Newspaper Page Text
jr t (lie Globe o( November 13.
THE AUGMENTATION OF TAXES.
There is no feature which more essentially
distinguishes tiie two great parties of this
country than the propensity on one side to in
crease, and on the other to diminish taxation.
This characteristic invariably attends the par
ties in or out of power in the National, as well
as the State governments, and has marked
the popular and anti-popular parties in all coun
tries and ages. It grows out of the very con
dition of the classes that compose society,
which to use the homely phrase of Cobbet, is
divided into tax payers and lilc ewers.
It is nut merely those who live on salaries
provided by government, and devour tiie rev
enue that fall on the cla.-s of tax consumers
—not the navy and army and civil list officers
—but the vast body which, through one con
trivance or another —through corporation priv
ileges—through partial legislation —command-
ing capital or pursuits —have the power of
taxing productive industry, independently of
govermnen', and who manage to dra*v to tnem
selves all the fruits of the earth without crea
tiii<r any’.
Os this class are the whole tribe of bankers
and currency makers, composed of boards of
directors, officers, petty agents, and stockhold •
crs. Os this class are merchants, who levy
the taxes for themselves as they levy them
for the government, by laying them oil their
merchandise in fixing its price. Os this class
are the manufacturers, who not only take the
tax on the labor of those who do the w’ork un
der their direction, but from the w'hole com
munity upon which they levy the tax on the
enhanced price they are enabled to put.on their
manufactures, in consequence of the monopo
ly given by protecting laws, which exclude
the community from the purchase of similar
cheaper articles, which a free trade would af
ford. All these classes of money dealers,
niorcbant?, and although thev
tax the coaimun-yi are useful to it in then
several vacations; and if stripped of privilege
a nW monopoly, the competition were left free,
they could not levy, in their calling, more than
a fair equivalent for the service rendered by
them to the producing class. Cut partial le
gislation may furnish them with the means of
obtaining more than fair equivalents for their
instrumentality in conducting the business of
society. It may, and does, in almost all coun
tries, enrich them by the undue impositions
which it is given them to fasten on the agri
cultural and mechanical, and operative class
es. And hence those industrious classes,
which aid and yet live on the productive class
es, have a tendency to unite with that portion
composed entirely of tax eaters of the govern
ment bro d—those who live on the public rev
enues.
All these classes make common cause in
support of that system of government which
would enure the mass of the people to high
taxation and prodigal expenditure.
Hence it is that at all periods we find mo
neyed, manufacturing, and mercantile classes,
and those whom they can influence, generally
enlisted on the side of the anli-popular party
—the Federalists among us—the Aristocrats
abroad. There are many noble individual
exceptions—men who look to the common
weal of the great industrious community—to
the general prosperity of the country as the
basis of their own well being, and as the best
security for their honest acquisitions. But in
the main it will be found, tiiat the noaprodu
cers of all sorts, are of the taxing party
while the producers make up, for tiie most
part, the opponents of taxation.
How slightly has ihis discrimination mark
eJ the career of the Democratic and Federal
parties in this country. Hamilton, at the very
threshold of the government, in building up
the latter, opened up systems of taxation in
every shape. National debt, embodying a
vast and powerful phalanx of capitalists, liv
ing on the interest of the public funds, in which
they invested protective tariff, begetting
swarms who lived on the bounties drawn to
their capital by the monopoly derived from the
exclusion of competition in their business—
national bank, giving life to the myriads who
feed on usury and the art of manufacturing
public credulity into currency. I his was the
first great birth of Titan tax eaters in our
country, and with them came an increase of
army and navy and civil list and pensioners,
and a multitude of vast schemes ol expendi
ture to increase classes favorable to the excise
and the imposition of taxes in every shape.
With Jefferson came economy and reduction
cf taxes, and the dispersion of the embodied
classes that favored them. They gradually
grew 7 with the influence of Federalism under
subsequent administrations, until, under the
younger Adams and his Hamilton (Mr. Clay)
tariff, bank, internal improvements, and ail
the classes they generate favorable to high
taxes and extravagant expenditure, attained
a power which, it was thought, would enable
them to command the government and render
it absolute.
With Gen. Jackson came the overthrow of
the bonk, internal improvement, and a contin
ual reduction of the tariff until, during Mr.
Van Buren’e time, they were brought down
to what we are told, in the National Intelli
gencer of this morning, is not sufficient for
an economical administration of the govern
ment. It is under this pretext, that disguised
federalism which came into power under pre
texts of retrenchment and reform, now .as
sumes that \vc must have a vast increase of
taxes, a national bank, a national debt, addi
tional expenditure, and to open new drains in
the treasury —the establishment of anew
body of pensioners upon it—a distribution of
the proceeds of the lands among the Slates
—and a bankrupt law
\Yc utterly den}’ tlie ground assumed in’
this morning’s Intelligencer, that the sources ;
of revenue, as left hv the late administration, i
are inadequate to the supply of our govern- j
ment, economically adniinistered. It is known J
that notwithstanding the gradual reduction of!
the customs for the last nine years, the last
Democratic administrations deposited whh the ;
States thirty millions of surplus. The late !
Secretary of the Treasury (in his place in the •
Senate during the extra ses-ion) declared that !
with the reduced expenditure proposed in the j
estimates of the administration of which he j
had formed a part, there would have been no
necessity for the called session, its. increased j
taxation, or its twelve million debt Every
body knows (the official documents prove it) j
that the reduction made in the expenditure
proposed by the late administration by its es
timates for the year, was greater than the fall- j
ing off of the revenue under the reduced tariff
of the year. If, then, the lands—the natural!
source of revenue, surrendered by the States !
to the Union—had remained with it, what!
ground is there to suppose that new imposi- j
tions on the people would have become neees-;
sary to supply an economical government ? I
One of the enormous destroyers of the public j
revenue, the banking system, was. in a great’
degree, circumscribed in its ravages by the
extinction of the Bank of the United States,!
and the gradual suppression of the power of
the State institutions, to depreciate the value i
of the public revenue. The deterioration of j
the currency by the immense paper issues of j
the banks, State and National, none can deny, !
took much of its value from th> revenues of J
the country. Every thing bought for the use !
