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correctness; for habits formed in yonth 1
whether virtuous or vicious, have a,
lasting influence on manhood. In proof
of this, we need not only look to the!
savages who inhabit otiV western for
ests. Take one of these men ofnature
anti place Aim in refined society, de-
Tive him of gut and totnmahawk; com
pel him to -confirm to the civilized life,
and you could not make him more
wretched. He longs to be freed from
the bonds of servitude, as be considers
them; and his bosom pants for his na
tive wilds, and the sports of the chase.
He considers the most magnificent pal
ace as a loathsome prison, when com
pared with his humble wigham. His
happiness consists; in bounding over
the hills unshackled by the restraintsof
civilization, and free as the air he brea
thes. Such is the influence of early
habits on mankind.
If any one will examine into the life
©T those persons who have been most
distinguished for their vices, he will
generally find the foundation of their
disgrace was laid at an early period of
their lives, that the restraints these; pre
cepts and I may add, the examples
which are so necessary in forming the
habits, and consequently the future
character, have been entirely neglec
ted. They have pursued the course
which their licentious passions sugges
ted. It is true, their may be some ex
ceptions to this rule; but they are cer
tainly of rare occurrence. The spir
its of youth are buoyant; their feelings
and propensities are strong, and unless
bridled by salutary restraints, there is
no class into which they may not even
tually fall.
Heie it may be remarked, we hail
the opening of Cumberland College,
as a happy circumstance for our coun
try. We look upon it as the presage
of mtu h usefulness; and as a manifesta
tion of the growing interest that begins
to pervade the community for the dis
semination of knowledge. There, un
der the direction of learned men ofcor
!ect principles, the youths of our coun
try may acqui'e knowledge and at the
same time from habits which will ren
der them ornaments to society, and in
honor to their friends and country.—
There, when engaged in the different
pursuits of life, as they pass by, they
can point to the spot, and say with em
otions of plesure and gratiiade, there
I received the impressions which has
taught me how to regulate my conduct
thtough life; which has enabled me to
be a benefit of my country; and gain
me standing in society.
But I feel I am transcending the
limits to which I am entitled; moreover.
Mr readers IT, by the bye, I have any
may begin to think me too prolix for a
novice, and charge me with forming
btd habits, agaiust which, I have been
Cautioning them. So I will conclude
by expressing a hope that my reflec
tions, though but a Novice, may be of
some service to tnose who may thiuk
worth while to read them.
OFFICIAL DOCUMENT.
REPORT ON PIRACIES, (Jc.
House of Representatives, Jan. 31.
Report of the Committee of Foreign Relations
of the House of Representatives, on Piracy ,
and Outrages on American Commerce by
Spanish privateers.
The Committee of Foreign Relations, to
whom was referred so much ofthe President's
message to Congress at the opening of the
present session, as relates to piracy and the
outrages committed upon four commerce liy
vessels bearing Spanish commissions, and the
memorials from different quarters of the
Union on the same subject, availing them
selves ofthe documents accompanying the
President’s message to the Senate, ofthe
13th of January, which have been printed by
order of that body, present to the House
the result of their deliberations upon the sub
ject submitted to them:
From the commencement of the Revolu
tion, which has terminated in the separation
of Spanish Continental America from Old
Spain, the commerce of the United States, in
common with that of all other nations, has
suffered frequent outrages from the ves
sels of the adverse parties, duly commis
sioned with doubtful commissions and from
pirates who sought to conceal their true cha
racter by the use of the flag of someone of
the belligerants. Constant efforts have been
made by this Government to redress injuries
suffered, and to prevent future outrage. —
Congress have, at all times, Jieen prepared
to give, and have afforded, all the means ne
cessary for these purposes within their pro
vince.
The act of the third of March, 1819, was
passed specially to protect the commerce of
the United States, and punish the crime of
piracy. It gave to the President power (a
power, however, which the President pos
sesses without an act of Congress,) to em
ploy the public armed vessels of the United
States to protect our merchant vessels and
their crews from piratical aggression and de
predation, to authorize the detention, cap
ture, and trial, of any armed vessels which
attempted any piratical depredation, search,
Seizure, or restraint of an American vessel.
