaJ, Mouton, Nichol
son, Phelps, Pierce, Porter, Prentiss, Sevier,
Simmons, Smith, of Connecticut, Smith, of
Indiana, Sturgeor, Tallmadge, Tappan, Wal
ker, White, Woedbridge, Yvoodbury, Wright,
and Young—39.
Nays—Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Berrien,
Clay, of Kentucky, Henderson, Ker, Merrick,
Preston, Rives, and Southard—lo.
THE TIMES.
The union of the elates an.’ the sovereignty of the states
COLUMBUSTSEPTSMBER ]6j 1941.
TEM OCR AT I C ‘ll C RET.
FOR GOVERNOR,
charles j. McDonald.
For Senate,
Col. A. McDOUGALD,
Representatives,
Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD,
Hon. YV. T. COLQUITT,
Hon. MARK A. COOPER,
Col. JOHN H. WATSON.
Randolph County.
Senate,
Col. ALLEN MOYE.
Representatives.
Col. A. M. HUGHES,
Col. S, A. SMITH.
Stewart County.*
Spnutp
NEIL ROBINSON.
Representatives.
JOHN D. PITTS,
D. G. ROGERS,
JAMES M. MITCHELL.
For Sheriff
M. M. FLEMING.
Report of Deaths in the City of Columbus,
for the week ending September 13 :
Dysentary—l male.
W. S.CHIPLEY,
Presi lent Board of Health.
MiasioiCTo England.
We are enabled to present to-day, to our
readers, the evidence of the abolitionism of
Mr. Everett, whose nomination for the Mis
sion to England is yet unacted on by the Sen
ate—for reasons, it is said, connected with his
opinions on this very subject Various South
ern prints, professing entire ignorance of the
• s ws of Mr. Everett regarding slavery, other
,n as they were developed in Congress,
.any years since, are disposed to think that
the rumored opposition to his confirmation is
improper and unwise—that he entertains
sentiments on abolition which do not impugn
his integrity as a politician, but are held by
every individual north of the Potomac. The
opinions of Mr. Everett are now presented to
the public, and not a press south of the Potomac
will publish those opinions, and maintain by
their side that they do not affect his integrity as
a Statesman, or that they are held by every
northern man.
It is surprising to witness the lengths to
which party adhesion, and ad ‘sire for party
supremacy, hurry its more ardent votaries.—
Here is an individual openly avowing opinions
which the South declares to be fatal to her
prosperity—to her very existence—and in fa
vor of the immediate exercise of those opin
ions—and yet the violence of party attach
ment, and the bitterness of party hatred, cause
them to be disregarded, if not received with
some degree of allowance. Much as Tappan
and Smith, and other men equally as violent
against slavery, are condemned and execrated
by the whole South, they have not, bo far a6
our recollection goes, spoken in stronger or
more objectionable terms than Mr. Everett—
or openly proclaimed any farther interference
with the rights of the South as justifiable,
than is boldly set forth in the letter of that
gentleman.
In speaking of the sentiments of the whole
North regarding slavery, it ought to be re
membered that, independent of the public
e xpressions of opinion from legislative bodies,
and public meetings of citizens, adverse to the
doctrines endorsed by Mr. Everett, the Su
preme Court of the L. States (Jour of the
Judges of which are inhabitants of non-slave
holding States,) decided unanimously last
winter that Congress had no right, under the
Constitution, to prohibit the traffic in slaves
between the slave States. And yet the Rich,
nond Whig, and other Southern prints ask,
in the most emphatic manner, if Mr. Everett
is to be condemned for opinions held by every
Northern man 1 We may be mistaken pos
sibly—we shall not credit it certainly until
the fact is presented to us—yet we do not
believe since the evidence of the abolition
ism of Mr. Everett is obtained, that any South
era print will publish that evidence, and, at the
sime time, advocate the confirma‘ion of Hie
appointment as Minister to England.
He is said, however, to be the “fittest” man
in the Nation to represent our interests at the
British Court. So say the Columbus En
quirer, and other prints. How so 1 It is
true as a literary man, as a merely polished
writer, Mr. Everett has, probably, few supe
riors. Where, however, has he given evidence
of remarkable statesmanship—of p eculiar tact
and judgment in political affairs ! Not cer
tainly during his service in Congress. Not
in the Executive Chair of Massachusetts, if
we may judge by the means he employed to
attain that station. We recollect well noti
cing the remark in some leading Journal, at
the period of the retirement of Mr. Everett
from Congress, that, although eminent as a
scholar, he had not secured an enviable repu
tation as a statesman—and the fact will be
admitted, on reflection and enquiry, that
rarely does the merely literal/ man run a
successful career in politics.
N\ e presume, therefore, that, if Mr. Everett
be rejected, some man equally competent
may be found to represent the complicated
and delicate interests of the United States at
an important European Court
Presentments of the Grand Jury of
Meriwether. —We regret our inability to
publish this week the Presentments of the
Grand Jury of Meriwether county, Ga. Au
gust Term, 1841. They shall appear in our
next The reception of the Veto Message,
and other important intelligence from Wash
ington, at a late hour, have necessarily exclu
ded them to-day.
Hon Thomas F. Foster.-— We regret our
inability to copy to-day the remarks of the
Georgia Argus of yesterday, respecting the
course of the gentleman whose name heads
this article—on the Bank question. Is there
man of the Whig party who heard
Col. Foster express his sentiments on this
subject previous to the election, and they
were publicly declared wherever he went,
who expected him to do otherwise than he
has done in this particular instance 7 Or was
it assumed, as is now done in the case of Mr.
