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I'UBLISiIED
EVERY THURSDAY MORNING,
BY JAMES VAN NESS,
in the “ Granite Building,” on the corner of
Oglethorpe and Randolph Streets.
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2. All rule an I figure work double the above prices.
Leoxl Advertisements published at the usual
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the law,
Ai.l Svi.es regulate 1 by law, must be made before
th- court house doo-, between the hours ot 10 in the
morning and four in the evening—those of Isnd in
tho county where it is situate; those of persona
property, where the letters testamentary, of adminl
istra'i >u or of > i irdiasstpp were oVained—and are
requited to be previously advertised in 3ome public
gazette, as follows:
Sheriffs’ Sles uu ler regul ir executions for thir
ty days ; un ier mortgage ti fas sixty days, before
the dav of sale.
S v t,Es of lau I an I negroes, by Executors, Adminis
trators or Guardians, for sixty days before the day
of sale.
Sai.es of personal property (except Negroes) forty
days.
Ct r.v tions bv Clerks of the Courts ol Ordinary, upon
annlication for letters of administration, must be pub
lished foi thirty days.
Ut r vtions upon application fo’ dismission, by Exec
u'ors, A Iminiatrators or Guardians, monthly for six
in iriths.
Orders of Jourts of Ordinary, (accompanied with a
copy of the bond or agreement) to make titles to
land, must be published three months.
Notices bv Executors, Administrators or Guardians,
of aopli ra'inn to the Court of Ordinary for leave to
sell the land or negroes of an estate, fiiur months.
Notices by Executors or Administrators, to the
debtors and ere litors of an estate, for six weeks.
Sheriffs’, Clerks of Court &c. will be allowed the
usual (eduction.
ILT Letters on business, must be post paid, to
entitle them to attention.
BOOTS, SHOES AND BROGANS.
A LARGE and well assorted stock of the above
named articles can be found at No. 13, Hayn-e
street. Charleston. S. C. The subscriber- are pleased
to infirm their customers and the country merchants
generally, that they have secured ilieir
Fall and Winter Goods,
anil shall be pleased to serve them personally or by
order. They also will say that they have ao unusual
laqte assurtment of Negro Brogans, lioili hlaek and
ru.ssett, adapted to plantation use. All of which will
be sold on reasonable ‘erins.
H. STODDARD & WOOD,
Formerly H S TODDARD, MILLER & Cos.
No. 13, Hayne-st. Charleston, S. C.
September 23 3.1 4t
■ W ARE-HOUSE
AND
COMMISSION BUSINESS.
WE have associated under the firm of Yonge &
Spencer, for the transaction of the above bu
siness, and hope to receive a share of public patronage.
We will occupy the old stand known as “ Yonge’s
Ware House On Front street, which is now being put
in good order, and intend having it enclosed with n
substantial brick wall We will attend to the sale of
Cotton oi other produce on waggons or in store, at the
usual rates.
We have a good sup and v of Bagging and Rope, which
we will furnish to our customers on accommodating
terms. WILLIAM P. YONGE,
RICHARD P. SPENCER.
Columbus. Sept. 0 31 ts
WHISKEY, RUM, GIN, &c. <
ALWAYS on hand, and for sale by
JOHN U. HOWELL, s
Corner of Crawford and Broad-sts. .
September 16 32 if ,
SHOES AND HATS.
OF various quality and sizes, for sale by 1
JOHN D. HOWELL, [
Uotnor ot Grawf ini anil Hro*l sis. .
Sentember lf> 32 if ,
_ *i
COT I ON AND WOOL CARDS. *
17^ (JR sale by JOHN D. HOWELL, tl
Corner of Crawford and Broad sts. ( j
September 16 32 if (
Raw hides'wanted. 1
A NY quantity will he nurchased at fair prices, 1
by JOHN D HOWELL, <
Corner of Crawford and Broad-st. |
Septerffbef 16 32 ts ,
glass And putty. ]
qua isy Window Glass and Putty, for sale
< by JOHN D. HOWELL,
C Writer of Crawford and Broad sts. i
September 16 32 if |
SALT) Iron, &I
A constant supply of sail and assorted Iron, always
on ban I. . JOHN I). HOWM.L,
Coriter of Crawford and Broad-sts.
September lfl 32 ts
CROCKERY.
FINE and commou Ware, for sale bv
JOHN 1). HOWELL,
Cdrrier of Crawford and Broad-sts.
September 22 3d ts
DRY GGODS.
STAPLE and Fancy Dry Goods, of every des
cription, suitable for the trade, for sale ilv
JOHN D. HOWELL,
Corner of Cra vford and Broad-sts.
September 23 33 if
FINE LIQUORS.
WINES, Brandies, and Holland Gift, of superior
quality, for sale by
JOHN D. HOWELL.
Corner of Crawford and Broad-sts.
September 23 S3 ts
CASTINGS.
POTS, Ovens, Spiders Skillets, Fire-Irons, and
other articles in this line, for sale by
JOHN D. HOWELL,
Corner of Broad and Crawford sts.
September 16 32 ts
WOODEN WARES.
A LARGE and well assorted lot of Tubs, Buck
a-"* “j„£j d!* Powell,
Corner of Broad and Crawfrrd-sts. i
September 16 3- *f
WHITE LEAL) AND OIL.
ENGLISH and American White Lead and Lin
seed Oil, for sale by J. D. HOWELL,
Coiner of Crawford and Broad-sts.
September 23 33 ts
BAGGING, ROPE AND TWINE~
A GOOD supply of the above articles for sale on
accommoda ing terms, at the Ware House of
WM. P. YONGE,
August 5 26 ts • Front-street.