It authorized our merchant vessels to cap
ture armed ships not commissioned by a
friendly power, and to recapture vessels ta
ken by them, and it directed the condemna
tion ofthe vessels so captured or recaptur
ed; it provided for the punishment of the pi
rates, when convicted by the competent tri
bunals. This act was I’imited to one year,
but was continued in force by the act of May
15, 1820 for two years, and the first four sec-
I tions made perpetual by the act of the 30th
January, 1823.
The re-establishment of the Constitutional
, Government in Old Spain, in March, 1820,
i inspired the strongest hope that the contest
bestween Spain and Spanish Continental
America would be soon.amicably terminated,
in a manner satisfactory to the parties at war,
to the commercial and civilized world, and to
all the lovers of humanity, justice, and liber
ty. The first movements of the regenerated
government promised a speedy realization of
this hope.
The Cortes of Spain directed negociations
to be opened with Spanish America: com
missioners were appointed: but the contend
ing parties did not take the same view of
the great questions between them. Old
Spain would not admit the recognition of
the independence of the Spanish American
Governments, as the basis of negociation; and
the Spanish American Governments would
not negociate without that preliminary re
cognition. While these abortive attempts
at negociation were made, there was a tem
porary cessation of hostilities in Venezuela.
The war, however, was renewed in Venezu
ela before the negotiations were broken off.
Fortune favored the Americans; and the Eu
ropean Spaniards were driven from the con
tinent. During this desperate contest, ge
neral Morales, the commander of the Span
ish forces, issued his extraordinary proclama
tion, declaring a coast of twelve hundred
miles in a state ofblockade, and interdicting
all foreign commerce with the Spanish
Main, as inconsistent with the colonial law of
Old Spain. This proclamation has been the
fruitful source of most of the evils since
suffered by all commercial nations in the
West Indies, and in the Gulf of Mexico. Nu
merous pirates, and swarms of privateers
men (subsequently degenerated into pirates)
have preyed upon all neutral commerce.—
Protection to that of the United States should
have been, if it has not been, afforded, against
pirates, by the use of all the necessary means
under the control of the Executive—by a vi
gorous exertion of the naval power; by in
cessant watchfulness on the%eas, and on the
coasts infested by them; rigorous examina
tion of all suspected vessels, of every size—
ardent pursuit of the persons found/ogrurri
delicto, wherever they sought refuge; careful
prosecution, before the competent tribunals,
of all t he accused who were taken; unrelent i ng
severity in inflicting punishment, where guilt
wasjudirially established; against privateers
men, by appeals to the government of Spain,
requiring, immediately, redress for the past
and security for the future: if made in vain,
application should have been made to Con
gress, to authorize reprisals, or to declare
war, as the exteut of the injury, and a due
regard to the condition of the Spanish go
vernment should have required. A further
reference, however, to the past, would not
he useful. For the present, and for the fu
ture, if legislative provisions are necessary,
they should be made.
Piracy at present exists in the same form
as in the year 1822, when a species of naval
force, supposed to be particularly adapted
to suppress it; was placed at the disposal of
the Executive. This force was believed to
have answered the expectations entertained
of it, as the President, at the opening of the
last session of Congress, announced that “it
had been eminently successful in the accom
plishment of its objects ” If further expe
rience has shewn Ilia, this species of force is
inadequate to the accomplishment of the ob
ject, and another may be advantageously sub
stituted, there can be no doubt of the pro
priety of the substitution. This is a point,
however, that the Committee do not const
der it their duty to examine; it belongs pro
perly to another committee, the result of
whose deliberations upon it has been alrea
dy presented to the House. The merchants
of the United States, who have, with the
exception of our seamen, the deepest inter
est in this subject, suggest the propriety of
suffering the owners of vessels to arm for
their own defence. There is no law forbid
ding such defensive armament, nor is any
law required to justify it. It is, however,
asserted, that the restraints upon the arma
ment of merchant vessels are inconvenient
and oppressive, and that they ought, to be
removed. The only provision on this sub
ject is, that which requires bond and securi
ty to be given to prevent an unlawful use of
the armed vessel; a provision which should
not be changed—an adherence to which
the best interest of commerce requires.