'f the government was affected by the vast :
i tereise of prices occasioned by the diluted j
currency growing out of the paper credit svs- J
tern. Ihe Independent Treasury, collecting j
its resources in money, and ceising to circu- ■
late the depreciated‘bank eurrenev for the |
currency of the constitution, was gradually ‘
imparting value to all currency, both coin and i
convertible paper —a process which would
have of itself increased the value of the rev
enue received to a greater amount than it
would have suffered diminution hv the reduc
tion of the duties. This, with the completion
of th.e public buddings—the conclusion of the !
exhausting Florida war—the rapid lading off
of the old pension lists —and the reforms
which were proposed by the last Administra
tion, and might and would have been prosecu
ted in all branches of the public service, must
have rendered the tariff as it existed before
the extra session, adequate for all trie wants
of the treasury. Instead of that, we have a
twelve million national debt—sixteen millions
more threatened —an increased tariff and a
greater increase threatened—a national bank
and distribution —anew pension law, and all
the indications of prodigality toward one class,
and oppression of the o’her, w hich distinguish
ed the worst days of federalism. And all this
is justified by the assumption that our im
mense sources of revenue are not adequate
to suppfy the economical wants of the gov
ernment ! If they are not, who has produced
the result 1
From the Georgia Messenger, 18th inst.
FREE TRADE.
Those whose apprehensions of free trade
are limited to an acquaintance with the rules
and regulations controlling the commerce of
the United States, have a very inadequate idpa
of that national boon, which was the main in
centive to the last w 7 ar, and which is now
professedly the great boast of the American
people : we say professedly, for a cursory ex
amination of the commercial policy of other
nations will satisfy us, that we are far from
being substantially in the enjoyment of free
trade. Trade, to be free, must be reciprocal ;
and it is an abuse of terms lo say that our
trade is free, because our maritime ports are
open to the world, while our home productions
are excluded, except under heavy duties, from
all foreign markets. It boots us but little, or
rather, we are but half benefited, when w 7 e
have the privilege of importing from other
countries free of all restrictions, while we are
forbidden by heavy duties, and other vexatious
obstacles, from what is regarded as a recipro
cal rrgm—-payment ror those imports in the
productions of the country. We must enjoy
a full reciprocity of those privileges u 7 e extend
to others, before w 7 e can in truth say, we have
a free trade.
There are certain dogmas in trade, as well
as in all other sciences, one? deemed funda
mental and indisputable, which time and ex
perience have showed to be fallacious and un
tenable. Among these aie such memorable
maxims as the following: that protection is
essential to the prosperity of manufactures—
that high duties produce revenue—that capi
tal and labor cannot be profitably employed
without prohibitory duties—that, we ought to
sell to other nations, but not to buy of them,
and the like. But these notions, although re
garded by many politicians as fundamental
principles, have been exploded by practical
and business men ; and here \* e take occa
sion to mention as a singular fact, that the
theoretical views of politicians and statesmen
upon all principles relating to the science of
trade, are at direct variance with those of the
merchant and practical business men To
the former, it seen s a paradox, that low duties
should promote home industry, produce low
prices, and increase national revenue , while
to the latter, the practical man, it is a plain
solution to a very simple problem. As early
as 182 <, when the authors of the American
system were concocting a policy, the design
of which was to be the protection of home
industry, the manufacturers of Massachusetts,
then tiie most manufacturing State in the
Union, protested against their theory, regard
ing it as a remnant of the darkest ages of ig
norance and barbarism. The tariff of 1823
was rather the suggestion of ambitious and
theorising politicians, than of the manufactu
rers ; for the manufacturers, as a body, were
not anxiously solicitous for a protective sys
tem, and they are now generally opposed to it.
Incalculable evil lias resulted to trade from
the legislation of politicians, who are more
imbued with the theories of Puffendorf, Gro
tius and Vattel, than the practical principles
of Adam Smith. The remarks of Mr. David
flume are hire very applicable, -that “ the
more simple ideas of order and equity are
sufficient to guide a legislator in a great part
of his duties; but principles like those of com
merce, are much more complicated, and re
quire long oxporionco and deep reflection* lo
be well understood, because real consequen
ces are often contrary to the first appearances. ’
It would he well that such rational advice
would be followed, for while commerce would
be benefited, the good of the country at large
would be subserved by tiie attention of politi
cians to their appropriate duties. Ne sulor
ultra crepidam, is an excellent tnaxun.
But. the discovery that the protective sys
tem is a fallacy in trade and commerce, is not
peculiar to the merchants and manufacturers
of tiie United States. The trading commu
nities of England and France are very well
satisfied that their old maxims of trade, eonse
| crated as they are by time, are erroneous,; and
1 that trade, when left to itself, flourishes best.
| It is more difficult to convince their rulers of
| the truth of these facts. The English gov
ernment, whether administered by a whig or
lory administration, have invariably adhered
to 1 heir old protective system, and opposed a
reform in their cu-tom duties. This singular
obliquity on the part of their eminent men of
j opposing political sentiments, must be ascrib
led to a bigoted reverence for old usages, or
what is more profitable, a disinclination to
make any change that may he prejudicial to
the interest of their great land proprietors.
But the people are clamorous for a change,
and a change will be had sooner or later.