Tyler, that constitutional scruples must be
thrown aside, and the views of the Whig
party as indicated by Mr. Clay, be sustained
by each member of that party, nolens volens.
Several editorial articles touching State
politics, are crowded oft to-day by the inser
tion of more important matter.
Washington.—Congress. —We have w>
room for comment cn the important intelli
gence received by the mail of yesterday. Our
readers will find all the information we have
in another part of this paper.
The Veto Message Number Two, will be
gratifying to all who have resisted the power
of Congress to incorporate a National Bank.
The extraordinary occurrences in the House
on the reception of the Message are detailed
in the letter of the correspondent of the
Charleston Courier, under date of September
10, which we publish to-day. We have also
extracted the account given by the Globe of
the same occurrences.
THE VE IO POWER.
The Columbus Enquirer is trying its
strength upon the Veto Power. YVitb. ut at
tacking Mr. Tyler directly, it is making furi
ous assaults upon one of the constitutional
prerogatives of his office which the President
has seen fi to exercise. Without the action
of the man, the thing would be harmless.
Why not at once arraign the mover, and not
the motion ? The veto power can do no mis
chief, if it be used only on proper occasions.
The blame, therefore, belongs to the man, and
‘why not hold him responsible for it ?
The Enquirer enumerates thirteen instan
ces in which the veto power has been exer
cised since the formation of the Government—
and draws comparisons respecting its use in
England and the United States, very unfavor
able to the latter. YVhile stronger reasons,
says the Enquirer, exist for its use in England
than in America, it is rarely or ever used
there.
Will the Enquirer be good enough to’state
whether, in every instance of its use by a
President of the United States, the people
have not, at a period not remote, approved of
this exercise of Executive power 7 We ask
for information. It has been stated to us that
such will be found to be the fact.
THE TARIFF.
The Savannah Republican of the 9th inst.
says that “the Federal Union and Columbus
Times are out upon us (it) for some remarks
on this subject” (the tariff) The Republican
continues and extends its former reasoning to
show that, in consequence of the facilities af
forded for manufacturing in different parts ol
Georgia, and the low price of the products of
the State, thereby inducing the employment
of capital in some other mode, the odium
heretofore existing against a protective tariff is
diminishing, and will ere long be entirely es.
faced. In its reasoning on this subject, the
Republican assumes that a protective tariff is
constitutional—and that opposition to it here
tofore has arisen not from any fault in the
principle, but solely from interested consider
ations—from the fact that Georgia was not in
a condition to be benefitted by the protection.
YVe ask the Republican if this has been the
ground upon which opposition to the tariff has
been heretofore based—if any southern State
sman has resisted the imposition of a tariff - for
a similar reason 1 We had supposed that en
mity tothe tariff had its orig n in the conviction
that the constitution authorized duties on im
ports only to defray the expenses of the Gov
ernment—and that a single step farther was
a violation of that instrument Yet the Re
publican waives this question altogether, and
proceeds to argue as if interest, and interest
alone had heretofore regulated public opinion
on this subject. Is this actually the case?
Have Southern Legislatures, and Southern
Statesmen, and the Southern people en masse,
resolved over and over again, from the founda
tion of the Government, that a tariff for pro
tection was a flagrant violation of the consti
tution, and an outrage upon the rights of the
South, without a conscientious conviction of
the correctness of what they asserted, and an
anxious desire to maintain the true principles
of the constitution, regardless of its bearing
upon sectional and individual interests 7 If
the Republican gainsays this interpretation of
the matter, its reasoning of the effects of the
tariff upon the people of Georgia may, per
haps, be applicable. The whole drift of the
article in the Republican is to show that the
results of a protective tariff upon the South
will not be so disastrous as has generally been
supposed, excluding altogether the constitution
al object von.
YVe ask the Republican to state distinctly
whether it believes a tariff so arranged as to
afford protection to the home manufactures
farther than it is created incidentally by the
exercise of the revenue power—to be consti
tutional 7 If it answer in the negative, there
is of course an end of the question. If other
wise, its opinion on this subject is in direct op
position to the publicly and repeatedly express
ed views of the whole South.
PRECEPT AND PRACTICE—TAX LAW.
At the very moment that YY r hig Journals in
this State are laboring to prove the veto pow
er to be the monarchical feature ’,r. rnr system
of Government—both General anti State—for
the same reasoning applies to both—and that
it ought to be abolished—we are gravely ask
ed by j urnals of the same political stamp, if
the tax law passed by the last Legislature be
so unjust aud oppressive, why did not the Gov
ernor exercise (lie veto power, and kill it? Al
though we are not disposed to condemn this
po-.ver until we become better convinced, than
from any thing we have yet seen, of its inju
rious character—we should like to know how
Governor McDonald could veto a bill, entirely
constitutional, and passed agreeably to the
usual forms of Legislation. If the tax law be
constitutional, as of course it is, the taxing
power being expressly given to the Legislature
by the constitution, how could Governor Mc-
Donald, with any sense of propriety, interfere
with ’.he action of the Legislative Body, acting \
within its appropriate and constitutional sphere?