’ _ DR. TAYLOR
HAS removed his office to Preston’s Row, a few
doors East of Preston’s Corner,where he may
generally be found, unless when professionally engage
Feb. 9. I ‘I
JOHN. L. LEWIS,
IS mv authorized Agent to transact any busines
of mine, during my absence from Columbus.
M. A. ROBINSON.
June 3 17 ts
“notice.
JOHN L. LEWIS, Esq. will act as the Agent of
the undersigned, during his temporary absence
iu Alabama. N. W. COCKE.
June 17 >9 2t
BROUGHT TO JAIL
IN Columbus, Georgia, on the 11th August, a ne
gro man who says his name is DICK ; he is rath
er of a copper color, s tys he belongs to Madison Hey
wood, of Talladega county, Ala. The said negro
has been runaway for nearly two years. H- broke
jail from me 27th July, 1840. and he then said he be
longed to Edward Williams, of Talladega county, and
then went by the name of Joe; his age 23 or 24 vea*s;
5 feet. 8 inches high. The owner is requested to
come forward, prove property, pay expenses and take
him away. W. BROWN, Jailor.
September 9 31 ts
CAUTION.
OST about a month ago, a note supposed to be j
P A made payable to Thomas E, Taggart or bearer
signed by Hoxev & Mitchell, dated some time in 1837
for sixty-two dollars and some odd cents. 1 forewarn
all persons from trading fbr sail) note, as payment on
■aid note has been stopped.
9 MICHAEL McQ.UATD.
September 23 33 3:
THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
VOLUME I.]
S P B K C It
Os Mr. CalMou.x, of South Carolina, on the Dis
tribution Bi l, delivered in the Senate of the United
States, August 24, 1841.
Mr. Calhoun said
If this Dill should become a law, it would
make a wider breach hi the constitution, and
be followed by changes more disastrous, than
anv one measure which has ever yet been
adopted, it would, in its violation ot the
constitution, go far beyond the general wel
fare doctrine of Ibrmer days, which stretched
the p over of the Government as lar as it was
then supposed was possible by construction,
however bold. But as wide as were the lim
its which it assigned to the powers of the Go
vernment, it admitted bv implication that there
were limits, while ibis bill, as I shall show,
rests on principles which, if admitted, would
supersede all limits.
According to the ge ieral welfare doctrine,
! Congress had pi wer to raise money, and ap
propriate it to all objects which it might deem
calculated to promote the general welfare—
that is, the ptosper ty oi the Slate, regarded
: in their aggregate character as members of
the Union, or, to express it more britfly, and
i:i language onr e so common, to national ob-
I jtcis; thus excluding, by necessary implica
tion, all that were not national, as falling
within the spheres of the separate Slates. As
wide as are these limits, they are too narrow
for this bill. It takes in what is excluded un
der the general welfare doctrine, and assumes
for Congress the right lo raise money, to give
by distribution to the Slates; that is, to be
applied by them to those very local Stale ob
jects to which that doctrine, by necessary
implication, denied that Congress had a right
inappropriate money: and thus superseding
all the limits of the constitution—as far, at
least, as the money power is concerned. The
advocates of this extraordinary doctrine have,
indeed, attempted to restrict il, in their argu
! menl. to revenue derived from the public lands;
but facts speak louder than words To test
the sincetity of their argument, amendments
alter amendments have been offered to limit
lie operation of the bill exc'tisively to the
revenue derived from that source, but which
as ofieti as offered, have been steadily voted
down by their united votes. But I take high
er giound. The aid of those test votes, as
strong as they are, is not needed to make good
the assumption that Congress has the rigid to
lay and collect taxes for the separate use of
the States. The circumstances under which
it is attempted to litrce this bill through, speak
of themselves a language too distinct to be
misunderstood.
The Treasury is exhausted ; the revenues
from the public lands cannot be spared ; they
are needed lor the pressing and necessary
wants of the Government. For every dollar
withdrawn from the Treasury, and given to
the States, a dollar must be raised from the
customs to supply its place; that is admitted.
Notv, I put lo the advocates of this bijl—is
there, can there be, anv real difference, either
in principle or effect, between raising money
from customs, to be divided among the States,
•md raising the same amount, from them to
supply the place of an equal sum withdrawn
Iroin the Treasury to he divided among the
Slates? If there be a difference, mv faculties
are not acute enough to peiceive it; and I
would thank anv one who can, to point it out.
B it, it tins difficulty could be surmounted, it
would avail nothing, unless, another not In
terior, can also be got over. The land from
which the revenue proposed to be divided, is
derived, was purchased (with the exception
of the small portion, comparatively, lying be
tween the Ohio and Mississippi rivers) out nl
the common hinds of the Union, and with
money derived, for the most part, from cus
toms. Ido not exempt the portion acquired
from Georgia, which was purchased at its full
value, and cost as much, in proportion, as
Florida, purchased from Spain, or Louisiana
from France.
Il money cannot be raised from customs or
other sources lor distribution, I ask, how can
money derived front tiie sales ol land pur
chased with money raised from the customs
or oilier sources, be distributed among the
States? If the money could not be distribu
ted before it was vested in and, on what prin
ciple can it he when it is converted hack again
into money by the sales of the land ? It prior
to the purchase it was subject, in making ap
propriations, to ihe limits prescribed by ihe
constitution, how can it, alter having been
convened back again into money by the sale
of the land, be freed from those limits? By
what art, what political alchyrny, could the
mere passage of the money through the lands
free it from the constitutional shackles lo which
it was previously subject ?