The political condition of ihc English people
has been improved by the reform in their sys
tem of government, which has been effected
within the last ten years : a corresponding re
form in their principles of trade is equally es
sential to accomplish those great desiderata in
the domestic policy of all governments —prof-
itable and active employment of capital and
labor, low f rices and a plentiful supply of
food—ail of which is accompanied with the
quiet, good order, and content of the peo
ple. Ihe protective or restrictive policy is
calculated to produce the opposite of all this;
experience lias taught lhat the peace and pros
perity of a country are best promoted by ‘he
adoption of such principles of trade as’ will
| secure to the people the right of a free inter
! change of their respective productions, and
j that a trade so conducted is calculated to give
| employment to wealth and iabor, increase con
i sumption, reduce prices, add to the national
‘revenue, and diminish taxation. These are
| facts demonstratively true of themselves, but
I they are further illustrated by tiie history of
i all commercial nations.
The author of the protective system in Eu
rope was .\I. Colbert, a French statesman,
who introduced it into France in 1067. Pre
vious to that period, France, with the rest of
Europe, was dependent upon Holland for their
manufactures. M. Colbert, to encourage and
protect French manufactures, established a
tariff by which all foreign manufactures were
prohibited. France has pertinaciously adher
ed to this system, and the consequence is,
that she pays for her manufactures twice as
high prices as England or Holland, and her
manufacturing establishments have always
been in a depressed and languishing condition.
In Ireland, before the Union, the Legisla
ture imposed heavy duties upon English man
ufactures. England, in return, imposed retal
iatory duties upon Irish manufactures; in a ve
ry short time thereafier, the supply exceeded
the demand, and every branch of manufactures
existed in a most unsatisfactory state. The
protective duties were abolished in 18ti3, since
which time, the manufactures of Ireland have
remained in a flourishing condition.
Saxony, before she became a par'y to a
commercial association termed the Prussian
league, had no p o ective duties, and the man
ufactures rose to a state of perfection unknown
to any other part of Europe.
In Switzerland there are no protective du
ties ; the consequence is, she supplies at low
pr.cee her own people, and the surrounding
countries. Y\ hile in Austria, Bohemia, Hun
gary, and the Italian States, countries of pro
hibitory duties, manufactures and all trades
in general, are in tiie most unsound state.
But it is in England where the mischiev
ous consequences of the protective or restrict
ive system are most sensibly feit. A report
submitted last year to the House of Commons,
comprising the testimony of a large number
of intelligent and experienced merchants and
manufacturers, exhibits in a strong light the
partial and injurious operation of°a system,
which, to use the words of an intelligent wit
ness, was “ framed nearly two hundred years
ago, by persons who were but little acquaint
ed with the principles of trade and finance,
and who had not the slightest consideration
for the feelings and convenience of individuals,
and for the increase of loreign commerce.”
From this voluminous report, we shall select
a few subjects of detail for the interest of our
readers, which go to show how injurious the
protective system operates, considered as well
in its relation to individual as national pros
perity.
The article of foreign sugars is subject to
a protective duty, of 63 shillings, or sls 75
per cwt., which makes a difference to the con
sumer of 4 I per ih., being 50 per cent, more
than he would pay if there were no monopoly.
It is estimated that at the rate of 4d duty per
lb., the taxation growing out of protection of
colonial sugars, amounts to £7,000,000, or
$05,000,000. The consumption of the Uni
ted Kingdom is 17 lbs. per annum, per indi
vidual, while tiie consumption in Fans and
V ienna is tvrice that, ‘i he price of sugars
in Great Britain averages about 86 shillings,
or s2l 50 per cwt.; it is supposed that if the
duties were reduced so as to make it about
64 shillings, or sl6 per cwt., the consumption
would be indefinitely increased, and an addi
tional revenue to the treasury of £3,000,000,
or $15,000,000 would be obtained.
The protecting duty on coffee has a similar
effect in diminishing the consumption, and
consequently the revenue. The duty on for
eign coffee is Is. 3d. (31 1-4 cts.) per lb., the
consumption 25,000,000 lbs. It is estimated
that a reduction of duties to 6d. per lb., would
promote consumption and give an addition to
the revenue of £6,000,000.
Tiie duty on foreign timber is £2 15s. (sl3
75) a load, to reduce the duty to £1 10s.
would increase the importation and add to the
revenue £2,000,000.
Corn, by which is meant g-ain of every
kind, is subject to a graduated scale of duties
—the duty rises as the price tails, and falls
as the pnee rises, so that importation is dis
couraged as the supply becomes abundant,
and discouraged as it becomes scarce. The
consumption is estimated at 45 million quar
ters of 8 bushels, supposing the increased
price at the lowest rale of duty to be ss. per
quarter, the corn laws impose an indirect tax
on the people of £ 11,006.000, or $55,000,000,
while at a moderate fixed duty, the people
would be relieved from this excessive tax,
and the revenue increased at least a million.
We could advert to many other interesting
details, but our time and space caution us to
forbear. We have, however, as we think,
conclusively shown that protective duties are
equally injurious to individual and national
prosperity. But there is a point of view in
which these facts become to us exceedingly
interesting, having, as they do, a direct bear
ing upon our national prosperity.
Among the articles subject to high duties
in England and France, the products of the
United S.ates bear the highest rates—some
of the duties being so high as virtually to be
prohibitory. From France we have taken for
years her staple commodities, silk free of du
ties, and her wines at a mere nominal dutv',
to the value of $33,000,006; while she takes
nothing from us in return but tobacco, which
she must have to mix with tiie miserable to
bacco of her own growth to make it. fit for
use, and cotton, which she cannot do without.