Would he not be making himself “a compo
nent part of the Legislative power”—a doc
trine improperly attributed to Mr. Van Buren
during the last Presidential campaign, and that
was condemned by the Whigs as so revolting
and untenable 7
MISSION TO ENGLAND—AGAIN.
The following article is from the Richmond
Whig. It looks upon the rejection of Mr.
Everett as a most frightful affair—the evil
consequences of which no one can foresee.—
It says it is “the almost unanimous opinion of
the Whig party” that Mr. Everett should be
confirmed. We venture the declaration that
no Whig paper in Georgia will publish the
opinions of Air. Everett, in full, upon the sub
ject of slavery, as they are to be found in this
paper, and, by their side, endorse his fitness
to represent the interests of the whole country
at a Foreign Court
Thrusting aside altogether the abstract
question of the right of Congress to meddle
with slavery in the District of Columbia —and
also the point as to the admission of new
States and Territories tolerating slavery, two
questions had enough—how much farther
does Mr. Everett go 7 If he had stopped
here, there might be a shadow of excuse for
him, although we do not see how Southern
men, properly alive to their valuable interests,
could pardon thus much—but he goes far be
yond—into the Tappan and Garrison school.
He is in favor of the immediate abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, and the
immediate interdiction of the traffic in slaves
between the Southern States—the latter of
which the Supreme Court of the U. States
has decided unanimously that Congress has
no right to do.
It is pretended, however, that the rejection
of Air. Everett for the grounds alledged, is a
disfranchisement of every individual North of
the Potomac—that he but speaks the senti
ments of the entire North. This statement is
not true. On the contrary, there is ample tes
timony that, whatever may be the opinions of
the North regarding slavery in the abstract,
interference with it in the form proposed by
Air. Everett, or in any form not warranted by
the constitution, or what is due to the rights,
interests and safety of the South, is repudia
ted by no inconsiderable portion of the people
of that section.
It is said likewise that it is wrong to con
sider at all, in judging of his fitness for a pub
lic station, the peculiar opinion of Mr. Everett
respecting slavery. This reasoning might an
swer if this opinion did not express and con
template an infringement of the Constitution,
and a course of proceeding violative of the
rights, and hazardous to the safety of a sec
tion of the Union. In this ease it is not merely
the possession of an opinion, which ought not
to influence legislative action respecting the
individual entertaining it, but it is the exercise
of that opinion, the indication of the necessity
and propriety of acting upon it, of achieving
what it maintains—which, in our view, ren
der its examination by the Senate perfectly
just and proper. Air. Everett not only enter
tains certain opinions, but he has also said that
he wishes those opinions adopted and enforced.
Has the Senate, in passing upon nomina
tions, no right to examine the political opinions
of the individuals before them for confirma
tion? Is it restricted ta a simple ir> tiga
tion of the moral and personal char; ers of
nominees? Has this been the uniform course
of the Senate 7 By no mean.-;—else why re
ject Air. Van Buren as Alinister to England.
Suppose Air. YVebster were to be nominated
for the English Mission—would the Senate be
unauthorised to judge him by the opinions put
forth in the McLeod case 7 And if those
opinions were condemned by a majority of the
Senate, would Senators act improperly to re
fuse his confirmation 7 Peter V. Daniel, of
Virginia, now a Judge of the Supreme Court
of the United States, is known to be a strict
constructionist of the straightest sect—“ a
Virginia abstractionist” if you please.
YVhen Air. Van Buren nominated him last
winter to the Senate for his present station, if
a majority in that body had supposed him to
entertain opinions on constitutional questions,
adverse to what it believed to be the just and
true interpretation of the constitution, and the
laws arising under it, would not the opposition
of that majority to his appointment have been
entirely justifiable 7 YVould censure have
properly attached to it in a case of that kind,
any more than pursuing its honest convictions
of duty in any matter of ordinary legislation 7
In appointments, other than those immediately
connected with the Executive in the discharge
of his official duties, we cannot see how it is
indispensable to obey the wishes of the Pres
ident as indicated by his nominations. It
is true we admit the right of the President
to appoint his political friends, *and it is
improper in Senators to refuse to confirm be
cause the individuals nominated and they be
long to different parties. Nevertheless, these
admissions do not restrict the right of the
Senate, where highly important and responsi
ble appointments are concerned, where great
principles are invoked and considered in the
discharge of the duties of those appointments,
to examine into the political, as well as per
sonal qualifications of the nominees—and see
whether they be compatible with the duties
of the office conferred, and consistent with the
honor and safety of the Republic. This it ap
pears to us is precisely what the Senate is now
doing, and very properly, in the case of Air.
Everett, and if the opinions he entertains aryj
promulge’ regarding slavery be not onfv
treasonable in themselves, but are calculated
to interlere, from the character of the questions
which are to be the subjects of negotiation,
with the proper and energetic discharge of the
duties of the English Mission, ought the Sen
ate to confirm his nomination 7 Indeed, ought
it not, by all means, to be rejected 7
Fiom the Richmond Whig.
Mission to England. —YVe cannot but
hope that the Whigs in the U. S. Sei.ite wit*
avert from the Whig parly and the country
at large, the evil consequences that must en
sue on the rejection of Mr Everett as Minis
ter to England.