But if this difficulty also could be surmount
ed, there is another, not less formidable and
more comprehensive* still to overcome. Il
ihe lauds belong to the States at all, they must
belong to them in one or two
iher m iheir federative character, as members
“fa common Union; or in their separate, as
distinct and it dependent communities. 1; the
lormer, this Government* which was created
as a common agent to ca ry into effict the
objects for which the Union was formed, holds
the lands, as it does all its other delegated
powers, as a trustee for the States in ilieir fed
eral character, lor the execution of those ob
jects, and no other purpose whatever; and
can, of coutse, under the grai l of the consti
tution “to dispose of the territories or other
j properly belonging to the United Elates,” dis
pose of the lands only under its trust powers,
and in execution of the objects for which they
were granted by the coustiiutioni When,
then, tne lands or other p.operiy of the United
Slates, are disposed ot by sale —that is, con
verted into money—tfie trust, with all its lim
itations, attaches as Lilly to the money, as it
did to the lands or property of which it is the
proceeds. Nor would the Government have
any more tight to divide the land or the money
among the States—that is, to surrender it to
them—than it would have to surrender any
other of its delegated powers. Il il may
surrender either to the States, it may also sur
render the power of declaring war, laying du
ties, or coining money. They are all delega
ted by the same parties, held under the same
instrument, and in trust, for the execution of
the same objects. The assumption of such a
right is neither more nor less than the assump
tion of a right paramount to the constitution
j tse lf__the right on the part of the Govern
ment lo destroy the instrument, and dissolve
the Union, from which it derives its existence.
To such monstrous results must the principle
on which this bill rests lead, on the supposition
that the lands (that is, the territories) belong
to the United States, as they are expressly
declared to do by the constitution.
But the difficulty would not be less if they
should be considered as belonging to the
States, in their individual and separate char
acter. So considered, what right can this
Government possibly have over them ? It is
the age.it, or trustee, for the United States;—
the Slates as members of a common L r nion,
and not of the States individually, each of
which has a seperate Government of its own
to represent it in that capacity. For this Go
vernment to assume to represent them in both
capacities, would be to assume all powers—
jto centralize the whole system in itself. But,
! admitting this bold assumption; on what
’ principle of right or justice, if the laDds real v
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 30, 1841.
belong to the States—or, which is the same
thing, ts the revenue from the lands belong to
theqt—can this Government impose the vari
ous limitations prescribed in the bill? What
right has it, on that supposition, to appropriate
funds belonging to the States separately, to
‘the use of the Union in the event of war, or
in case the pri, ? of the lands should be in
creased above a dollar and a quarter an acre,
or any article of the tariff above twenty per
centum ad valorem.
Such, and so overwhelming, are the consti
tutional difficulties which lieset this measure.
No one wh i can overcome them--who can
bring himself to vote for this bill—need trou
ble himself about constitutional scruples here
alter. He may swallow without hesitation
bank, tariff, and every oilier unconstitutional
measure which has ever been adopted or pro
posed. Yes; it would be easier to make a
plausible argument for the constitutionality of
the most monstrous of the measures proposed
by ihe abolitionists--for abolition itself—than
for this detestable bill: and vet we find Sena
tors from slaveholding Scales the very safety
of whose consiitnentsdependson a strict con
struction of the constitution, recording their
names in favor of a measure from which they
have nothing to hope, and every tiling to fear.
To what is a course so blind to be attributed,
bui to that fanaticism of party zeal, openly
avowed on this floor, which regards the pre
servation of the power of the whig parly, as
the paramount consideration ? It tins staked
its existence on the passage of this and the
other measures for which this extraordinary
session was called ; and when it is brought to
ilie alternative of their defeat or success, in
the anxiety to avoid the one and secure the
oilier, constituents, constitution, duty and
country,—are all forgotten.
A measure which would make so wide and
fatal a breach in the constitution, could not
but involve in its consequences many and dis
astrous changes in our politic.il system, too
numerous to be iraced in a speech. It would
require a volume to do them justice. As ma
ny as may fall wi.hin llie scope of my remarks,
I shall touch in their proper place. Suffice it
for die presenL to say, that such and so great
would they be, as to disturb and conlbund the
relations of all the constituent parts of our
beautiful but complex system -of that between
this and the co-ordinate Governments of the
States, and between them and their respective
constituency. Let the principle ol’ the distri
bution of the revenue on which this bill rests,
be established, and it would follow, as certain
ly as it is now before us, that this Government
and those of the States would be placed in
antagonist relations on all subjects except the
collection and distribution of revenue; which
would end, in converting ibis into a mere ma
chine of collection and distribution lor those
of the States, to the utter neglect of all the
functions for wh ch it was created. Then
the proper responsibility of each to their re
spective constituency would be destroyed;
then would succeed a scene of plunder and
corruption without parallel, lobe billowed by
dissolution, or an entire change ol’ system.
Yes; if any one measure can dissolve 1 his
Union, this is that measure. The revenue is
the State, said the great British statesman,
Burke. With us, to divide the revenue among
its members is to divide the Union. This bill
proposes to divide that from the lands. Take
one step more, to which this will lead if not
arrested; divide the revenue from the customs,
and wfiat of Union would be ielt ? I touched
more fully on this, and olher important points
connected with this detestable measure, during
the discussions of the last session, and shall
not now repeat what I then said.
What I now propose is, te trace the change
it would make in our financial system, with its
-bearings on what ought to he the poboy of
the Government. I have selected it, not be
cause it is the most important, hut because it
is that which has heretolore received the leasi
attention.