Our imports from France are above thirty
three millions annually, while our exports are
about eighteen millions: thus, for want of a
fair and just reciprocity, we pny her in specie
for her s'lksand wines the difference I* tween
the amount of our imports and exports. The
disparity with England is still greater. From
her illiberal policy of impost duties, which
levies a tax ol 200 per cent, upon our tobacco,
and 200 percent, upon our rice, and almost a
prohibition upon our pork, flour, and lumber,
we are brought in debt to her $1,000,000 a
month, which we are forced to pay in specie
instead of produce. An alteration in this
policy on the part of Great Britain would open
a market to our flour and lumber to the
amount of $30,000,000; a market would also
be found in France l’ur $10,000,000 of tlie
same productions.
It is true that we at the South are compar
atively enjoying a free trade, our cotton being
subject to very light duties; but this will
prove only a temporary immunity. England
is striving most diligently to encourage the
growth of cotton in ail her colonies, and in
E.ypt and Brazil; and her desire is to he
independent of the UuiteJ States for this arti
cle. A late British price current shows tint
seventy thousand bales had arrived from In
dia, which had lessened the prices in the
American market. In a few years, the south
ern states will exoerience, in common with
the other states of the Union, the injurious
consequences of a protective policy. In this
matter we all have a common interest; and
whether it is to be accomplished by peaceable
or coercive means, one thing is certain—to
insure peace and contentedness among our
people, we must hive, sooner or later, a reci
procity in bur commercial relations with for
eign countries —the possession of a substan
tial instead pf a nominal free trade.
The Bastilles of Paris. —The Commerce
says, “The works ol the citadel and fort of
Charenton-Alfort aie already so advanced tint
they could, if necessary, oppose a vigorous re
sistance. ‘ Four of the five bastions and cur
iains have already their thick walls several
metres above the level ground, and two-thirds
of the wall of the ditch of the fifth bastion
are already built. The wall for the whole
enclosure of the fort is to be carried to the
bight of the ramparts, viz: 6 metres 80 cen
timetres (t&i feet English) above the level
ground. In ‘he several parts where he
ground has been dug out, beds of vegetable
earth, two or three metres thick, which is ex
traordinary lor the locality, have been found.
Tnis earth has been laid aside carefully for
the covering of the bastions, &c. Several
wells have been dug for the use of the ma
sons, and, although at a depth of only 60 feet,
the water is in great abundance, and potable.
In order that the works may proceed with the
greater activity little railways have been laid
down lor the transport of the materials from
one point to the other. By this means two
men are able to drag what would otherwise
be a heavy 7 horseload.”
The Grogan Affair. —The Montreal Ga
zette states, that “ in pursuance of the direc
tion of Sir Richard Jackson, the administrator
of the government and commander of the for
ces. a court martial was lately held on Mr.
Johnston, an officer of Col. Dyer’s corps, for
participating in the capture of Grogan, in the
territories of the United States; and that hav
ing plead guilty, in mitigation of punishment,
he was sentenced to be discharged from the
corps.”
What the banks have done. —Since the
first bank failure in this country, its banking
corporations have swindled its inhabitants out
of three hundred and eighty millions of dol
lars. What a tremendous advantage to the
people such a system must be ! What a vile
leveler and agrarian must anybody be who
dares to cry out against it! Why, it has not
yet plundered the people out of four hundred
millions ! Let it a! me.—Coo- Democrat.
THE RIGHT OF SEARCH—SUPPRESSION* 1
OF THE SLAVE TRADE.
The United States and England.—
The following are extracts from correspon
dence with foreign powers, not parties to
conventions giving right of searching vessels
suspected of slave irade, recently presented
to both Houses of Parliament by command
of Her Majesty:
Mr. Stephenson to Viscount Palmerston.
22, Upper Grosvenor-street. Nov. 13, 1840.
(Received Nov. 14 )
The undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary
and Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
j States, has been instructed by his Govern
ment to t.ansmit to Lord Palmerston, Her
Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, the lollowing papers, con
taining the evidence of another unwarranta
ble search, detention, and ill-usage of an
American vessel and her crew, on the coast
id Africa, by her Majesty’s cruisers employed
for the suppression of the slave trade, and
which, in the opinion of the President, forms
a proper subject for complaint and satisfacto
ry retribution.
The following, are the prominent facts of
the case:
‘The American brig Douglass, of Dnxburv,
in Massachusetts, of 210 tons bin den, and
commanded bv Alvin Baker, master, and
William Arnold, mate, sailed from the Ha
vannah on the 9ih of August, 1539, laden
with a cirgo of merchandise, and having
sundry | assengers on board, lor the port of
the river Bras.
‘Thai on the 21st of October this brig,
whilst pursuing her voyage was hoarded by
Lieutenant Segram from Her Majesty’s bri
gantine cruiser the Termagant, with some of
her crew, who proceeded forthwith to over
haul the ship’s papers and passengers’ pass
ports; ordered the hatches which were closed
id he broken open: Hie American fl*g, which
was then flying, to be hauled down, and the
vessel seized as a slaver.
That tiie captain’s papers and log book
were then demanded, and taken on board
•he Termagant, and the Douglass committed
to the charge of a master and crew from the
British cruiser, who immediately ordered the
sails lo he set and proceeded to sea.
At 6 o’clock, p. in. ten men were sent on
board with arms and provisions, and the pas
sengers taken to the Termagant, and noth
vessels then made sail, and stood to the west
ward.
That on the 23.1 of October, about daylight,
the Termagant came alongside of the Doug
las, with tiie purser and one of her passen
gers, for stores and provisions, and dun
returned to the cruiser.
That from the 21st to the 23ili of October
the American brig continued in charge of
Her Majesty’s cruiser, when they parted, and
lust siglu of each other, the brig, Imwever,
still continuing in possession of the officer and
men Irorn the Termagant.