Something certainly is due to the ahnosi
unanimous opinion of the Whig party. The
rank and file of that noble band who served
through the campaign of ’4l, and achieved
the glorious victory of November—-freed
from ail impulses save those which common
sense and patriotism prompt—see in this mat
ter the fingers of our wiley foes. Nothing
could give them more pleasure than the re
jecti u of this gentleman—for nothing would
to certainly produce a schism that all our fu
ture efforts would avail but little in healing
YVe speak warmly upon this subject, because
we feel warmly, and are not afraid that emr
zeal can be misunderstood. We have strong
hopes that prudent counsels will- prevail. —
We have no doubt of the purity of the mo
tives of any of our friends in the elevated body
to whose decision the constitution refers strch
matters, but purity of motive will be but a
poor recompense to the Whig party for the
sectional jealousies that will be engendered—
the dangers of which have been delineated
with a pencil of light by the Father of his
country.
THE UNITED STATES INSURANCE
COMPANY.
This company established in the city of New
York, with a capital of one million of dollars,
is about commencing operafons. The whole
capital has been subscribed, and ten per cent
of the amount paid. The remaining ninety
per cent is required to be paid before the com
pany commences business. John E. Davis,
Esq., is the Agent selected : or Columbus,
Georgia, as will be seen by his notice in ano
ther part of this paper.
We have seen the papers transmitted to
Air. Davis, containing an outline of the plan
on which this company is organized—of its
mode of transacting- business—of its arrange
ments respecting the distribution of stock—
and of the probable value of the capital thus
invested—and it is highly favorable to the
successful and profitable prosecution of the
business for which this company is formed.
The Commissioners who have the matter in
charge are men of the highest respectability,
and express their intention to place at the
head of the company some distinguished citi
zen of New York whose integrity and talents
are known to the country.
So far as can be judged from the papers
transmitted here, (through the hands of an
honorable member of Congress from Georgia,)
and from the known and established character
of those who are entrusted with the organiza
tion of the company,, its affairs will be man
aged with integrity and ability, and the stock
be rendered extremely valuable.
Bank of Columbus, Georgia. —A gen
tleman showed us a letter yesterday from the
Cashier of this bank, asserting that no defalca
tion had taken place in that institution. Very
well, be it so. In matters of bank frauds,
there is no necessity to invent—there are
plenty ripening every 6 week for the public
uses.
The Western Bank of Rome, Georgia, lias
finally stopped payment under singularcircum
stances. At the same moment the cashier,
Gibson, is in this city, driving “four in hand,”
like a successful financier. How can this be
accounted for 7
The above articles are from the New York
Herald of the 9th of this month. The first,
respecting the Bank of Columbus, is of course
correct, as it is verified by the statement of
the Cashier of that Institution. We see it
confirmed also by a communication in the En
quirer of yesterday, written by “one who
knows.”
As to the lattsr statement, we understand
a private letter has been received here cor
roboiating its truth. YVe hope the President
of the Rome Bank, whose integrity is in no
wise impugned by the recent disaster; but
who suffered himself, it is said, to be over
reached by others more dei .mg, will as
certain something about the reported doings
of Air. Gibson in New York, and see if there
is no mode of converting the “four in hand” to
the use and benefit of the creditors of the
Rome Bank.
THE REVENUE BILL.
Next week we design to give an outline of
the proceedings respecting this bill, in the va
rious stages of its passage, through both Hou
ses of Congress. By the way, although hav
ing received, in a different form, the sanction
of both branches, it is by no means certain
that it will become a law.
On its introduction into the Senate, Mr.
Woodbury moved to exempt Tea and Coffee.
This amendment was agreed to by the follow
ing vote—
Yeas —Alessrs. Allen, Bates, Benton, Buc
hanan, Calhoun, Choate, Clay of Alabama,
Clayton, Cuthbert, Dixon, Evans, Fulton,
Graham, Huntington, King, Linn, Mcßoberts,
Alangum, Miller, Aloreliead, Monton, Nichol
son, Phelps, Pierce, Porter, Prentiss, Sevier,
Simmons, Smith of t Connecticut, Smith of In
diana, Sturgeon, Tallmadge, Tappan, YValker,
White,Woodbridge, YYToodbury, YVright, and
Young—39.
Nays—Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Berrien,
Clay of Kentucky, Henderson, Ker, Merrick,
Preston, Rives, and Southard—lo.
Among the ten nays not a Democrat is to
be found. So objectionable was the feature
taxing tea and coffee that a majority of the
YVhig Senators united with the Democrats in
exempting those articles from duty.
Amotion was made by Mr. Allen, a Demo
cratic Senator from Ohio, to exclude salt from
taxation, and it was rejected by the following
vote—
Yeas—Messrs. Allen, Benton,’ Buchanan,
Clay of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton, King,
Linn, Alcßoberts, Alouton, Nicholson, Pierce,
Prentiss, Preston, Sevier, Smith ot Connecti
cut, Tappan, YValker, YVoodbury, Wright,
and Young—2l.
Nays—Messrs. Archer, Barrow, Bates,
Bayard, Berrien, Calhoun, Choate, Clay ol
Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham,
Henderson, Huntington, Ker, Alangum, Mer
rick, Miller, Porter, Simmons, Snntn of Indi
ana, Southard, Sturgeon, 1 allmadge, and
W ood bridge —25.
By an examination of this vote, it will be
seen that every Democratic Senator voted to
exempt salt, excepting Air. Calhoun—and that
every whig Senator voted to include it, ex
cepting Alessrs. Prentiss and Preston.
On its return to the House, the amendment
to exempt tea and coffee was concurred in.
