Newspaper Page Text
‘ From ihu - I arleston Mercury.
THE PLOT.
The correspondent of a northern paper gives
the following history of 4he Rise, Progress,
and Abortion of the Plot to head Captain Ty
ler.
The current of popular feeling seems to be
setting strongly against Mr. Clay in and about
this city. The impression is gaining ground
that he came to Washington with the determ
ination to force a bank bill upon President Ty
ler, such as he could not sanction without per
sonal dishonor, and thus make an issue on the
currency question be tore the peope. Recent
davelopements, taken in connexion with the
course of Mr. Clay dur.ng the la e session ol
Congress, prove this fact with almost mathe
matical certainty. ,
Before leaving Kentucky, Mr. Cray made
his arrangements to secure the advantages to
be derived from the organization of the iiouse
in all its details of Speaker, officers, and com
mittees. He procured the appointment of an
incompetent man as Speaker, by means of an
open bargain, by which Ne a \ ork was to
have the Chairman of the Ways and Means,
and every committee constituted so as to give
him the “absolute, undisputed control oi t te
action of the popular branch of the national
legislature. On some occasions the whigs
went through the formality of a caucus, out
even the influence of the dictator was all pow
erful.
In the Senate his sway was supreme, and
in the early part of the session he conceived
a plan for producing a rupture between the
President and his Cabinet, and of driving Mr.
Tyler from his position as the actual as well
as official head of the whig party. The second
week of the session, beiore the call for a pro
ject for a “fiscal agent” was made upon the
Treasury Department, Mr. Clay had a long
conference with President Tyler, and obtained
from him, both orally and in writing, his senti
ments on the subject of a bank. The Presi
dent told him, with his usual frankness that
although he desired to conform his views and
actions to those of the party 7 which had elected
him, still he could not sanction any bank bill
which ran counter to his constitutional prin
ciples, and to the opinions which he had uni
formly expressed throughout bis political life.
This conference was amicable and friendly,
and on the part of the President, sincere and
confiding. Mr. Clay knew, therefore, before
any movement, was made on the bank question
in either House, precisely what the determin
ation of the President was, and what provisions
were necessary to secure the executive sanc
tion, He acted throughout with a full know
ledge of the position and sentiments of the
President, and all his pretended hopes and ex
pectations of the passage of his bank bill
through all the branches of the government,
was sheer, unmitigated -hypocrisy. There
was never a moment that he anticipated the
concurrence of Mr. Tyler, for lie had his pos
itive, unequivocal assurance to the contrary.
With a show of deference to the opinions
of the President, and in consequence of an
intimation in the report of the Secretary, Mr.
Clay made a call upon the department for a
plan for a ‘‘Fiscal Agent.” The President
suggested that the assent principle should be
engrafted upon the scheme, but the call had
been made directly on the head of the Trea
sury 7, and he did not interfere with or examine
the details of the bill The Treasury plan was
sent to the Senate, and referred to Mr. Clay’s
committee on finance. But it was spurned
with studied contempt, and Mr. ( . Jay present
ed a project of his own which he knew would
be killed by the interposition of the executive
veto/
Mr. Rives presented an amendment to re
quire the assent of the respective states, and
it was rejected by Mr. Clay, knowing, as he
did, that the bill could not become a law with
out it.
On ascertaining that this bill could not be
carried through the Senate in its then shape,
JVlr. Clay, in conjunction with Gon. Porter, of
New York* who was then in this city, concoct
ed his subterfuge, which he called a comprom
ise. This humbug Mr. Clay submitted to the
President through Mr. llotts. This latter in
dividual told the President that if the propo
sition was not satisfactory, he would burn the
paper, and nothing more should be said on the
subject. The President replied that he re
garded it as more objectionable than thejbold,
manly intelligible assertion of the branching
power in Mr. Clay’s original bill. Botts de
stroyed the paper accordingly, assuring the
President that he should hear nothing more
about it.
This was precisely what Mr. Clay had ex
pected and desired. He had ascertained that
the President was not to be deluded by the
shallow artitice, and nothing further was ne
cessary but to present some pretext upon
which Messrs. Preston and Merrick could re
trace their steps, and his designs were accom
plished. lie had made up his mind to carry
his bank bill through Congress, without yield
ing one inch of substantia] ground, without
conceding one particle of the power claimed
in his original bill, without sacrificing one iota
to the principles or prejudices of the President
or his friends. He had determined to force
the President to a veto, and he now discover
ed a mode to carry a bill through Congress,
which he knew cduld not meet the executive,
sanction, lie knew it from the Presidents
own lips—he knew it from the representa’ ions
of his instruments, who had put the question
directly to Mr. Tyler. The subterfuge was
offered—Messrs. Pres'on and Merrick stulti
fied themselves, and the bill was carried
through the Senate. But this was not all of
the sinister management of Mr. Clay. He
contrived to commit a majority of the cabinet
in favor of his humbug amendment, lie told
them they would be compelled to resign on a
veto—be persuaded them that they could over
rule the President, and they persuaded them
selves that he could be deceived into a belief
that this absurd and contradictory amendment
ought to satisfy and obviate his constitutional
scruples. This portion of the Cabinet, over
reached by Mr. Clay, and stimulated by anxie
ty to retain their places, labored with all their
might, and then moved heaven and earth, to
induce the President to sign the bill. It was
known to Mr. Clay and all the friends of the
President, that the action of the Cabinet was
not only unauthorised, and separate, and dis
tinct fiom the Executive, but that it was in
opposition to his wishes, and in contravention
of his opinions and sentiments. Neverthe
less, the plan was successful. Mr. Clay had
accomplished all he contemplated or expected.