That on the 29th, and to the westward ol
Popoe, on the African coast, the Termagant
again appeared alongside of tiie Douglas, and
hove to; sent the supercargo and purser on
board, ordered Captain Baker on board the
cruiser, and Lieutenant Segiam then delivered
to him bis papers with permission to proceed
on his voyage.
The passengers were also permitted to re
turn to the Douglas, and the Termagant
having taken her prize crew and officer on
board, the Douglas made ail sail lor the river
Bra .
That on the6th. of November the Douglas
anchored in the Nun (a river on the African
coast) which she left on the 14ih of Decem
ber, and proceeded in ballast to Curacoa,
where she arrived on the 22J ot January,
1840.
That on the 6ffi of February she sailed
from Curacoa With a cargo ol salt for the
Havana, which she reached on the 21st of
that month.
T hat in the passage from the pestilential
coast of Africa to Curacoa the Douglas lost
three of her crew; two American seamen—
viz: Hu milton Day, of Providence, •rod An
drew Clough, of Boston; and Frederick
Walton, ! British subject, who were taken ill
and died.
Tiiat tiie Douglas-,.at the time rtf her sailing
Irorn the Havana, was tight, stanch, and
strong, had her hatches well caulked and
covered, and was well and sufficiently man
ned, and provided with all things needful for
her voyage, and was in that state when she
was hoarded and hleraily captured by the
British ciuiser.
Such are the facts detailed in the protest o'’
the captain and mate, herewith transmitted,
and winch, it is presumed, can leave no doubt
as to ;fie unprovoked and flagrant character
ol the proceeding, or the reparation due to
the rights of the United Slates, and the honor
of their flag.
In presenting the subject to the notice of
Her Majesty’s Government, rit cannot be
needful that the undersigned should do more
than refer Lord Palmerston to the correspon
dence which has heretofore taken place be
tween the two governments, and more espe
dally to the three notes which the undersigned
had the honor of addressing to his Lordship,
under dates of s:li February, Is:h of May,
and 11th of August las!, anti t • express the
painful regrel which the G ivernment of the
United States fieeis that ilie remonstrances
which have been heretofore made should have
proved unavailing in preventing the repetition
of such abuses as those which have so re
peatedly been made the subject of complaint
against Her Majesty’s naval officers.
Her Majesty’s Government cannot be in
sensible ol the strong desire which the Gov
ernment of the United Stales, and the nation
at large, fee! in the complete annihilation of
the African slave trade.
The course pursue' l for the last 30 years is
best calculated to mark tlie feelings and opin
ions of the Government and people of the
United Slates, in relation to a traffic now
properly regarded by most civilized nations
as alike repugnant lo justice and humanity,
and which, in relation to the United States,
is not the less so to all the dictates of a sound
policy.
li is true that the American Government
have declined to become a party in treaties
with other nations lor ihe suppression of the
slave trade. Although repeatedly urged bv
Her Majesty’s Government to do so, t lie Uni
ted Slates have been forced to deci.ne ail
conventional arrangements; by wlrch the
officers ofshi|)S-of-war ol’either country should
have the right to board, search, or capture,
or carry into foreign pons ior adj .dication,
the vessels of each other engaged in t e slave
trade. Indeed, it may he well doubted, apart
from other considerations, whether the cmi
siiiutional powers of the American Govern
ment would be competent lo carry into effect
those portions of ihe existing sysP m so indis
pensably necessary to give it the character of
just reciprocity.
These objections on the pari of the United
Stales have been repeaiedlv and frankly made
known lo her Majesty’s Government, and an*
doubtless well understood by the* British Ca
binet : and tbe more especially so, as ii was
an obsiacle proceeding fsom tire same pnnei
ple which it is presumed prevented Great
Britain lierselffrom becoming formally a party
to the holy alliance. It will not, however, he
understood that the United Slates have been
insensible to the friendly spirit of confi tence
with which these applications have been m?de
on the part of Her Majesty’s Government, or
that the United States have ceased to feel
that strong solicitude for ihe total annihilation
of the traffic, which lias distinguished the
whole course of their policy On the contrary,
having been the first to abolish, within the
extent of their authority, (lie transportation of;
ilie natives of Africa into slavery, by prohib- !
iting the introduction of slaves, and by pun- j
ishing their own citizens for participating in’
the traffic; and having, moreover, taken the
steps which it deemed to he proper to prevent
the abuse of their flag by the subjects of other
Powers, the Government of the United Stales
cannot but led smeete gratification at the
progress made, by the efforts ol other nations,
ior the general extinction of tins odious traffic,
and, consequently, undiminkshed soiicituce,
to give the fullest efficacy to their own laws
and regulations on the subj.-ct.
They cannot, however, consent that the
provisions of the treaties in force between
Great Britain and other Powers Ibr iis aboli
tion, and to which they are not a party,
should he made to opera le upon tfie commerce
and citizens of the United States. It cannot
but be apparent toiler Majesty’s Govern,
merit that these treaties are of a nature which
cannot, and ought not, to be applied to the
United States, under any restrictions or mo
difications whatever, and the more especially
as they have neither colonies, nor the means
of carrying out those measures of maritime
policy anti surveillance which form the basis
of these treaties and are so indispensably
necessary to their execution.
In withholding its assent, therefore, from
the existing system, and abstaining from nil
conventional arrangements yielding the right
of search to the armed vessels and cruisers ol
each other, Her Majesty’s Government must
be sensible that the United Slates have been
influenced alone by considerations arising out
of the character of iheir institutions and poli
cy, and that having taken the measures which
it deemed to be expedient and proper in re
lation to this subject, the Government of the
United States can only leave to other nations
to pursue freely the course which their judg
ment or policy may dictate, and in relation to
which the United Slates can ceilamly have
no disposition to interfere.