This Government lias heretofore been sup
ported almost exclusively from two sources of
revenue —the lands and the customs; except
ing a period at its commencment, and dutirg
the late war, when it drew a great portion of
its means from internal taxes. The revenue
from lands has been constantly and steadily
increasing with the increa e of population,
and may, for the next ten years, he safely es
timated to yield an annual average income of
$5,000,000, if they should lie properly admin
istered— a sum equal to more than a fourth of
what the entire expenditures of the Govern
ment ought to f>e. with due economy, and re
stricted to the objects for which it was institu
ted.
This bill proposes to withdraw this large,
permanent, and growing source of revenue,
from the Treasury of the Union, and to dis
tribute it among Ihe several Elates; and tfie
question is,—would it be wise to do so, viewed
as a financial measure, in reference m wfiat
ought to he the policy ol the Govt ri ment ?
which brings up the previous question, wfiat
ought that policy to be? In the older of
tilings, tfie question of policy preceil*s that of
finance. The latter has reference 10, and is
dependent on, the former. It must first he
determined wfiat ought to be done, b fore it
can be ascertained how much revenue will be
requued, and on wfiat it is to be raised.
To the quesiion. then. What ought to be
the policy of the Government ? the shortest
and most comprehensive answer which I can
give is, that it ought to he the very opp site
of that li>r which this extraordinary session
was called, and of which this measure forms
so prominent a part. The effect of these
measures is to divide and distract the country
within, and to weaken it Without; the very
reverse of the objects for which tfie Govern
menl was instituted—which was to give peace,
tranquility, and harmony within, and power,
security, and respeciability without. We
find, accordingly,that without, where strength
ivas required, us powers are undivided. In
its exte ior relations—abroad, this Govern
ment is the sole and exclusive representative
of tfie united majesty, sovereignty, and pow
er of the states constituting this great and
glorious Union. To the rest of the world,
we are one. Neither State nor Slate Gov
ernment is known beyond our borders. With
in, it is different. There we form twenty-six
distinct, independent,and sovereigneommuni
ties,e ich with its separate Government, whose
powers are exclusive within, as that of this
Government is without, with the exception of
three classes of powers which are delegated
to it. The first is, those that were necessary
to the discharge of its exterior functions—< U ch
as declaring war, raising armies, providing a
navy, and raising revenue. The reason for
delegating these requires no explanation.—
The next class consists < f those powers that
were necessary to regulate the exterior or in
ternational relations of the States among them
selves, considered as distinct communities—
powers that could not be exercised by the
Sta'tes separately, at.d the regulation of which
was necessary to their peace, tranquility, and
that free intercourse, social and commercial,
which ought to exist between confederated
States. Such are those of regulating com
merce between the States, coining money,
and fixing the value thereoC and the standard
of weights and measures. The remaining
dass consists of those powers which, though
not belonging to the exterior relations of the
States, are of such nature that they could not
“THE UNION OF THE STATES, AND THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE STATES.”
be exeicised by State*'sejmrateiy, without
one injuring the other- -such as imposing du
ties on impoits; in exercising ol which, the
maritime Elates, having the advantage of
good ports, would tax those who would have
to draw (heir supply through them. In as
serting that, with these exceptions; the powers
of the Elates are exclusive within, I speak in
general terms. There are, indeed, inkers not
reducible to either of these cases; hut they
are 100 few and inconsiderable to be regarded
as exceptions.
On the moderate and prudent exerise of
ihese, its interior powers, the success f the
Government, and with it our entire pditical
system, mamlv depends, If the Government
should be restricted in their exerefe to the
objects for which they were delegated, petce,
baimonv, and tranquility would reign witiin;
and the attention of tne Government, umb
sorbed by distracting questions within, and its
entire resources unwasted by expenditureson
objects foreign lo its duties, would he directed
with all its energy to guard against danger
horn without, to give secuii y to our vast
commercial and navigating interest, and lo
acquire that weight and respectability for out
name in the family of nations which ought
to belong lo the freest, most enterprising, and
most growing people on the glebe. If thus
restricted in the exercise of these, the most
delicate of its powers, and in the exercise of
which only it can come in conflict with the
Governments of the States, or irterfere with
their interior policy and interest, this Go
vernment, wth our whole poli Lai system,
would work like a charm, and become the
admiration of the world. The States, left
undislurbed wilhin their separatespheres, and
each in the full possession of ils resources,
would, with that generous rivalry which al
ways takes place between clusters of free
Slates of the same origin and language, and
which gives the greatest possible impulse to
improvement, carry excellence in all that is
desirable beyohd any former example.
But, if instead ol restricting these powers
to their proper objects, they should be per
verted lo those never intended; if, for exam
ple, that of raising revenue should be pervert
ed into that of protecting one branch of
industry at the expense of others; that of
collecting and disbursing the revenue, into
that of incorporating a great central bank to
he located at some favored point, and placed
undei local control; and that of making appro
priations for specified objects, into that of
expending money oil whatever Congress
should think proper;—all this would he re
versed. Instead of harmony and tranquility
within, there would be discord, distraction,
and conflict, followed by the absorption of
the attention of the Government, and exhaus
tion of its means and eneigy on objects never
intended to be placed under its control, to the
utter neglect of the duties belonging to the
exterior relations of the Government, and
which are exclusively confined to its charge.