He had displayed his omnipotence in Congress,
and laid the foundation of a schism between j
the President and his Cabinet. Mr. Clay
never hoped or intended that the bill sli mid be \
so modified as to receive the executive sane-!
tion. 1 speak upon knowledge derived from
the solemn declaration of one of Mr. Clay’s
most devoted partisans in the Senate. “By
G—” said he, “1 never could have voted for
the compromise, if I had thought it yielded
one inch of ground, or if I had not been posi-i
lively assured that the President would veto
the bill.”
It was Mr. Clay’s deliberate, well consider
ed purpose to break up the cabinet, and sep
arate President Tyler from the entire whig
party. In the first he succeeded. The latter
lie will find to be a more difficult task. Find
ing the cabinet would not readily be dismem
bered on the first veto, he refused to permit
the bark question to be postponed, and drove
matters to extremity, with a clear perception
of all the immediate consequences, but with a
false notion of the ulterior results of his head
long course.
The Whig presses are counting up the pe
cuniary losses which the Secreiaries inuy sus
tain by their retirement. They surely do not
mean to call upon the next Congress for a full
year's salary, as in the case of Gen. Harri
son ?
Correspondence of ih< Courier.
Washington, Sept. 26.
Judge McLean has, I am sorry to learn, de
i dined the War Department. ’The President
received a letter from Judge McLean, an
nouncing the determination, on Friday, the
04 j,, ii e j ias made no appointment as yet, in
his place, and rumor says that he will not
make a selection from the several names
which he has before him, without careful de
liberation and inquiry. It has been suggested
ihat he will delay the appointment, till after
the Whig Convention at Syracuse. That
intelligent assembly will d> much to shape
the course of the Whig party in the Northern
and Eastern States. It may recruit and re
assure the party or add to its embarrass
ments.
We learn from New York that there is
much d.ffioulty and dissendous in the ranks o;
the Loco Foco party. A portion of them res
duteiy adhere to Mr. Vart Buren and h:s pol
icy 7, and an equal portion is determined to a
biudon him and his fallen fortunes. He had
never much personal popularity, and his (Te--
feat, last fall, deprived him of the confidence
that had been placed in his imputed magic.—
Broken up themsel e 3, they stand ready to
promote the disaster ot the Whigs.
The Proclamation of thp President against
the lawless banditti on the northern frontier
will, it is said, create much excitement there,
and render him extremely odious to the mass in
ihat quarter most c.f whom, it is believed, sym
pathise with he pain lie efforts ; o.v making to
involve the country in a war with Great Brit
ain* The extent of this feeling in New-York
may be imagined from the laetthat the most
influential citizens of that State hardly dare
l to oppose the proceedings of the insurgents,
and are, at too tame time, clamorous for war,
the moment that retaliation from the Canadian
side is suggested or menaced. It may be re
collected, too, that at the late session, all the
representatives from the city of New York
united in attempts to procure the release of a
number of ihese outlaws, whom the British
Government retained as prisoners in Van
D.eman’s land, and eulogized them rs “re
spectable and patriotic citizens.” The game
now is to strike* a blow, this winter, at some
point on the Canadian side, which will ensure
prompt and severe retaliation from the Cana
dian authorities, and thereby involve the two
countries in a genera! war, at once. The
British government and the Canadian authori
ties have long anticipated this event and are
prepared for it. Tnat we shall soon be drag
ged into a war, notwithstanding all the offoris
oi Mr. Tyler’s administration to maintain our
neuiral ooligations and preserve peace, is al
most beyond a doubt. Great disappointment
is manifested by the war party in the United
States at the moderate tone of Lord Palmers
ton, and it is made a matter of accusation
against Mr. Webster that bis was of such a
character as to be deemed “honorable to the
United States and satisfactory to the British
Government.” It was the subject of grievous
a nei.t; ion in Congrcs ■, at the late o ,
that we “could have no war while Daniel
Webster was Secretary of State —but these
desponding patriots may no v take courage,
for they are in a fair way to be gratified to their
heart’s content.
The Prince De Joinville is expected here
on Wednesday, on a visit the President.
Mr. Webster left this city, to-day, on a visit
to the North. Mr. Crittenden and Mr. Bell
are still in this city 7 .
From ihe New York Post.
THE VETO POWER.
Mr. Clay talks with his habitual inaccuracy,
when in his Baltimore letter, he calls the veto
power, “an odious but obsolete vestige of royal
prerogative.” The veto was never a royal
prerogative, nor can it be said to have even
been a power odious to the people. In its
origin, it was a power conferred upon the tri
bunes ot the people, at. a period when the
populace of Rome were struggling against the
encroachments of aristocrats.
Any book on Roman antiquities, or even the
abridged histories used in the schools, would
have informed Mr. Clay, that when the com-,
mon people of Rome, alter pouring out their
blood like water in defence of her grandeur,
found that the paUicians were disposed to
trample with haughty insolence upon their
rights, they retired iu a body from within her
limits, determined not to return until the right
shou’d be graned them of electing officers
who should have the power, and whose duty
it should be, to protect them from the invasions
of their spoilers and oppressors. These offi
cers, few in number, were called tribunes,
and their chief function consisted in arresting
the passage of laws which they might deem
injurioua to the plebeians, by “rising from their
seats and pronouncing the word Veto—l for
bid.” How Mr. Clay can twist this privilege
of the people’s representatives into a royal
prerogative, surpasses our understanding.
Nor can we call to mind any instance in
the history of tho Roman nation of the im
proper or pestilent use of the Tribunal power.
Whenever it was exercised it was done fur
the good of the majority. W hen the proud
spirit of the nobles tempted them to wrong
the more humble plebians—when they would
withhold from tiie soldier his lands, or from
t ejionest craftsmen Ins rights—when they
sought to narrow the sphere of their free ac
tion—the veto was interposed, and the en
croaching disposition of the wrong-doer re
buked.