The undersi ned has therefore been in
structed, in presenting this case to Loid Pal
merston's ttotice, again in the most earnest
manner to assure ins Lordship that these
continued violations of the flair <>l the United
States, and unprovoked wrongs iufl cted by
British cruisers upon ih. ligbis and property
of its citizens, under whatever color or pretext,
cannot longer be permitted by the’Govern
ment of the United Stales: and that tie has
accordingly been instructed to express to his
Lordship the confident expectation of the
Pre-idemol the United States-, that Her Ma
jesty’s Government will not only at once
recognise the propriety and justice of making
prompt retribution for the unwarrantable
conduct ol Lieutenant Segrarn in the present
case, hut that it v. ill take suitable and efficient
means to prevent the future occurrence of ail
such abusts, involving, as they often do, not
only great private wrong and consequent
injury to property anti life, but calculated to
interrupt that harmony, which it is for the
advantage, as it is no doubt the desire ol both
Liovernments to pit-serve.
The undersigned prays Lord Palmerston
to accept assuiance of his distinguished con
sideration.
A. STEVENSON.
The Right lion. Vi count ealmcrsion, (i. O. li.
VISCOUNT PAI.MEJISTON TO MR, STFyFK Off,
Foreign Oflicf, Ue . 8, 1841.
Sir —I have to acknowli dge die receipt of
your teller of the lOdi instant, together wi'h
its enclosures, on the sul j et of the African
slave trade, and I beg to express my thanks
to you ior that communication, and for the
information which it contains.
With refeience to the suggestion contained
in die papers enclosed bv you, dial blockade
should he Mstituied at die Gallmas and at
New Cess, as an effectual means of pulling
down the slave trade, I have much pleasure
in acquainting you dial a blockade has for
some time past been regularly maintained at
die Gallmas by her Majesty’s ship Wanderer,
and by other vessels tinder the direction of
its commander, and at New Cess by Her
Majesty’s ship Forester.
Willi reference to die supposition of die
writer of tire p iper which you have sent me,
that British cruisers abstain from taking ves
sels bt fore they have slaves on hoard, in order
that by capturing such vessels alter they have
taken their slaves on board the captors may
get more prize money, I have to explain to
you, that it is only since l lie passing of die
act of 1839 that there has existed any legal
authority to condemn Portugese ships, de
tained for being equipped for slave trade,
and not having slaves-actually on hoard; and
therefore until that act came into operation
on the coast of Africa Her Majesty’s cruisers
could not detain Portugese slave vessels until
they had actually taken their slaves on hoard;
hut with regard to Spanish vessels, trie treaty
of 1835 bet ween-Great Britain and Spain
gave to the nvxed British and Spanish com
mission a power to condemn slave vessels
under the Spanish flag, if found equipped for
the slave trade, even though they might have
no slaves actually on hoard ; and during die
period which has elapsed since that treaty
lias been in operation Her Majesty’scruizers
have taken and sent in for adjudication 85
Spanish slavers without slaves on hoard, and
only IS with slaves on hoard; and since die
year 1835 Her Majesty’s cmizers on the
coast of Africa have detained and sent in (or
adjudication 14 Brazilian vcs-cls without
slaves on board, and only two with slaves on
board.
You will see, therefore, Irom these facts,
that the writer of the paper in question is
entirely mistaken in supposing that the Brit
ish nruizers on the coast of Africa look to
profit, instead of the perliirii.ar.ee of their
ilmv; and I have further to stale, in proof of
the zealous activity of the British cruisers,
that ah the slave vessels sent in fi.r adjudica
tion before any of the mixed commissioners,
whether in Africa or in the West Indies, or in
Brazil, have been detained and sent in hv
British critizers, not one of those vessel-, hav
ing been detained by the critizers or any of
the other contracting parties to the treaties,
under the stipulations of which those slave
vessels were condemned.
PALMERSTON.
A. Stevenson, Esq.
VISCOUNT PALMERSTON TO MR. FOX.
Foreign Office. Dec. 17, 1840.
Sir—l received your despaicit of the Ist of
April last, and in compliance with the wish
therein expressed, on the part of the United
Stales Government, to be furnished with do
cumentary evidence touching the facts dis
closed in the case of the United States slave
schooner Rebecca, 1 directed Her Majesty’s
commissioners to furnish me with any evi
dence in their posssssion on the points refer
red to ; and 1 now transmT to von, for com- j
munica.lion to the United States Government, {
a copy of a despatch fom Her Majesty’s I
commissioners, enclosing certified copies of]
papers connected with the case of the vessel
above mentioned.
PALMERSTON.
11. S. Fox, Esq , &c.
FOREIGN ITEMS.
From Ihc tenor of the r cent foreign news
j it appears that all prospect of any reform in
i the corn laws by the sitting- parliament, was
• entirely hopeless. On the 4'h of October, the
! Duke of Welling*-';;, fit reply to some remarks
| from Lord Brougham, staled that he had no
| intention of bringing forward any scheme for
j their alteration. Despairing of reform by
parliament, several noblemen favorable to a
! change, resolved to assume the privilege oi
| asking an audience of the Queen, to present
! in person, the memorials and petitions which
; had been sent to them from various parts of
the kingdom. By the advice of her ministers,
this was refused.
On the McLeod case some of the London
papers were more bitter than ever. The
London Times, an organ of the dominant par
ty, leads the van in traducing and abusing the
United States. A writer i:i that paper, con
jecturing that there is to be a war sooner or
later, proposes a plan of offensive operations,
the substance of which is conveyed in the fol
lowing propositions:
“1. The breaking up of the Union, by de
taching ihe southern states from the northern
and middle states.