The vote we have not yet seen. How we
would ask was this exemption obtained except
by the firmness of Democratic members in both
branches of Congress, and the alarm sounded
by the Democratic press throughout the coun
try 7
Amendments were also moved in the House
to exempt salt, sugar and other articles of ge
neral use. Most of these amendments, in
cluding the one exempting salt, were adopted
by the House—although we perceive by the
last Washington papers that the votes on
‘hem have been reconsidered, and appearan
ces indicate that they will be included in the
tax law, if the bill pass at all.
An amendment passed the Senate to the
effect that when it became necessary, for per
posee of revenue, to raise duties higher lhan
twenty per cent ad valorem, the distribution
of the proceeds of the Public Lands should
cease for the time being, & the fund derivable
from them be turned into the National Trea”
sury. In the House, on the return of the bill,
it was moved to disagree to this amendment
of the Senate, and it was disagreed to.
Thus stand matters at present. The cor
respondent of the Charleston Courier, under
date of Sept. 9, intimates that possibly the
whole Revenue bill may fail, in consequence
o f the second veto, and the ill blood to which
it has given rise.
The Washington correspondent of the
Charleston Courier, under date of September
9th, speaks thus of the rumored position of
our relations with England.
War rumors have again been rife, for a few
days. Advices from England, and verbal re
ports from gentlemen who have just returned
thence, shew that the feeling there, among all
classes is that ofdeadly hostility to this country;
and that a war would be popular and strengt h
en the Ministry. Mr. Fox received dispatch
es by ihe last steamer, and immediately held
a conference with the Secretary of State,
since which several Cabinet councils have
been held on the subject of his representa
tions. Os course nothing has transpired in
relation to the character of Mr. Fox’s instruc
tions.
The secret, but combined movements of
the patriots in New York, and the encourage
ment. which these “ respectable citizens’* re
ceive, in their respectable occupation, from
the more intelligent and responsible classes
of society, shew very clearly that we are on
on the eve of an outbreak, on the frontier,
which must necessarily lead to jt war.
Correspondence of the Charleston Courier.
Washington, Sept. 10.
The House was filled to overflowing at an
earlv hour yesterday. The lobbies were
crowded, and a vast amphitheatre of heads,
rising one above another, appeared in the gal
leries. Nearly every Senator was also pres
ent-all were expecting, with great interest,
the second veto. At 12 o’clock the Private
Secretary of the President announced“a mes
sage in ‘writing,” and handed it, together
with the “Fiscal Corporation” bill, to the
Speaker. The message was then read by
tiie Clerk. At some passages a srnile of
pleasure and triumph passed over the coun
tenances of the opposition. The whigs look
ed orave enough, and some could scarcely
repress their feelings of disdain and resent
ment. Suffice it to say, as to the reception
‘of the veto, that the loco focos are delighted
with it.
The message was ordered to be entered on
the journals aiu- printed, and the bill to be
“considered” at jl 2 o’clock this day.
The House, [deeply agitated as it was,
ought then to Have adjourned, in order that
the excitement might abate a little, before
they proceeded ,to bu iness; but they went on
with the consideration of the amendment of
the Senate striking out the appropriation for
Naples. As it.was to be expected, a spark
of fire, elicited ii the debate, ti.ll upon com
busible materials. Mr. Wise and Mr. Stan
ley quarrelled and fought on the floor, and a
general riot and fight were the immediate
consquence. Mr. Wise passed over to Mr.
Stanley’s seat to remonstrate with him, as
Mr. W. says, concerning his language, hut
Mr, Stanley says he came to scold with an
insolent air. VVords soon grew hot. Mr.
Wise asked him to leave the Hall, and turned
to go out. Go your own wav, said Mr.
Stanley, you know what I have said, take your
course, or words to that effect. Mr. Wise
returned and said, “you are beneath my con
tempt.” Mr. S. replied, “you are ad and
liar.” Mr. W. then struck Mr. S, who re
ceived the blow, not in the face, at which it
was aimed, hut under the ear and jaw. Mr.
Stanley ruck three or four violent blows ai
Mr. W. before he could recover himself, and
then seized him to throw him down and beat
and stamp on him. Mr. Dawson and others
got hold of Mr. S. and pulled him off. Half
of the members were in an instant crowding
aroudd the combatants, mounting upon the
tables, and overturning each oilier, uttering
the most vii leni exclamatious. At the same
momenr, Mr. W. O. Puller, of’Ky., and Mr.
Arnold,ofTtnn., were engaged in a close
and apparently deadly conflict. Several ot-h
----er members had clinched. Meanwhile the
Speaker had taken the chair,and began to
shout “order, 5 ’ and several members inter
posed to quell the riot. The combatants re
laxed their hold, or were pulled apart, and,
the next moment, Mr. Wise, who had re
sumed his seat, was heard, in a perfectly
composed tone, addressing the House, and
representing that he had received a word
from Mr. Stanley, which he would not brook,
in any place. Mr. Stanley said he should
not apologize to the House -he had done
nothing in violation of its order. He reeited
the facts, and added that if the House had
not interfered, he would have punished the
gentleman in the severe manner that his inso
lence deserved.
Mr. Andrews proposed to expel Mr. Wise,
on the spot, and some cried, “agreed”—but a
resolution had been previously offered by Mr.
Ingersoll to appoint a committee to investi
gate the circumstance, which was agreed to.