We may say the same thing of the exercise
of the veto power by the Presidents of the
United States. The men who formed the
constitution, no doubt, intended the veto as a
safeguard to the liberties of the people. To
protect the Executive from the aggressions
of the legislature, to give him a qualified con
trol over hasty and imperfect legislation; teen
able him to refer doubtful measures back to
the decision of tiie const tuents of both were
the objects for which t: e veto power was a
dopted. Hamilton, in the federalist 4 speaks
of-it, t) tins effect. “It establishes,” he
says,” a salutary cheek upon the legislative
body, calculated to guard the community from
the effects of faction precipitancy or any im
pulse unfriendly to the public good.”
One thing relating to the exercise of this
power, is especially to be remarked. Not
since tho origin of the government, has it
been used without cause, or withou producing
salutary effects. Indeed, it is to be deeply re
gretted, that it has not been more frequently
exerted in correction of the abuses of exces
sive and pernicious legislation-
The Extra Session and its Benefits
The extra session has passed, and lour out of
five measures that were termed “ relief”
measures, have been perfected and become
laws. The mercantile community may now
ask themselves what relief has, or is, likely to
grow out of these proceedings. The increase
of duties is surely no relief. The creation of
a national debt with the promise of inctearing
it $1(3,000,000 more next ssssion wifi give no
relief. The distribution of the public lands
can relieve nobody but the ‘States, and the
bankrupt law will, at the most, relieve but
300,00 u individuals out of $17,000,000, and
will embarrass as many as it will relieve.—
The value of securities, state, corporate, and
real, has not improved, merchandise bears no
higher prices than the effective demand war
rants, and produce is as low as ever. This
arises no doubt from the vast product, in the
absence of a sufficient foreign outlet, but re
lief was promised through legislation, and
where is it? after one year of the greatest po
litical excitement, and of unlimited promi
ses from the winning party, where are the
results ihu they pledged to the people in the
event of success ? They are nowhere to be
found. The real business of the co ntry this
year as last, lias gone on steadily and heahhi
ly incr*asing, and is now in a more p’osper
ous condition than it ever hts been before.—
These facts are evident to every practical
man, and we are of opinion that it is lime to
bui.sh polilics from commercial pursuits, and
not allow political partizans to make an in
strument of any branch of bnsiness to fur
ther 1 heir designs—N. Y. Herald, Sept. 18.
THE TI ME S
Tbs union of 1 he states and the sovereigntyof ihe stares
COLUMBUS, OCTOBER 7, IS4I,
ELECTION ltE TURNS.
We learn verbally that, in Jasper county,
the Democrats have elected their entire tickel
to the Legislature, and that McDonald lias
a majority of 30 for Governor.
Jn Monroe county —the Whigs have elect
ed two members of the liouse, and the Demo
crats one. A Senator and one Representa
tive are not chosen, in consequence of ties.
Mr. McDonald has a small majority for Gov
ernor.
In Upson county—the Whig ticket is of
j course elected, as the Democrats had no can
didates in the field. Mr. Dawson has 209
majority for Governor, which is a falling off
of more than a hundred from the W h : g nia-!
jority of last year.
la Talbot county—the whig ticle’ : s elected
by majorities varying from 15 to 50. Mr.
Dawson lias 35 majority for Governor.
Harris County.
We take the following list from tho En
quirer of yesterday. Both tickets run for the
Legislature were Whig—local questions hav
ing caused the d.vision. Comparing the vote
for Governor with that given for the Whig
I Congressional ticket last year, Mr. Dawson
has lost nearly 200 votes.
Dawson, 789 McDonald, 485
Redding, 627 Kenno-i, 592
Bryan, 788 Pratt, 3Ji
Ecnois 607 Vardanian, 417
Whatley, 528 Osborn, 312
Scott, 288
Stewart County.
Lumpkin, Oct 5, 1841.
Dear Sir— Our election is over, and the
entire Democratic Ticket is elected as you
will perceive by the following list:
DEMOCRATS. WHIGS.
McDonald, 802 Dawson, 728
Robison, 790 Bryan, 695
Pitts, 794 Boynton, 701
Rodgers, 774 DeLauny, 698
Mitchell, 730 West, 689
In Baldwin county, the Wh : g ticket for
the Legislature has been successful. Gov.
McDonald has a majority of 17.
DEMOCRATS. WHIGS.
McDonald 350 Dawson 333
Fort 277 Kenan 335
Hammond 391 Grieve 315
Jourdan 278 Thomas 322
In Bibb county, the following is the result,
by which it will be perceived that the whole
Democratic ticket is elected by a handsome
majority.
DEMOCRATS. WHIGS.
McDonald TiaO Dnwson 581
Reynolds 672 Bulloch 589
Furlow 704 Strong .578
Powers 669 Gresham 569
Bailey 665 Moore 551
In Pike county, information has been re
ceived here that the entire Democratic ticket
has been elected to the Legislature, and that
Gov. McDonald has a majority of 180.
In Houston county, the entire Democratic
ticket has succeeded. We have no official
returns.
In Monroe county, we have just learned,
the Democrats have elected three out of the
five members, instead of one as reported by
us ir another part of this paper.
In Jones County, McDonald has a majority
of forty-one, and the entire Democratic ticket
for the Legislature is elected.
MUSCOGEE ELRCITCN.
Subjoined will be found a list of the votes
cast in this county, on Monday last, for Gov
ernor and Members of the Legislature.
It will be perceived that the majority for
Governor McDonald is 42—which, taking as
a test the Whig Congressional majority of
last year, is a gain of more than 150 votes.