Such has been, and ever must be, the effect
of perverting these powers lo objects foreign
to the constitution. When thus perverted, i
they become unequal in their action, operating j
lo ttie benefit of one part or class to the injuty
of another part or class—to the benefit ol the
manufacturing against the agricultural and
commercial portions, or of the non productive
agatnl the producing class. Ihe more exten
sive the country, the greater would he the
inequality and oppression. In ours, stretching
ovei iwo thousand square miles, they become
intolerable when pushed beyond moderate
limits. It is then conflicts take place, from
the struggle on the part of those who are be
nefitted by (fie operation of an unequal system
of legislation to restrain their advantage, and
on the part of the oppressed to resist it. -
When Hus slate of tilings occur, it is neither
more nor less than a stale of hostility between
the oppressor and oppressed—war waged
not by armies, bui by laws; acts and sections
of acts are sent by the slinnger party on a
plundering expedition, instead of divisions
and brigades, which often return more richly
laden with spoils than a plundering expedition
after the most successful foray.
That such must be the effect of the system
of measures now attempted to be forced upon
the Government by the perversion of its inte
rior powers, I appeal to die voice of experi
ence in aid of the dictates of reason. I go back
to the beginning of the Government, and ask
what at its outset, but this very system of
measures, caused the great struggle which
continued down to 182*4, when the system
reached ils full growth in the tariff of that
year? And what, from that period to the
termination of the late election which brought
the present parly into power, lias disturbed
the harmony and tranquility of the country,
deranged its currency, interrupted its business,
endangered ils liberty and institutions, but a
struggle on one side to overthrow, and on the
other to uphold the system? In that strug
gle it fell prostrate; and what now agitales
ihe country —what causes this extraordinary
session, wuh all ils excitement, but die strug
gle on the part of those in power to restore
the system ; to incorporate a bank; to re
enact a protective tarifl; to distribute the
revenue from the lands; to originate another
debt, and renew the system of wasteful expen
ditures; and the resistance on the part of the
opposition to prevent it ? Gentlemen talk ol
settling ihese questions; they deceive them
selves. They cry peace! peace! when there
is no peace. There never can he peace nnlil
they are abandoned, or till our free and popu
lar institutions a e succeeded by the calm of
despotism; and that not till the spirit of our
patriotic and immortal ancestors, who achiev
ed our independence and established our
glorious political system, shall become exiiuct,
and their descendants a ba-e and sordid rab
ble. Till then, or till our opponents shall be
expelled from power, and th-ir hope of resto
ring and maintaining their sysletn of measures
is blasted, the struggle will be continued, the
f.anquility and harmony of the country he
disturbed, and the strength and res urces ot
the Government he wasted within, and its
duties neglected without.
But, of all the measures which constitute
this pernicious system, there is not one more
subversive of the objects for which the Gov
ernment was instituted, —none more destruc
tive of harmony within, and security without,
than that now under consideration. Ils ri
rect tendency is to universal discord and dis
traction ; to array the new Slates against :he
old, the non-indebted against the indebted ;
ihe staple against the manufacturing; ohe
class against another ; and, finally, the people
against the Government. But I pass these.
My object is not to trace political consequen
ces, but to discuss the financial bearing of this
measure, regarded in reference to what ought
to be the policy of the Government; which I
trust I have satisfactorily shown onghi to be,
to turn its attention, energy, and resources,
from within to without, —to its appropriate
and exclusive sphere, that of guarding against
danger from abroad ; giving free scope and
protection to our commerce and navigation,
and that elevated standing to the country, to
which it is so fairly entitled in the family of
nations. It becomes necessary to repeat,
preparatory to what I propose, thtt the object
of this measure is lo withdraw frte revenue
from the public lands from the Treasury of
the Union, to be divided among the States ;
that the probable annua] amoutr that would
be so drawn, would average the next len
vears not less than five millions of dollars, and
that, to make up the deficit, an equal sum must
be laid on Ihe imports. Such is the measure,
regarded as one of finance; and the question
is, would it be just, wise, expedient, considered
in its bearings on wi.at ought to ‘..e the policy
of the Government?
The measure on ils face is but a surrender
of one of the two sources of revenue to the
States, to be divided among them in pro-,
porti n to the r joint delegation in the two
Houses of Congress, and to impose a burden
to an equal amount on the imports; that is,
on the foreign commerce of she country. In
every view I can take, it is preposterous, une
qual, and unjust. Regarded in its most fa
vorable aspect—that is, on tfie supposition
that the people of each State would pay back
to the Treasury ol the Un on, through the tax
on the imports, in order to make up the defi
ci', a sum eqtial to that received by the State
as its distributive share; and that each indi
vidual w’ould receive of that sum an amount
equal in proportion to what he ol tfie
taxes; what would that be but the folly of
giving with one hand and taking back with
the other? It would, in tact, be worse. The
expense of giving and taking back must be
paid for, which, in this case, would be one not
ali tie ex|>ensive and troublesome. The ex
pense of collecting the dulies on imports is
known to be about len per cent; to which
must be added the expense and trouble of
distribution, with the loss of the use of the
money wtiile ihe process is going on, which
may be fairly estimated at two per cent, ad
ditional; making, in all, twelve percent, for
the cost of the process. It follows that the
people of the Stale, in order to return back to
the Treasury of the Union an amount equal
to tfie sum received by distribution, would
have each to pay, bv the supposition, twelve
per cent, more of taxes than bis 9hare of the
sum distributed. That sum (equal to six
hundred thousand dollars on five millions)
would go to the collectors of the taxes —the
custom house officers—for their share of the
public spoils.
But it is still worse. It is unequal and un- I
just, as well as Iboltsh and absurd. The case
supposed would not be the real state of the
facts. It would be scarcely possible so to
arrange a system of taxes, under which the
people of each State would pay back a sum
equal to that received; much less that the
taxes should fall on each individual in the
State in the same proportion that he would
receive of the sum distributed to the Stale.