The House reconsidered the votes exempt
ing salt, sugar and cotton from the duty of
twenty percent.
The House amended ihe Senate amend
ment limiting all duties to twenty per cent.,
by provid ng that this should not interfere
with the distribution bill. When ihe bill
weht back to theSenale, Mr. Clay, with his
nobleness of character, himself moved to disa
gree to this amendment of the House, and a
Committee of Conference was ordered.
The House disagreed to the Senate amend
ment to the diplomatic bill, striking out the
appropriation fora charge to Naples.
From the Globe, September 9.
The hour of twelve having come, the com
mittee rose to receive ihe Veto Message oj
y,e President upon the Fiscal Corporation.
The veto was read by the Clerk in a loud
tony; and when he had finished
Aft. Morrow of Ohio moved to have it en
tered upon the journal: and also that the
House would proceed to-morrow, at ISo’cl’k,
to reconsider the bill.
The House resolved itself again into Com*-
mitiee of lire Whole, and took up the Diplo
matic hill.
After a debate between Messrs. McKeon,
Ingersoll, Adams, and others, in which the
mission to Mexico and Naples were lullv
discussed,
Messrs. Wise and Stanley were observed
in earnest and excited conversation together
at Mr. Stanleys desk. Alter a few minutes
Mr. Wise made a motion as il to invite Mr.
Stanly out, to which Mr. Stanly made a ges
ture of dissent. Mr. Wise then returned to
Mr. Stanly and apparently as in answer to
something said by Mr. Siatilv, he was ob
served to slap Mr. Stanly in the free pretty
severely with his open hand. A scuffle then
ensued, a number ol members rushing to the
scene of contest.
The Speaker took the Chair and called
repeatedlv to order.
Mr. Dixon H. Lewis was the first who
was observed to sepaiate ihe combatants,
holding one at each arm’s length.
After a good deal of uproar and confusion,
Air. Wise having relumed to his seat, rose
and expressed the hope that the House would
come to order, and enable him to make to it •
an apology. He rose, he said, perfectly cool
and collected, to make an explanation
The uproar continuing,
Afr. Keim was heard to say that he object
ed to the gentleman going on until order was
restored, and the members took their seats.
Order being restored,
Mr. Wise proceeded to say that he wished,
in the most humble manner, to ask pardon, as
he sincerely did, of the House, lor having, in
its presence, violated its order, ami that deco
rum and respect which should be preserved
towards it, under an excitement which he
could not and would uot repress. The House
had witnessed what had passed between the
gentleman from North Carolina and himselt,
and had heard the language used hy that
gentleman, in debate, towards him, (Mr. W )
He should not recapitulate it, bui confine
himself to what bad passed afterwards at the
seat of the gentleman in private,and nut in the
hearing of the House, and with that atone, he
presumed, it will have any thing to do. He
tiad visited the seat of the gentleman (Mr. S.)
after he had concluded his remarks, for the
purpose of remonstratingjwith him in a friend
ly and private way for his language in debate,
and without intending to manitesi any excite
ment. Bui fie may have been, and perhaps
bulb of them were, excited. His object was
to preserve their friendly relations; but the
gentleman (Mr. S.) chose to waive those rela
• ioi>s, and to claim no protection under them.
He would not undertake to inform the House
circumstances of what took place. The gen
tleman seemfd to adhere to what he had re
plied to my explanation on the floor. I at
tempted to give him a warning, and asked
him to go with me out of the hall/
Here Mr. Andrews called Mr. W. to order’
and objected to his making a statement.
Mr. Wise. I make my general statement
in presence of the gentleman, Stanly)
and no injustice cn be dune him. He refused
to go out of the House wijtr me, and I applied
to him very harsh and offensive terms. The
gentleman rclorted a word which I never can,
and never w’Hf brook, here in this House, or
elsewhere. I struck him, and the assault en
sued, lor which I again ask tire pardon of the
House, and submit myself to the penalty it
may choose to inflict.
Mr. {Stanly. I, too, ask leave to make an
explanation. I have no pardon to ask of the
House, for if I had been guilty, I would resign
or submit to the judgment of the House. The
gentleman from Virginia came round to my
seat not to remonstrate, as he says, but to scold
me as ae has done every body who takes the
liberty to differ with a bighminded Virginian.
In the course of the conversation which took
place between us, he said to me, “I warn you.”
To which I replied “ I want none of your
warning.” He then invited me to come with
him to the door. I refused. He then said
“you deserve ray contempt.” To which I
replied “you area liar.” He tried to strike me,
but was prevented from so doing; and if the
House had not prevented me, I would have
given him sucli punishment as he deserved.
Mr. Wise said that the gentleman’s state
ment was net true,
Mr. Ingersoll said he was not much versed
in parliamentary proceedings in relation to
breaches of privilege, but it appeared to him
that the best course for the House to pursue
was to refdr the matter to a select committee.
Mr. Andrews was opposed to the reference
to any committee whatever. During the last
session, an occurrence of the same kind too.<
place. The House referred it to a select com
mittee, where the matter ended. He thought
that the best plan would be for the House to
act at once lor itself, and to vindicate its own
dignity. Mr. A. then moved to lay the reso
lution on the table.
Mr. Hopkins,after some remarks not heard
in the noise that prevailed, said that no good
could result from continued discussion ; and
he would, therefore, move the previous ques
tion.