The Democrats, not disheartened by their
entire overthrow last year, but believing that
that overthrow was produced by causes both
unusual and extraordinary, and not likely scon
again to occur—took the field with spirits
unflagging and exertions unabated. They
placed before the people for their suffrages
gentlemen “ strong in talent, in influence, and
tn moral weight ” ; and they could not well
see how such a ticket could fail to unite the
combined strength of the party, and enlist in
its b half its strongest, exertions—at the same
time that it would secure the respect, and
abate somewhat the animosity of the Whigs.
There were gentlemen ol the Whig party not
yet prepared to abandon all their former Re
publican doctrines, and to adopt unreservedly
the principles and the policy of Mr. Clay—
| who were in t disposed to obliterate all the
landmarks of State Sovereignty, and to yield
a ready obedience to the pernicious and here-
toiore unpopular measures of the Whig party,
! as evinced by the acts of the late extra session!
of Congress—and it was hoped that these
views, if they did not influence them sufficient
ly to accord to our ticket their support—would i
lessen their zeal, and render them, to some
extent, indifferent as to a result which, al
though a nominal and local triumph, yei
alibrded no guarantee of the security and pre
servation of their peculiar principles.
These anticipations of the Democrats, al
though not fully, were to some extent realized.
The Whig party, unwilling to relinquish its
ascendancy, and desirous to consummate cer
tain measures of State policy, as well as to
enjoy the benefits and advantages of State
patronage, rallied it friends, and omitted no
proper exertions to carry the day.
In one respect, we have a regret to express,
not originating in any personal feeling or dis
appointment of the individual himself—but
arising solely from the loss of his influence
and talents in the Legislature. We allude
to the defeat of the Hon. Mark A. Cooper—if
defeat it may be called which failed of success
only by two votes—and that notoriously pro
duced by his own political friends, many of
whom, from motives of personal good will,
placed on their tickets both the name of Major
Cooper, and that of the successful Whig can
didate.
Major Cooper was absent from the county
and the State, at the time of his nomination.—
On hearing of it, he wrote to his friends urging 1
them to substitute some other person in his
stead—that lis engagements absolutely de- 1
barred him from reaching Muscogee previous 1
to the electios—that defeat was to him a mat- !
ter of no consequence, but that, probably, the
interests of the party would be better subserv- 1
ed by allowing him to withdraw, as he could
not be present to converse with the people,
and put them in possession of his views on
such subjects as would, probably, engross the
attention of the next Legislature. So anxious,
however, was the party to avail itself of the 1
talents of Major Cooper that he was not per
mitted to consult his own inclination—and the
regret now is that his own political
under a mistaken apprehension of the result
of the election, suffered him to he defeated.
The successful Whig candidate is, in every
respect, a most unexceptionable gentleman ;
and Ins personal popularity may be inferred
from the fact that he was able to secure his
election by democratic votes. His election,
also, is understood to be not altoge.her adverse
to ihe essential interests of tho Democratic
party. Upon those vital and important ques
tions which concern the welfare of the whole
country, he is understood to entertain opinions j
diametrically opposed to those of Mr. Clay— !
and to disapprove of the doctr,ncs maintained
in tiiQ Whig Congressional Address.
Vv e are happy to state, also, that the elec
tion was conducted and terminated, without
any acerbity of feeling, and with the most
perfect order and decorum. It w T as purely a
contest of principle, as both tickets were com
posed of highly respectable and popular gen
tlemen—weil known to the people of the
county —and who, if elected, would have
done good service according to their respec
tiv* tenets of General and State policy.
The success of the Democratic party in
Muscogee county is an auspicious omen.—
Here centre much of the talent and influence
of the Wlig party—and, in former contests,
they have oeen exerted with must tremendous
force—and when occasionally the Democrats
have been successful, their surprise at the
result has been equal to the disappointment of
their opponents. Our triumph now is an evi
dence, we think, of a settled and deliberate de
termination to repudiate the principal measures
of the whig party proper—and to have no part
or lot with Mr. Clay in support, of the leading
acts of the late extra session of Congress—
or of the doctrines presented by his especial
friends in the Whig Congressional Address.
Republ.cans of tho Jeffersonian School think
that they see in the recent movements of the
dominant party a disposition indirectly to un
dervalue, and finally to_extinguish those salu
tary rules of constitutional construction which
were established by the political revolntion of
1800—and tha t , they are not. disposed to be
lieve, are either impracticable or inefficient ip
the just and proper administration of all the
Constitutional powers of the General Govern
ment, as well as those of the sovereign States
of which the Union is composed. They are>
therefore, disposed to resist the efforts, whe
ther direct or covert, to in.reduce into the ad
ministration of the Government, new sources
vt mciiiiresuy contrary to the letter
of the constitution, odious to its spirit, and
dangerous to the freedom of the people.
MUSCOG E E COU NT Y .
DEMOCRATIC TICKET.
Columbus Upatoie Halil Hill Toial
McDonald G 72 66 140 878
McD.mgald 062 65 MS 665
Howard 641 60 IS4 840
Colquitt 622 60 131 818
Watson 663 64 141 873
Cooper tOB 65 131 804
WHIG TICKET.
Dawson 629 93 114 836
Cliiplev 563 81 114 768
Leonard 602 91 113 806
Sapp 578 92 133 793
Thompson 576 88 L 4 77S
Clayton SBG 97 112 755
Case of McLeod.—Little doubt seems
now to be entertained us the acquittal of Mc-
Leod.
Border Troubles. —The Proclamation of
Mr. Tyler, and some accounts contained in
Nor;hern Journals, authorise the belief that
movements likely to disturb the peace of the
two countries, are again contemplated along
the Canada border. It is evident that the
people of the United 3 ales, living near
enough to be affected by what transpires along
tho line, are by no means satisfied with the
conduct of the Canada Authorities, and may
very easily be sufficiently excited to commit
acts which would inevitably lead to War.