But, if this be possible, it is certain that no
system of taxes on imports —especially the
bill sent from the House—can make such
equalization. So far from that, I hazard no
thing in asserting that the staple States would
pay into the Treasury, under its .operation,
three times as much as they would receive on
average by the distribution, and some of them
far more; while to the manufacturing States,
if we are to judge from their zeal in favor of
the bill, I* duties il proposes lo impose would
be bounties, not taxes. If judged by their
acts, both measures, the distribution and the
duties—would favor their pockets. They
would be gainers, let who may be loser* in
this financial game.
But be the inequality greater or less than
my estimate, what could be mure unjust than
to distr bute a common fund in a certain
proportion among the Stales, and lo compel
Hie people of the States to make up tfie deficit
in a different proportion ; so that some shall
pay more* and others less, than what they
respectively received? What is it hula cun
ningly devised scheme to take from one Slate,-
and give to another—to replenish the Treasu
ry ol some of the States from the pockets of
the people of theoihers; in reality, to make
them support the Governments and pay Ihe
debts of other States, as well as their own ?
Such must be the necessary result, as between
the States which may pay more than they
receive, and those which may receive more
than they pay; the injustice and inequality
will increase or decrease, just in proportion
to the respective excess or deficit between
receipts and payments, under this flagitious
contrivance for plunder.
But I have not yet reached the reality of
this profligate and wicked scheme. As une
qual and unjust as it would be betwenn State
and State, it is still more so regarded in its
operation between individuals. Between
them its true character arid hideous features
fully disclose themselves. The money to be
distributed would not go to the people, but to
tfie Legislatures of tfie States; while that to
be paid in taxes to make up the deficiency,
Would be taken from them individually. A
smalt portion of that which would go to the
Legislatures would ever reaeft the pockets
of lire people. It would be under ihe control
ami management of the leaders arid their
friends and partisans, and that they would
profit more by the use and management of
an irrespongble fund, taken from nobody
knows who, than they would lose as payers
of tfie taxes to supply its place, will r.oi be
doubted by any one wfio knows bow such
things are managed. What would be the
result? Tiie whole of Ihe revenue from the
immense public domain would, if this wicked
measure should become the settled policy, go
to the profit and aggrandizement ol ihe lead
ers for tfie time of ihe dominant party in the
twenty six State Legislatures, and their parti
sans and supporters, that is, to the most in
fluential, if not the most wealthy clique for
the time in the respective States; while the
deficiency would be supplied from the pockets
of the great mass of tfie community, by taxes
on tea, coffee, salt, iron, coarse woollens, and,
lor the most part, other necessaries of life.
And what is that but taking from the many
and giving to the few, —from those who look
to their own means and industry for tfie sup
>port of themselves and families, and giving to
those who look to the Government for sup|>ort,
to increase the profit and influence of political
managers and their parlizans, and diminish
that of the people ? When it is added, that
the dominant parly in each State for the tune
would have a direct interest in keepingup and
enlarging this pernicious fond, and that their
combined influence must for the time be irre
sistible, it is difficult to see by what means the
country can ever extricate itself from this
measure, should it be once established, or what
limits can be prescribed to ils growth, or the
extent of the disasters whioh must follow. It
contains the germ of mighty and fearful
changes, if it be once permitted to shoot its
roots into our political fabrick, unless, indeed,
it should be speedily eradicated.
In what manner the share that would fall
to the States would, in the first instance, be
applied, may, for the most pa*-t, be anticipa
ted. The indebied States would probably
pledge it to the payment of their debts ; the
effect of which jvould be, to enhance iheir
value in the hands of the holders—tfie Roths
childs, the Barings, the Hopes, on the other
side the Atlantic, with wealthy brokers and
stockjobbers on thi3. Were this done at the
expense of the indebted States, none could
object. But far different is the case when at
the expense of the Union, by the sacrifice of
the noble inheritance left by our ancestors,
and when the loss of this great and perma
nent fund must be supplied from the industry
I and property of a large portion of the eommu
-1 mtv, who had no agency or responsibility in
[NUMBER 34.
c nit ranting the debts, or benefit from the ob
ject* on which toe funds were expended. On
what piinciple of justice, honor or constitution,
can this Government interfere, and take It out
their pockets to increase the profit of the most
wealthy individuals in the
Tne portion that might fall to the States
not indebted, or those not deeply so, would
probably for the most part be pledged as a
fund on which to make new loans for new
schemes similar id ihuse for which the existing
Slate debts were contracted. It may not be
applied so at first; hut such would most likely
te the application on ttie first swell of the tide
of expansion. Supposing one half of the
whole sum to be derived from the liwids should
be so applied : estimating the income from
that source at five millions, the hall would fur
nish the basis of anew debt of forty or fitly
| millions. Stock to that amount would be
created; would find its way to foreign mar
kets; and would return, as other stocks ol
like kind have, in swelling the tide of imports
in the first instance, but in the end by dimin
ishing them 10 an amount equal to the inter
est on the sum borrowed, and cutting off in
the same proportion the permanent revenue
from die customs; —and this, when the whole
support of the Government is about to be
thrown exclusively on the foreign commerce
of the country. So much for the permanent
effects, in a financial view, of this measure.
The swelling of the tide of imports, in the
first instance, from the loans, would lead to a
corresponding flush of revenue, and that to
extiavaganl expenditures to he followed by
embarrassment of the Treasury, and a glut
of goods, which would bring on a correspond
ing pressure on the manufacturers; when my
friend front Massachusetts, (Mr. Bates,) and
other Senators from that quarter, would cry
out for additional protection, to guard against
the necessary consequences of the very meas
ures they are now so urgently pressing through
the Senate. Such would be the consequences
of this measure, regarded as ore of finance,
and in reference to its internal operation. It
is not possible but that such a measure,’ so
unequal and unjust between Slate and State,
section and section —between those who live
by their own means and industry, and those
who live or expect to live on the public Crib
—would add greatly to that discord and strife
within, and weakness without, which is ne
cessarily consequent on the entire system of
measures of which it forms a part.