“2. The destruction of the resources of
the northern and middle states.
“ Great Britain,” he adds, - should immedi
ately prepare to aliy herself with the southern
states, and wage war upon the resources ol
the northern.”
The other journals attack these propositions
without mercy, as well on tiie ground of im
practicability as of rascality. The Herald
calls them “devilish,” and denounces their
author as “ in heart a freebooter and a buc
caneer.”
The following is the conclusion of the
Herald’s article :
“ What right, we indignantly ask,has Eng
land to attempt to spi t the American Union
into two separate nations? To make the
attempt would be a crime unparalleled in
history, and unequalled in the annals of civil
ized atrocities. There are but two states in
either continent of America, now in the enjoy
ment. of international prosperity —Imperial
Brafil and the republican United States; and
the proposition under consideration is, that
there should in future be hut one—and this,
that we may get cot r on a penny a pound
cheaper; and postpone* for a few years, the
rivalry of American manufactures. For such
miserable advantages we are to endeavor to
break up the American union, and destroy
that connection between the South and the
North which is admitted to be tiie great pre
servative of peace between England and the
republic. The proposition is, politically
speaking, an absurdity ; morally considered, it
is an incitement to crime ; taken in all iis
phases, it is, we repeat it, devilish.
- Bui if attempted to be carried into exe
cution, it would he self-retaliatory. Does
not patriotism whisper into the suggestor’s
ear—lreland ? Has ne never heard of the
threats of the traitorous repealers as to the
connection between Ireland and Britain ?
Does he not know of the correspondence be
tween the repeal association and the Irish
settlers in the United States? Andean he
see no danger in the application of the detest
able principle of his proposition to that portion
of the British Empire? Are the Canadas,
too, devoid of inhabitants sympathising with
republican forms of government ?
“ The dangerous folly of the proposition
exceeds its wickedness. It carries with it,
however, in ali probability, its own antidote;
as it reckons, we must believe, entirely with
out its host; and its author appears to be
utterly forgetful of Mrs. Glass’s golden rule
—first catch the South.
“Why notice such a subject, we may be
asked? Our inducement has been to vindi
cate the British nation front any participation
in such a scheme ; and because tiie writer has
had the impudence to lay his thoughts on it
before Her Majesty’s government, ard to
submit the military details to the considera
lion of l he authorities at the Horse guards.
TII E TI M ES .
The union of ihe slates, arm the. sovereign! yof die si albs
COLUMBUS, NOVEMBER 25, 1841
ac:-:.'-:.’ -
O j i'be continued absence of the Editor
must be our apology for the lack of or ginal
matter, as well as ibr a want of the usual va
riety of selections, this week. It will proba
bly not be necessary to repeat the apology in
next number.
MILLEDGEVILLE CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE COLUMBUS TIMES.
Milledgeville, Nov. 20ih, 1811.
On Thursday evening, the 18 h instant, a
meeting of the Democratic members of the
Legislature was held to select candidates to
fill the vacancies creat ed in the Congressional
delegation by the resignations of Messrs. A’l
iord, Dawson and Nisbet. The Hon. 11. G
Lamar, of Bibb, acted as chairman, and F. 11.
Sanford, Esq. of Milledgeville, as secretary.
On the opening of the meeting, Col. John
11. Watson, a member of the House of Repre
sentatives, from the county of Muscogee, mo
ved that Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and Black
be selected as candidates for Congress, to be
run on the first Monday in January* to fiil the
vacancies aforesaid—v\ hich nomination was
received with acclamation. A committee of j
ten was appointed to wail on the nominees, and
request ih fir concurrence in the proceedings!
ot the meeting, so far as the use of their names !
was concerned. The committee retired ; and,!
after a few moments’ absence, returne and i
through their chairman, Cos!. J. 11. Wats m,
reported that-Messrs. Colquitt and Black,!
present in Milledgeville, accepted the noin-!
(nation—and that Mr. Cooper, from informa
tion in possession of the committee, would
consent to the use of his name.
Mr. Colquitt then addressed the meeting,
in an appropriate and effective speech, de
claring his firm conviction of the correctness
of the principles of the Democratic party, ant!
his unalterable determination to sustain them.
He was succeeded by Mr. Black, who avowed
the same principles, and the same line of po
litical conduct. Both speeches toiu well, and
were calculated to infuse a proper spirit into
all sincerely attached to the welfare and suc
cess cf the present dominant party in Georgia.
These proceedings terminated, Stephen D.
Crane, Esq, a member of the Legislature from
the county of Lumpkin, introduced a resolu
tion to the etfect that a meeting of the De
j ®
j mocratie rnemoers of the Legislature, and of
j such individuals as may he selected by coun-j
ties not represented in the Legislature by De
mocratie members—be hold on the 29th day cf
this instant to nominate a Congressional ticket
to be run on the first Monday in October next
This resolution was opposed, in my opinion
very properly by Mr. Howard, of Muscogee,
{and Mr. Hughes, of Randolph—who argued
j that no necessity existed for a nomination thus
j early—that no inconsiderable portion of the
Democratic partyot the State would be wholly
| unrepresented in a Convention to be held at
so early a day—and tint the ensuing winter
and spring might deveiope events, anti a course
of political conduct on the part of the Whigs
requiring corresponding action on the part of
the Democrats. Any delay beyond the period
fixed in the resolution was opposed by Gen.
Wofford, of Habersham—Gen. Echols/ f Wal
ton—Mr. Cone, of Bulloch—and by the mover,
Mr. Crane, of 1 umpkin—and before the ad
journment the resolution was adopted.