C'-.hib making and REPAIRING.— By refer
ence to an advertisement in to-day’s paper it
will be seen that Mr Booher hasjcommsnced
the above business th this city.
V index is received, but its publication is
declined. We said last week ail that was
necessary respecting the rude attack made
upon us by a late Honorable Member of tho
Legislature. The application of hard names
and of abusive epithets is not the mode in
which we deal with those who assail us im
proper];'; and however highly cur correspon
dent may estimate our powers in that regard,
we assure him, if we really possess them to
the extent he supposes, it is to us a matter
neither of pride nor gratification. We do riot
design to make the attempt now or hereafter;
and certainly it would, in this instance, afford
us no especial pleasure, nor gain us any ad
ditional laurels, to contend successfully with
a gentleman, whose political importance has
never been sufficient to create even momen- j
1 1 ry solicitude; whose service in two sessions :
of the ! egislature of Georgia was unable to
secure to him even temporary notoriety; and
whose excellencies, not in the higher, but in
any of the inferior attributes of effective or
captivating oratory, are yet to be discovered-
We ask the Savannah Republican to re
concile the opinions of Mr. Berrien, as ex
pressed in the Whig Congressional Address,
to which his name is subscribed, with those
entertained by him as “a State Rights man of
1825.” We have special reference to his
repudiation of the \ eto Power.
Where exist the conservative features in
our form of government —those heretofore
cherished by the ancient republicans—the
strict constructionists —the real friends of the
rights of the States —us they are not to be
found in the veto power entrusted to the Pres
ident, and in the peculiar organization of the
Senate ! Why and wherefore were these
obnoxious features placed in the Constitution
by its framers —features which do not speak
the public will, if that will is only indicated
by the 44 immediate Representatives ts the
People !” Were they not designed to show
that this was a Government of limited and
specified powers—that sovereign States com
posed this Union —and that the rights of the
minority must be secured against unlawful
encroachments ? A". l yet men professing to
be the peculiar guardians of the States —
Nullifiers even—are repudiating the strong
est conservative principle in the Constitution!
VOTES IN THE SENATE,
Frcm which the injunction of secrecy was re
moved in the Senate.
OX THE NOMINATION OF CDWARP EVERETT.
Yea=.—Messrs. Bates, Berrien, Choate, Clay
of Kentucky, Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham,
Huntington, Mangum, Merrick, Mille-, More
nrAD, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Rives, Simmons’
Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White,
VVoodbridge—23.
Nays.—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Renton, Buch
anan, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama. Cu hbeit, Fulton,
King, Linn, Me Roberts, Mouton, Preston, Sevier,
Smith of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Woodbury,
Young—l 9.
On the nomination of Chari.es B. Penrose.
—Yeas—Messrs Archer, Bates, Bavard, Berrien
Choate, Clay, of Kentucky. Clayton, Dixon, Evans,
Graii \m Huntington, Mangum. Merrick, Miller
Moreheati, Phelps, Porter, Prentiss, Preston,
Rives, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, Southard, Tall
madge, White, VVoodbridge—26,
Nays.— Messrs. Alien, Barrow, Benton, Buchanan
Calhoun. Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fuiton, Hen
derson. King, Linn, Me Roberts, Mouton, Nicholson,
Sevier, Smith, of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan,
Walker, Woodbury, Wright, Young—22.
On the nomination of Joel Eastman —Yea?,
.Messrs Bates, Berrien, Choa'e, Clay, of Ken
tuoky, l ‘lay ton, Dixon, Evans, Huntington, Mangum,
Merrick, Miller, More head, Phelps, Porter,-
Prentiss, Rives, Simmons, Smith, of Indiana, South
ard, Tallmadge, White, VVoodbridge—22.
Nays—Messrs. Allen, Archer, Benton, Buchan
an, Calhoun, Clay, of Alabama, Cuthbert, Fulton,
King, Linn, Moßoberts, Sevier, Smith, of Connecti
cut, Walker, Woodbury, Young —16.
On the nomination of Jam s W ilson.—Yeas—Mes
srs. Bates, Btyard, Berrien, Choate, Clay of Kerr
tuefey,.Clayton, Dixon, Evans, Graham, Huntington
Mangum, Merrick, Miller, Morehead, Phelps,
Porter, Prentiss, Preston. Rives, Simmons, Smith
of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, White, VVoodbridge
—25.
Nays—Messrs. Allen, Benton, Buchanan, Cal
houn, Clay of Alaba-na, Cuthbert, Fulton. Henderson
King, Linn, Mcßoberis, Mouton, Nieholsdn, Sevier
Smith of Connecticut, Sturg-on, Tappan* Walker
Woodbury Wright Young—2l.
On th#nominuti nos Bela Badger—Yeas, Messrs*
Bates, Berrien, Choate, Clay ofKy. Clayton, Ev
ans, Mangum, Miller, Morehead, Porter, Sim
mons, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Tallmadge, While
VVoodbridge.—l6.
Nays—Messrs Allen, Archer, Benton, Buchan
an, Calhoun, Clay of Alabama, Cudibert, Fulton,
Anderson, Huntington, King, Linn, Mcßobcrts,
Merrick, Mouton, Phelps, Prentiss, Rives, Sevier,
Smith of Connecticut, Sturgeon, Tappan, Walker,
Woodbury, Young—2s.