But its mischievous effects on the exterior
relations of the country would not be limited
to its indirect consequences. There it would
strike a direct and deadly blow, by withdraw
ing entirely from the defences of the country
one of the only two sources of our revenue,
and that much the most permanent and grow
ing. Ii is now in the power of Congress to
pledge permanently this great and increasing
fund to that important object—to completing
the system of fortifications,and building, equip
ping, and maintaining a gallant navy. It
was proposed to strike out the whole bill, to
expunge the detestable project of distribution;
and to substitute in its place the revenue from
the public lands, as a permanent fundi sacred
to ttie defence of the country< And from
what quarter did this patriotic and truly
statesmanlike proposition come? From the
far and gallant West; from a Senator (Mr.
Linn) of a State the most rewrote front (lie
ocean, and secure from danger. And by
whom was it voted down? Strange to tell,
by Senators from maritime States —States
most exposed, and having deepest interest in a
measure defeated by their representatives on
this floor. Wonderful as it may seem, Lou
isiana, Mississippi, Georgia and South Caro
lina,- each gave a vote against it. North
Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, and
New Jersey, gave each two votes against it.
New Yo-k gave one; and every vole from
New England, but two from New Hamp
shire and one from Maine, was cast against
it. Beit remembered in all after times, that
these votes from States so exposed, and hav
ing so deep a stake in the defence of the coun
try, were cast in favor of distribution—of
giving gratuitiously a large portion of the
fund from the public domain to wealthy Brit
ish capitalists! and against the proposition tor
applying it permanently to the sacred purpo
ses of defending their own shores from insult
and How a range that New York
and New England, with their hundred mil
lions of property# and so many thousand hard
and enterprising sailors annually afloat, should
give so large a vote for a measure above all
others best calculated to withdraw protection
from both, and so snrfall a Vote for one best
calculated to afford them protection! Bui
strange as that may be, it is still more strange
that the staple States,—the Slates ihat will
receive so little from distribution, and which
must pay so much to make up the deficiency
it will cause—States so defenceless on their
maritime frontier—should cast so large a vole
for their own oppression, and against their
own defence! Can lolly, can party infatua
tion he the cause one or both, go further.
Let me say to the Senators from the com
mercial and navigating States,- in all sober
ness* that there is now a warm and generous
feeling diffused throughout the entire Union
in favor of the arm of defence with which vour
interest and glory are so closely identified. Is
it wise, by any act of yours, to weaken or
alienate such feelings 1 And could you do an
act more directly calculated to do so Re
member, it is a deep principle of our nature
not to regard the safety of those who do not
regard their own. If you are indifferent to
your own safety, you must not be surprised
if those less interested should become so.
But as much as the defences of the country
would be weakened directly by the withdraw
al of so large a fund, the blow would be by
no means so heavy as that which, in its con
sequences, would fall on them. ‘That would
paralyse the right arm of our power. To
understand fully how it would have that effect,
we must look not only to the amount of the
sum to be withdrawn, but also on what the
burden would fall to make up the deficiency.
It would fall on the commerce of the country,
exactly where it would do most to cripple the
means of defence. To illustrate the truth of
what I state, it will be necessary to inquire
what would be our best system of defence
And that would involve the prior question.-
from what quarter sre we most exposed to
danger? With that I shall accordingly
begin.
There is but one nation on the globe from
which we have any thing serious to appre
hend ; but that is the most powerful that now
exists, or ever did exist. I refer to Great
Britain. She is in effect our near neighbor,
though the Atlantic divides us. Her colonial
possessions stretch along the whole extent of
our eastern and northern borders, from the
Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Her power
and influence extend over the numerous In
dian tribes scattered along our western border,
from our northern boundary to the infant
republic of Texas. But it is on our maritime
frontier, extending from the mouth of the Sa
bine to that of St. Cfoix—a distance, with the
undulations of the coast, of thousands of miles,
deeply indented with bays and navigable riv
ers, and studded with our great commercial
emporiums ; it is there, on that long line of
frontier, that she is the most powerful, and we
the weakest and most vulnerable. It is there
sbe stands ready, with her powerful navy,
sheltered in the commanding positions of Hali
fax; Bermuda, and the Bahamas, to strike a
blow at any point she may select on this long
line of coast. She is the quarter from which
only we have danger to apprehend, and the
important inquiry which next presents itself is.
how can we best defend ourselves against a
power so formidable, tluis touching us on all
points, excepting portion of our
boundary along which Texas joins us.
Eve y portion of our extended frontier de
mands attention, inlands as well as maritime ;
but With this striking difference:—theton the
former, our power is as much greater than
hers, as hers than ours on the mari
time. Therfe wg would be the assailant; and
whatever works may be erected there ought
to have reference to that fact, and look mainly
to protecting important points from sudden
seizure and devastation, rather than to guard
against any permanent lodgment of a force
within our borders.
The difficult problem is the defence of our
maritime frontier. That; of course, must con
sist of fortifications and a navy; but the ques
tion is, which ought to be mainly relied on, and
to what extent tne fine triay be considered as
superseding the other. On both points 1 pro
pose to make a few remarks.