Mr. Win. W. Irwin of Pennsylvania asked
his colleague to modify his resolution, so as to
direct the committee to inquire how many as
saults had taken place in the hall during the
last thirty minu.es. He himself had seen
more than one.
Some gentleman was heard to say, “One is
enough.”
Mr. Andrews here moved that the House
adjourn : rejected, yeas 5'2, nays 118.
The question being on Mr. Andrews’s mo
lion,
Mr Andrews explained that if he succee
ded in laying the motion on the table, he
would then submit a resolution by which the
House would best assert its own dignity, and
preserve order and decorum in its “era
tions. Mr. A. then handed up a resolution,
which was read for the information of the
House, to the effect that Mr. Wise be ex
pelled.
[Cries of “No ! no ! —not in order.”]
iVJr. Ingersoll’s resolution was then adopted
providing that a select committee of seven
members be appointed to investigate the facts
of the fracas that occurred on the floor of the
House between Mr. Stanly and Mr. Wise.
From the Free American, of Boston.
EDWARD EVERETT.
The suspense about Mr. Everett’s nomina
tion has really excited quite a hurricane in the
Northern press. They are even astonished
at Southern arrogance and impudence. This
is cheering, lor it shows that they have a little
manly feelmgileft. Presses that are dumb to
the unutterable cruelties daily perpetrated
against the slave, are roused to furious indig.
nation at the idea that slaveholders should
assume a censorship over Northern opinions.
But according to their old servility they are
forswearing Mr. Everett’s Abohtioinsin!—
They say he is not an Abolitionist at all, or
not so in any “odious sense of the term.” In
this they betray either utter ignorance or con
summate meanness. If Edward Everett is
not to all intents and purposes as much an
immediate abolitionist as Gerrit Smith or Ar
thur Tappan, he is a hypocrite. He was once
an anti-abolitionist, but the proofs of his eon
version are unequivocal and on record, and we
nope, lor the credit of his State, he will not
deny them. We shall give the documents.
1. His letter to Mr. tjuincy. 2. His letter
to Mr, Borden previous to the last election at
which he was a candidate. 3. The endorse
ment of Win. L:oyd Garrison, etliior of the
Liberator. All we ask in the case is, that alj
parties will act in view of the facts as ihey
are.
I. GOVERNOR EVERETT’S I,ETTEK TO
MR. Q-UINOY.
This letter appeared in the Boston Daily
Advertiser, “By his Excellency’s permission,”
soon after its date. We copy it from the Lib
erator ot May 4,1838.
Boston, April 26, 18138.
Dear Sir: —l have your favor of the 21st;
accompanied with the volume containing the
account of the tour of Messrs. Thome and
Kimball in the West Indies, for which you will
be pleased to accept my thanks. I have pe
rused this highly interesting narrative with the
greatest satisfaction. Front the moment ol
I the passage of the law making provision lor
| tiie iinmedia e or prospective abolition of sla-
I very in the British colonial possessions, I have
| looked with the deepest solicitude for tidings
]of its operation. The success of the rrif asure,
| as it seemed to me, would afford a better hope
i than had before existed, that a like blessing
might be enjoyed by the portions of the Uni
ted States, where slavery prevails. The only
ground on which I had been accustomed to
hear the continuance of slavery defended at
the South, was that of necessity, and the im
possibility of abolishing it, without producing
consequences of the most disastrous chara ter
!to both parties. The passage of the law pio
j viding for the emancipation of nearly a million
;of slaves in the British colonies, seemed to
| afford full opportunity of bringing this mo
mentous question to the decisive test of ex
perience. If the result.proved satisfactory, I
have never doubted that it would seal the fate
of slavery throughout the civilized world. As
far as the observations of Messrs. Thome and
Kimball extended, the result is of the most
gratifying character. It appears to place be
yond a doubt that the experiment of immedi
ate emancipation adopted by the colonial Le
gislature of Antigua, has fully succeeded in
that island ; and the plan of apprenticeship in
other portions of the West Indies, as well as
could have been expected lrorn the obvious
inherent vices of that measure. It has giilfit
me new views of the practicability of emanci
pation. It has been effected in Antigua, as
appears from unquestionable authorities con
tained in the work of Messrs. Thome and Kim
ball, not merely without danger to the master/
but without any sacrifice ol his interests. I
cannot but think that the information collected
in the volume will have a powerful effect on
public opinion, not only in the Northern States/
but in the Southern States. .
I see repeated references in this volume to
the mission of Messrs. Sturge and Harvey.
I am not aware that any publication has been
made by those gentlemen. If the fact is oth
envise, and you have the volume in your pos
session, you would greatly oblige me by tho
lean of it for a few’ days.
I am, dear sir, wit h much regard, your friend
and servant, EDWARD RVLRLIT.*
Edmund Quincy, Esq. *
2. The Liberator of November 1, 1339,
contains Gov. Everett’s letter to Mr. Borden,
in answer to two anti-slavery interrogatories,
as follows:
GOV. EVERETT’S ANSWER.
• Watertown. Oct. 24, 1839.
Dear Sir: On Saturday lasi I only received
yourfletter ot the 18th, propounding to me
certain interrogatories, and earnestly request
ing an early answer.
You are aware that several resolves, on
the subject of these inquiries and their kin
dred topics, accompanied by a very able
report, were introduced into the Senate of the
Commonwealth, the year before last, by a
joint committee of the two houses, of which
the late lamented Mr. Alvord was chairman.