We copy the proceedings of the Senate
from which the injunction of secrecy was re
moved. These proceedings have reference
to the action of the Senate on the nomination
of Mr. Everett as Minister to England—-of
Mr. Penrose, of Pennsylvania, as Solicitor of
the Treasury—of Sir. Eastman, as U. States
Attorney for New Hampshire—of Mr. Wilson
of New Hampshire, as Surveyor General of
lowa and Wisconsin—and of Mr. Badger, as
Navy Agent at Philadelphia. The confirma
tion of the four first named was resisted on
the ground ot Abolition, and the l-ast, in
consequence of his agency in transferring ‘li-
legal votes rroin rniiaueiuiua to JN'evv York,
in 1838, to be used in the elections of that
year, in the latter city. His nomination was
rejected by a decisive vote, seven Whig Sena
tors voting in the negative. We must con
fess our surprise at seeing Mr. Berrien ad
iiereingto the notorious pipe layer. It shows,
on the part of that gentleman, an inten ity of
j political feeling, and a violence of party at
tachment, we were not prepared to witness.
; Even the Vermont Senators, unadulterated
party men as they are, shrunk from contact
with Bela Badger.
The most important, however, of the nomi-
I natwns from which the injunction of secrecy
J was removed, and the one whicn has attracted
| particular interest in certain sections of the
Union, is that of Mr. Everett of Massachu
j setts, to be Minister to England. The mo
| tives \vliich influenced Senators in resisting
; the confirmation of this gentleman, may be
briefly stated thus :—Mr. Everett, some years
I since, when a candidate for an important office
in Massachusetts, was asked by some Aboii
j tjonistsr—first, if he believed in the power of
! Congress tp abolish slavery in the District of
; Columbia, and in /,V> propriety of the imms
| diate exercise of t power. Second, if he
were in favor of th • iierdictior. of the traffic
in -laves between t/hn States-—and third, if he
were opposed to the admission of anv new
State or Territory into the Union tolerating
slavery. To these direct arid explicit inter
rogatories he replied as directly and explicitly
in the affirmative. When his name was
presented to the Senate, the proofs of his hav
ing so replied were produced, and the enquiry
was made whether the Senate,and particularly
■ the Southern portion of it, ought to confer of
| lice on an individual who entertained opinions
conflicting with the Constitution—calculated
i to interrupt the tranquillity of the country—
and that, if carried into actual operation, would
produce its dismemberment. Jt was urged
that the existence of such opinions were view-’
cd with the most serious appiehension by the
whole slaveholding portion of the country, and
that the m >st effectual mode to check them,
especially when held by the influential and in,
teiligent, who could do most mischief—was to
discountenance the individuals promulging
them. That a rejection by the Senate for j
these reasons would show to public men at the j
North, who really entertained these opinions,
or were disposed to employ them to accomplish ■
personal or political ends, regardless of their j
unhappy influence, and the positive injury that i
might result from the.r agitation, that they j
were excluded from a participation in the hon- j
ors and emoluments of the General Govern
ment. That aside from the perfect propriety
of rejecting a man who entertained opinions
so mischievous and dangerous, it would have
a most happy effect in deterring prominent and
ambitious men, aiming at political distinction,
from meddling with a matter of such serious •
import, and the probable source of so much;
confusion and misery—and that by rejecting
Messrs. Everett, Penrose, Eastman and Wil- !
son, the South would be true to herself, and j
evince her determination to uphold, at all ha-’
zards, her constitutional rights. These, we
learn, were the view s presented by Senators
in favor of rejection—and what Southern man
will say that they were not just and per
tinent, and fit to be urged and carried out on
the occasion in question. Momentary agita
tion and excitement were expected to follow
the rejection. The question had to be met
whether the North could disturb, with impuni- j
tv, the domestic institutions of the South, and
it mio-ht as well be encountered in that form
f . I
as in anv other. If the rejection caused, as
it might, extraordinary feeling and deep re
sentment, bo it so—this question must be set
tied, and the South relieved from constant ap
prehension, else, to it, the Union would not be
worth preserving.
These views received the cordial concur
rence of most of the Southern Senators, with
out distinction of part}’, and were cheerfully
embraced by every Democratic Senator from
the North—and so just and reasonable did they
appear that, at no time, we learn from an un
doubted source, from the period of the nomi- j
nation of Mr. Everett up to the day of his 1
confirmation, a space of not less than two
months we think, would a majority of the i
Senate have sanctioned his appointment. —
Even Mr. Berrien, who finally voted in the |
affirmative, was, we learn, among the incorri
gible, almost to the moment when the vote j
was taken. What new reasons then present-’
e l themselves to change his previously fixed
determination, we are unable to state. It is
said, also, that. Messrs. Barrow and Henderson,
Whig Senators from Louisiana and Mississippi,
would, if present, have voted in the negative
—and of the correctness of this statement no !
doubt can be entertained, if the reader will j
refer to 1 heir vote on tiic confirmation of Mr* j
Penrose, the only one of the votes on these
exceptionable nominations, a* which they both
’ appear to have been present. This would
have swelled the negative vote to 21. Mr*
Wright, of New York, unavoidably absent,
would have swelled it to 22—and Mr. Berrien
would have made a tie—still leaving the two
North Carolina Senators, an 1 Mr, Rives, to
have added one more to the negative vote, and
thus have caused the rejection. Violent poli
ticians as are Messrs. Archer and Preston,
they yet voted in the negative.
Communicated.
Cooper and Colquitt rebuked by their, own
immediate neighbors!
The Georgia Dull Dog mvzzhd !
‘■'•The Immortal Twenty Fight'’ used ’up. —
Columbus Enquirer ., Ith Oct. 1840.
Mr. Van Ness—lt appears that the Georgia
Bull Dog has been again unmuzzled and that
•‘The Immortal Twenty Eight” have come to
life, and that the Clay Whigs and Dawson
have been rebuked by the people of Musco
g- e. Q.. IN A CORXEK.
From the Columbus Enquirer, of ye-;terdav.