Fortifications, as the n earis of defence, are
liable to two formidable objections; either cf
which is decisive against thfem as an exclusive
system of defence. The first is, that they
are purely defensive Let the system be ever
so perfect, the works located to the greatest
advantage, and planned and constructed in the
best manner, and all they can do is to repel
attack. They cannot assail. They are like
a shield without a sword. If they should be
regarded as sufficient to defend our maritime
cities, still they cannot command respect, or
give security to our widely spread and impor
tant commarcial and navigating interests.
But regarded simply as the means of defence
they are defective. Fortififcatibns are nothing
without men to garrison them; and if Wu
should have no other means of defence, Great
Britain could compel us, with a moderate fleet
stationed at. the points abo\e mentioned, and
with but a small portion of her large military
establishment, to keep upon our part, to gu.u.
our coast, ten times the lofce, at many tine's
the cost, to garrison our numerous forts. Aid
ed by the swiftness of steam, she could men
ace at the same time every point of our coast,
while we# ignorant of the time or point where
the blow might fall, would have to stand pre
pared, at every moment and at every point, to
repel her attack. A hundred thousand men
constantly under arms would he insufficient
fofthe purpose; and we would be compelled
to yield, in the end, ingloriously, without stri
king a blow r , simply from the exhaustion of our
means.
Some other hiode 6f defence; then; must be
sought. There is none other but a navy. I;
of course; include steam as well as sails. If
we want to defend our coast and protect our
rights abroad, it is absolutely necessary. Thai
only questions are; how lar our naval force
ought to be carried; and to what extent it
would supersede the system of fortification ?
Before I enter on the consideration of this
important point, I owe it to myself and the sub
ject to premise, that my policy is peace, and
that I look to the navy but as the right aim of
defence—not as an instrument of conquest or
aggrandisement. Our road to greatness, as
I said on a late occasion, lies not over the ru
ins of others. Providence lias bestowed on
us anew and vast region, abounding in re
sources beyond any couutryof the saute ex
tent on the globe. Ours is a peaceful task—
to improve this rifch inheritance ; to level itef
forests; cultivate its fertile soil; develope its
vast mineral resources; give the greatest ra
pidity and facility of intercourse between its
widely extended parts; stud its wide surface
with flourishing cities; towns, and villages:
and spread over it richly cultivated fields. So
vast is our country, that generations after gen
erations may pass a way in executing this xask
during the whole of which time we ttould b£
rising more surely and rapidly in numbers;
wealth, greatness, and influence, than any
other people have ever done by arms. But;
to carry out successfully this our true plan
of acquiring greatness and happiness, ft is hot
of itself sufficient to have peace and frhhfjuil
.ty Within. These are indeed necessary, iff
order to leave the Slates and their citizens in
the full and undisturbed possession of their
resources and energy, by which to woik out;
in generous rivalry, the high destiny which
certainly awaits our country if we should be
but true to ourselves. But as important as
they may be, it is not much less so as to have
safety against external danger, and the influ
ence and respectability abroad necessary tot
secure our exterior interests and rights (so
important to our prosperity) against aggres
sion. I look to a navy for these objects; and
it is within the limits they assign 1 would con
fine its growth. To what extent, then; with
these views, ought our navy to be Carried?—
In my opinion, any navy kssthan that which
would give us the # habitual command of our
own c_a>l and seas, would belittle short of
useless. One that could be driven frofn sea
and kept in harbor by the foice which Great
Britain could safely and Constantly allot to
our coast, wo Old be of little more service
than at*auxiliary aid to nor fortifications tii
defending our habors and maritime cities.—
It would lie almost as passive as they are, and
would do nothing to diminish the expense,
which I have shown would be so exhausting,
to defend the coast exclusively by fortifica
tions.
But the difficult question 1 still remains so he
solved—What naval force would be suffi
cient tor that purpose? It will not be expec
ted that I should g.ve more than a conjecetu
ral answer to such a question, I have neither
the data nor the knowledge of naval war
fare to speak with any thing like precision}
but 1 feel assured that the force required
would be far less than what would be thought
when the question is first propounded, The
very idea of delending ourseives on the ocean
against immense power of Great Britain on
that element, lias something startling at the
first blush* But, as greatly as sbe outnum
bers us in ships and naval resources, we have
advantages that contervail ilial, in reference
to the subject in hand. If she has many
ships, she has also many points to guard, and
these as widely separated as are the parts of
her Widely extended empire. She is forced t.>
keep a home fleet in the channel, —another
in the Baltic, —another in ihe Mediterranean,
-one beyond the Cape o| Good Hope, to
uuard her important possessions in the east
—and another in the Pacific. Our situation
is the reverse. We have no fore gn posses
sions, and not a point to guard beyond our
own maritime frontier. There our whole
force may he concentiated, ready to strike
when a vulnerable point is exposed. If to
these advantages be added, that both France
and Russia have both large and naval forces ;
that between us and them there is no point of
conflict; that they both watch the navai su
premacy of Great Britain with jealous'/; and
that nothing is more easy than for us to keep
on goxi terms wth both Powers, especially
with a respectable naval force at our com
mandit will be readily perceived that a
force far short of that of Great Britain would
effect what I contemplate. I would say a
force equal to one-third of hers would suffice;
bu: if not, certainly less than half wouid,—
And if so, a naval force of that size would
enable us to dispense with all fortifications,
exce, tat important points, aid such as might
be necessary in reference to the navy itself,
to the great relief of the Treasury, an J saving
to be applied to the navy, where it would he
far more efficient. The less considerable
points might be safely left to the defence of
cheap works, sufficient to repel plundering
attacks ; as no large fleet, such as would be
able to meet ns, with such a naval force as
that prop: sed, would ever think of d.egra-