Those resolves, after having been somewhat
enlarged by amendment, were adopted by the
Legislature.
They appear to me to cover the whole
ground of your two interrogatories. Having
cheerfully Cos operated in the passage of the
resolves,• and concurring in the general rea
soning hy which they are sustained, in the
powerful report of the chairman of the com
mit tee. I respond to both your inquiries in the
affirmative.
The first of the three subjects embraced
in your inquiry, is the only one of them which
nme before Congress while I was a member.
I voted in the mgative on a motion to lay
upon the table the petition of the American
Anti-Slavery Society, Fir the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, and on
other motion- of the like character,introduced
to cast off the coßsiderat of this class of
petitions.
I am, dear s : r, very respectfully,
Your friend and servant,
EDWARD EVERETT.
Hon. Natrarieb. A. Borden.
N. B. The two inquiries, to which Gov
R/erett thus answered in the affirm alive
were
“ Ist. Are you in favor of the immediate
abolition, by law, of slavery in the Distrcl
of Columbia, and of the slave traffic between
the States of Jh Union ?
“21. Are you opened to the admission*
into the Union of any new State, the Consti
tution of which tolerates domestic slavery ? ,sr
3. Mr. Garrison’s recommendation of ‘Air.
Everett is contained in the Liberator o! Nov
8, 1840, and is as follows:
“ Edwakd Everett. —The Governor of
this Commonwealth has answered unequivo
cally, in the AFFIRMATIVE, to the ques
tions whether lie is in favor ol the immeiliate’
abolition of slavery, in the District of Colum
bia, and the slave trade between the several
States. Edward Everett now speaks the
language of a patriot, a republican, and a
Christian. We believe it is the real language
of his sou!. When, a few years since, he
took the opposite ground, he did violence’ uv
Ills convictions of right, and committed ®
grievous error. We are disposed to obliter
ate all that has gone before, and to (fommend
him fi*r bis honorable course. To refer invid
iously so vrhat he said when public sentiment
was deeply corrupt, would lie ungenerous ;
to charge hh with being insincere at the
present time, would be unjust; to accuse him
of seeking popularity would be equally un
charitable. It i not vet a popular thing for
the Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth
to av himself in fa-wr of immediate eman
cipa ; and until be sftnlf prove recreant to
his present professions, it? is to be taken for
granted that he meanerjust what .V sa-ts, )n
our opinion he ought t > receive the undivided
support of ‘.he an’i slavery voters- of this
Commonwealth; nav, they are pledged to
give him their support, inasmuch ar he'has
declared himself to lie in saver of their'prin
ciples and measures.”
In the same paper an anti-slavery ticket'is
proposed, headed by EDWARD EYEftL
ETT for Governor.
From tht? Standard of Union Sept. 10J
THE CENTRAL BANK.
If the Whigs get the majority the Central*
Bank will be put down, and the notes which rtf
holds on the people, sent out for collection by?
suit.
If the democrats have the majority, the
Bank will be strengthened, and its doors o
pened to the people, to help them out of their
difficulties.
McDonald and Relief, vs. Dawson and
tiie tariff— i*et the people read the Mes
sage of Gov. McDonald to the hard hearted
Legislature of 1840, which follows, and com
pare it with the answer it received to its hu
mane propositions, and the cold hearted reply
that “ They ought not if they could and
the vote ol Air. Dawson gave in Congress, to
impose a duty of 20 per cent, upon Tea, Cof
fee, &.c. and decide who is their friend-
Let the Farmers snd Mechanics remember
that Air. Dawson has voted to impose a tax
upon them, while another has been relieved
from equal burdens by taking off” the Tax
from Kail Road Iron, while it remains upon
the same article, used by every other citi en,
thus giving to corporations, advantages which
are denied to the people at large.
Executive Department,
Milledgeville 14th December, 1841.
Gentlemen of the Sena'e, and
House of Kepresen atives :
Sir-ce your assemblage on the second ulti
mo, the Cotton crop of the present year has
been generally gathered, and the quantity
raised has fallen so far below the most rea
sonable calculation, that without a forbear
ance on the part of creditors, not to be ex
pected, the pecuniary distress of the people
for the next year, will be unprecedented and
ruinous. I feel it my duty, therefore, to call
your attention to this subject before your ad
journment, that you inay adopt such constitu
tional measures for the relief of the people,
as your wisdom may suggest, as expedient
and proper.
The Central Brnk, burthened as it is and
necessarily must be, by appropriations for the
support of Government cannot extend farther
accommodations ; and if you concur with me
in the opinion that the exigency demands at
your hands, some efforts lor the aid of the
people through the difficulties of the ensuing
year—disappointed as they are in the usual
means of meeting their engagements, by the
almost total failure of the cotton crop in some
places, and its great diminution everywhere
—you cannot turn your attention too soon to
the subject.
Being unapprised of any measure proposed
by you for this object, and not bs.ng willing
to incur the expenses incident to an extraor
dinary session of the Legislature, when it is
as well known now as it can be some mon'lis
hence, that the necessities of the people will
certainly require relief, which none but the
supreme authority can afford, 1 venture to
place the matter before you, not doubting
that all will be done by you that can be, avert
the consequences of a calamity that could not
have been foreseen, and that no prudence
could have guarded against,
Charles J- Mel'onalp-