Cotton.— Up to the present date, but very
little new cotton has been received here, and,
t/ will be seen bv cur statement below, the
season is much more backward than the two
previous years. ‘The quality of the cotton
thus far received would not,, any of it, rank
over ‘middling lair,’and most of it is of a poorer
grade* This is owing, in a great measure, to
the frequent heavy rains we have had since
the bolls commenced opening ; hut a few
weeks of good dry weather woul i materially
alter the appearance of the staple. Prices of
that which has been sold have ranged from
0 1-2 to 7 1 *4 cents.
Receipts of ne .v Coiton up to Opt 1,1839 782 bates,
do do do 1810,6! 5 do
do do do 1841,263 do
October 1, 1 311. receipt?, 253 do
On liana previously, old cotton, 155 and i
Total stock on hand, 418 do
Mr. Roebuck, of tiic House of Commons. ‘
—The journals of our country heve overlook-1
eh u. remarkable passage in the speech of Mr.
Roebuck, in the discussion in Parliament on j
the address in reply to the Queen’s speech,’
at the opening of the session. As every thing
against the United States has been car--fully i
reprinted from the English denates,- it m y
not be amiss to record what the Radical had
to say for us on the floor of the House of
Commons. We annex a part of Ins speech,
extracted from the report in the Moraine
Chronicle of.ritc 25 h of August:
“ He (Mr. Roebuck) had heard the remark
made by the noble lord who spoke lost nighl,
respecting our relations with America;'nut
the real difficulty had been to curb the war
like spirit of honorable gentlemen opposite,
‘i'he noble lord had said that a war in that
quarter would be most sincerely deprecated,
ami yet he had sought to impugn the conduct
of the Government in suffering the matter to
proceed so far without some warlike demon
stration. He was prepared to justify the con
duct of the American Government tnronghout. i
all the proceedings in the case of McLeod,
and he hlargcd the noble lord for having omit
ted to explain the real state of facts to the:
House. The truth was, that by the present l
law of the United States, and in the present!
state of our diplomacy, we could not reach
the evil which exis ed. [The honorable
member then went over the facts of the case
relating to McLeod.] If, at the time that
Mr. Forsyth had written this letter, to which
he had alluded, a minister had been sent over
—ay, our ambassador extraordinary ‘hat
would have been entertained of our meeting
the difficulty. But now September was al
most come; the mail in £ fit be found guiifv,
and then must bo hanged. This was un
doubtedly a most extraordinary case, and was
not to be treated with that icy by and heat
with which he had hear ! it spoken of. He
had read with great, admiration the judgment
of Judge Covveir upon the subject of the
habeas corpus.; and ihe matter has been
thoroughly, and carefully, and gravely met by
the judges of ihs land. All questions of poli
cy or political expediency had been very pro
perly thrown aside, and* having considered
the matters urged in behalf of the -prisoner,
the learned judge had said that no powers
which he possessed could relieve him, but to
trial he must go. It was urged before him,
that he was acting under the command of a
superior officer; that what he had done was
sanctioned by a British officer ; but the judge
very proper y said that lie could take no c >g
mzance of that; that it might be pleaded else
where, but lhag plead it. where they might,
the two countries not being at war, Eng. amt
could no more defend or justify the murder
than justify a common larceny.”
Fiom ihe Pennsylvanian.
The Veto Power. —We do not believe
that there is another man in the Unfed States
save Mr. Clay, who vvou.d have ventured to
originate this revolutionary tocsin : and we
cannot yet believe that'one half of the Whig
majority in Congress will ever be got to sub
scribe or sanction this “ moral treason ” of
the manifesto put forth by their Committee.
An experience of more than fifty years has
proved die matchless wisdom of our funda
mental charter. It lias nobly surmounted
every difficulty of war and of faction. It has
beiied all the hopes and prophecies of the:
monarchists of Europe: and at this moment
is the object of admiration and pride with the
lovers of liberty and order throughout the.
world, \et, forsooth, it is in the way of Mr.
i Clay’s aspiring ambition, and it must he des
i troyed ! It obstructs the establishment of a
Bank, and it must be removed as rubbish.
We stand by the Constitution exactly as
1 and is. Mr. Clay has no pretension to the abil
ity, virtue and forecast of Washington, Madi
son, and the other sages by whom it was
framed. He is wholly incompetent to mend
their work. Os this we believe the American
people are universally aware : certainly, the
Democracy are so. If it ever happen, how
ever, that this instrument should he subjected
to the crucible of new fashioning and change,
we can tell Mr. Clay and his sateiites that it i
will not be in order to put power into tjlid
hands of a mere party leader, but more Leftec
tually and closely to keep it vvitli’ the people :
not to secure an irresponsible and destructive
one term of four years to the chief Executive,
but to bring that public servant annually back
to the approval or condemnation of his real
masters. We deem the Constitution too sa
cred and well digested to be forever tinkered
at: we recoil vviih dread at the hare mention
of ass tiling it: but if its enemies prevail, the
true sovereigns will resume their rights, and
thereafter trust their agents for much shorter
psriods of service. If, according to the alarm
ing doctrine of Mr. Clay and his manifesto,
ti” President ought to act in utter disregard
of future liability to censure or sanction trom
the people, the briefer his term for acting the
safer and better. The chains which might be
rivetted in four years would in a single year
bo scarcely moulded.
We repeat, we want no change in the Con
stitution of this country, and will stand by it
exactly as it is. ! The Republican party will,
we doubt not, assume and maintain inflexibly
this high and patriotic attitude: nor can it,
for the purposes of victory adopt a nobler
motto than “ The Constitution, Democracy,
and no Bank.”
Spfxk of War —The Westfield (Chi’ -
t tuque) Messenger of the 22d ult., savs :
“We noticed recently the visit of Captain
Knapp, of the revenue cutter, to this place.