A resolut ; on was introduced by Col. Al
exander McDougahl, the Senator from Mu.vJ
cogee, providing that a committee of one from
each Judicial Circuit be appointed to draft
an Address to the people of Georgia, setting
forth the principles and action of the Demo
cratic party of this State, which address shall
be submitted for adoption to a meeting of
the Democratic members of the legislature
at the close of the present session. This
resolution was adopted, and time taken by the
chairman todesigna e the committee.
I am extremely happy to inform you that
great unanimity prevailed among our political
friends as to the propriety of placing in nomi
nation for the vacancies on the Congressional
ticket, those gentlemen who had been sacri
ficed for an adherence to opinions, which at the
period of the nomination of Gen. Harrison for
the Presidency, are confidently believed to
have been entertained by a decided majority of
the people of Georgia. Almost every member
of our party, present here, seemed to think it
was due to Messrs. Colquitt, Cooper and
Black to place them again before the people,
that, in the event ol their success, they might
be enabled to show to the country the injus
tice of the persecution which had been waged
against them—and that, in their political
course, they did not misrepresent the opinions
or wishes of the people of Georgia—when the
absence of party zeal and of personal antipathy
would suffer the lull and free expression of
those opinions and wishes.
The gentlemen selected are, besides, men
of talents—of striking and efficient talents—
and the Democratic party owes it to itself, and
to the best interests of the State, to make ev
ery proper and honorable exertion to secure
their success. The Stale is decidedly opposed
to the measures of the Whig party, as exhibi
ted at the late extra session of Congress, and
union, judgement and efficiency in the move
ments of the Democrats must place their prin
ciples on a sure and sialfie foundation.
A bill has passed the House of Representa
tives authorising the emission by the Central
Bank, of notes of the denomination of one and
two dollars, to ihe amount of $390,000 —to
be issued only in the redemption of notes of
the same Bank, of larger sum's. Ii increases
not a dollar the circulation of the Central
Bank.
The bill as at. first introduced into the House
of Representatives by Mr. Hull, of Clark; au
thorised a similar course on the p'aft of the
Central Bank, and permitting all specie paying
Banks in the State to issue small notes to the
amount of 3 per cent, on their capital. The
permission was restricted to the Central Bank,
on motion of Mr. Howard, of Muscogee. A
reconsideration was moved, this morning, in 1
the House by Mr. Crane, of Lumpkin, with
the view of reinstating the clause of the hill
extending the permission to all specie paying
Banks, and that had been stricken out on the
suggestion of the member from Muscogee.—
The reconsideration was refused by a decis
ive vote. The bill will undoubtedly pass ihe
Senate, and become a law.
Two objects will he attained in givingau
thonty to the Central Bank to issue small
notes—it is contended by the advocates of the
measure. Jt will expel from circulation, to
j some extent, the change bills issued by village
corporations ana individuals, and substitute
notes which can be used as change in every
part of the Siate—and it will increase to the
i extent of $300,000 the ability of the Central
| Bank to relieve ils liabilities —because these
I notes, under the denomination of rive dollars,
I will h ? in such demand in the present neces
sity of specie change, and pass so rapidly from
hand to iidnd, that the Bank will not be called
on to redeem them in coin--and thereby bet
ter be enabled to recover from its present crip
pled condition;
The House of Representatives has refused,
to day, to repeal the resolutions against Pri
! vate Banking.
The Senate, after ail animated debate, has
; decided to day tosell the stock owned by the
State in private Banks, and place the proceeds
in the Central Bank to be applied to tiie !?-
demption of its notes. The sale is to be mu.do
by the President and Directors of the Ctvt ral
Bank, with the approbation of the Governor.
The terms of sale are not prescribed. A dis
cretionary power is given. The chief ground
taken against the sale of the stock owned by
the State in private Banks was that, by an act
of the Legislature of 1838, this stock was
pledged to Reed, Irving & Cos., of London, to
reimburse them tor moneys advanced to the
agent of the State of Georgia, Major Joel
Crawford.
The Senator from Muscogee has introduced
a bill giving all persons employed on Steam
boats on the Chattahoochee river a lien on said
boats to the amount of their pay.
A bill has been introduced into the House,
and read the first time, giving specific taxing
powers to the City Council of Columbus. It
provides, amongother things, that if any keeper
of a billiard room, or of a ten pm ally, shall
refuse to give in and pay his tax, he shall le
subject to indictment for a misdemeanor, and
punished by fine and Imprisonment.
The law commonly known a the 4 per
cent, law has been repealed by the Legisla
ture—as also so much of the resumption law
of last session as excepted Banks from the
demands of one another, and of brokers.
Family Companion and Ladies’ Mirror.
—The following notice of this Magazine,taken
from the Enquirer of yesterday, will probably
meet the views of all who have ever seen the
work, and will recommend it to those who
have been slow to subscribe.
We acknowledge with pleasure the receipt
of the second number of this new and delight
ful publication. The excellence of the first
number elicited our admiration, and excited
some surprise too, that so good a work should
have made its appearance before the public,
accompanied with so little noise.. But this
j number surpasses the former as far as that one
1 did our exnectations, and that was no little.
It is but faint pra se indeed to say of if, that
j it is not excelled by any publication of the kind
in the countjy. The contributions are varied,
and combine ta!en% taste, and amusement.
We should be glad to give a critical notice of
its contents, but have neither time nor space
at present, Our fair readers however must
not take our word in relation to ihe merits of
this “.Mirror,” but to do themselves justice
they must send for it and read it themselves.
We bespeak for it a liberal support among our
Southern ladies.
Flease except from the commendation of
the contributions, an article headed “Tho
Deed of Gift,” by Samuel Woodworth. It is
a thing of shreds and patches from about eve
ry tale ho ever wrote, and is “ mighty no ac
count,”