We understand that, while here, he received
inf. rmation that his presence was needed at
Cleaveiaiul, whither he hastened with all de
spatch. On Monday of this week, the Wes
tern stage brought the report that, on his arri
val at Cieaveland, Capt. Knapp found the Brit
ish new war steamer engaged in taking sound
ings, and surveying the passages to the harbor.
(’ ipf. Knapp hailed the steamer several times,
but receiving no reply, he fixed a gun over the
stern of t lie steamer and another over her bow
hailing her after each discharge, but still re
ceiving no answer. lie then sent a ball right
| into her hull, when ho was answered—not
j irom a return shot, as might have been expect
ed, but—by the application ot steam to her
i engine, and her immediate departure. This
t ooka as it the British had an eye on Cleave-
I land, m the case of war. The promptness and
c uiage o Capt. Knapp, on this occasion, mark
him rs an officer of the right s'a np ft r efficient
i service, and .afford some ground for the belief
i we have hoard expressed, that he is destined
|So be the second hero of Lake Erie’—-if there
I shall be need for another. It should be re
| mombered that the steamer is armed with
Paixhan guns, a single shot from which might
have blown the cutter‘sky high.’ ”
From the National Gazette.-
IMPORTANT FROM HAVANA.
We have received exclusively from our
attentive correspondent at Havana, late advi
ces via Charleston. We subjoin his letter,
which contains intelligence of interest, and of
importance in our commercial relations with
the island, if the rumors prevalent at the latest
dates should prove true.
[Correspondence of the National Gazette J
Havana 1 , Sept. 13, 1841.
Dear Sif v — Siime I wrote to you per brig
Elizabeth, some changes have taken place’
amongst the officers of this Government On’
the 4:h inst, by the packet from Cadiz, anew
Intendant arrived ; his arrival being the first
intimation of a removal. The ssh being Sun
day, nothing was done, but on the 6th he was
installed in office and proclaimed in form.—-
This new functionary is the hearer of Royal’
orders, one of which is to pull down the walls’
of the city, extend the streets arid sell the lots.
It is estimated that six millions will be real
ized for the Crown by this improvement.
He is also empowered to dispose of tl e’
church properties. This is an order of long’
standing, and rumor says is one principal
; cause for removing the former Intendant, lie’
| never having forced the order.
The troops have not yet arrived from Spain,,
j but those destined for the south side have
| embarked some days since.
It is. also rumored that American Flour is
| to be prohibited in this island, and the duties
j on Spanish increased. * Business is at a stand,*
weather very hot for the season. Sickness
has ceased and we hear of no- now cases of
| fever.
The Maine Election is still more decisive’
jin its results. Fairfield’s present majority is
i 0,918. Last fa]', Ilarr ison’s majority in three
places was 1,108. Democratic gain 11,14(5.
In the Towns yet to he heard from, Van Bu
ren’s majority was 785.
Toe Vv higs (the Congressional
Mr. Clay and most of his clique) now’ expect
to get a Bank by abolishing the qualified Veto.
! Are they insane enough to indulge such a
hope ? Is there one youthen) State, who
wifi consent to strike the shield of the Veto
power, I rom the hands of .a Southern Presi
dent—and finis deprive us of one great means
to save ns from the attacks of the Abolition
isms. and any Jaw they may pass for disturbing
tim question of slavery in the District of Co
lumbia, &.'• ? Ihe whole scheme only shows,*
that to carry their favorite Bank, or to elect
Henry dav, they are willing lo lav bare the
sale of the youth to the insidious dagger ot
her fiercest enemy, {’fie scheme will ex
plode in its own revolutionary folly.
A Non!, t: Ear of Corn, —from Habersham
co mty, Georgia, may be seen at our office,,
so- a ;ew da vs, which is JO inches and a halt
ii longih, and eleven and three quarter inches
round - weight 5 Iks. A single blade of the
• f ; ‘alk which produced this fine ear, measured
when green 7 inches in width. In its dry
SjPe it measures five inches.—Charleston
Mercury.
I’hu Washington Correspondent of the
a.v \ork Commercial Advertiser says:—-
“ i e -x‘ra sesion has verified all the predic
tion s. liat were made in regard to its results.
lx has broken up the Whig party and
driven the Pi esident out of the Whig raks.”
The Journcl of Commerce says there was
nevet a more silly and absurb attempt than
that of a por ion of the whigs to abolish the
veto power.
A friend (says the Pensylvauian) sends us
the following appropriate extract:
1’ rom the V\ <. kly Aurora. April 2 ISIS,
M ’. Dampsey, an English member of Par-
I 1 lament, at the close of the Revolutioi ary
i War, said : “Lord North mistook the means
of conquering America; had he established
a Bank of England, with seven millions capi
tal, at Philadelphia, be need never have sent
I any army thither—the th.rteenth colonies
would have been as easily managed as Ja*
Harrison Promises, anp tjieir Realiza
tion. —At Ibis lime last year the slock market
here and abroad was much influenced bv the
then approaching presidential election. High
hopes wi re entertained here, ami held out in
London, that vviih the success of the whig
pariv such measures would he adopted as
would immediately restore the credit of their
ecuriiies. This illusion was shared in an ex
iraoi(imary degree bv all those connected
with speculative property, state, corporate or
real. Letters from abroad were written,
promising higher prices as soon as General
Harrison should he elevated to the presidential
chair. Contracts were paraded in ihe papers
here tor produce, at prices depending upon
‘he event of that election. What lias been
the result? The year has rolled round, that
election was successful for the whig party;
but how has it answered expectation? Real
estate is now as dead as ever, company stocks
have sunk to the lowest cbp, and explo-ion,
alter explosion takes place every dav.- —N. \
Herald, Sept. 18.