The propriety of authorizing, by law, the
pursuit ofthe pirates on land, has also been a
subject of consideration. The committee
do not deem an act of Congress for this pur
pose necessary. The rule of international
law is, that fugitives from the justice of one
nation are to be considered in another as
strangers entitled to protection, and having
a risidence —on the common principle, that
no nation has aright to punish a person who
has not offended itself, nor is it bound to as
sist its neighbor in the execution of its crimi
nal laws. Pirates are criminals against all
nations, punishable in every tribunal: the
common enemies of mankind; the duty of all
nations, and every man is,to hunt them down,
that they mav be delivered up to offended
justice: Fresh pursuit of enemies into the
territory of a common friend, is not univer
sally admitted to be a right of war. Power
ful nations never permit feeble neighbors to
enter their territory for this purpose: but
enter without scruple in pursuit of their ene
mies, the territory of such neighbors, unless
restrained hy the apprehension that the mu
tual friend seeks a fair occasion to become an
ally against the n in the war. Practically,
the question is one not of right, but of rela
tive power. The pursuit of a mutual enemy
into the territory of a friendly or allied pow
er, is a right of war; it cannot be deemed a
violation ofthe sovereignty of that power; it
confers a favor, and imposes upon him an ob
ligation of gratitude.
The common enemy cannot avail himself
ofthe protection of the third power, but by
surrendering himself as prisoner of war; and,
in that event, if the force of the pursuer
might rightfully claim the benefit of the sur
render. Under this ryle, the pursuit and
capture of pirates any where, and every
where, may be justified. The Executive has
acted upon it. Instructions have been giv
en to our naval comnianders to pursue, and
capture, on Spanish territory, pirates who
seek refuge or concealment ihere. The go
vernment of Spain has been duly warned of
the existence of these orders; it knows that
they will be obeyed. No remonstrance has
been made by it; no objections have, as far
as the committee have been informed, been
urged. The acquiescence of Spain is all that
should be desired. A distinction is suppos
ed to exist between pursuit of pirates on
lands uninhabited, and or. those inhabited;
and it is imagined tnat the authority of con
gress is necessary to justify pursuit in the
latter case, while, in tne former, the power
of the executive alone is sufficient. The
committee do not admit the correctness of
this distinction. Fresh pursuit is justifiable
in either case, if necessary to the capture of
the pirates. There is greater danger of col
lision with the friendly power, when the ob
ject of pursuit flies into a'settled eountry,
and greater care is requisite to avoid giving
offence; but the same principles apply to ei
ther case, and it is just as necessary that Con
gress should legislate to justify the capture
of pirates, as to authorize the pursuit of them
into any place of refuge inhabited or unset
tled.
From an attentive examination of the let
ters of the agent who was sent to Cuba to
obtain information, relative to the pirates
who have tong infested the coast of that isl
and, it would seem that no fresh pursuit on
land will eradicate the evil. Authority must
exist to search in the suspected settlements
for persons believed to be guilty of piracy,
and for the evidence f their guilt, and to
bring them before our tribunals for trial and
punishment. This authority Congress can
not give, without making war upon Spain.—
It cannot be used without wresting from
Spain her municipal jurisdiction. The evil
lies too deep to be reached by any ordinary
measures, which foreign powers can apply
to it.
The government of Spain must give to the
local authority what it is said to want —suffi-
cient strength to prevent and to punish
crimes: it must perform its duties, or those
who suffer from its neglect or weakness, will
be driven, by the necessity of the case, to ap
ply the corrective. The Committee would
bring more distinctly into view the only effi
cient remedy, and recommend a resort to it;
if they believed sufficient time had elapsed
since remonstrances were made by our gov
ernment to Spain, to prove incontestibly that
she wanted either the power or the will to
r'o her duty, although they are aware that
the conduct of any government, in applying
that remedy, without previously concerting
.with other nations, alike interested in the
question, would be liable to misconception,
and exc ; te well founded jealousies. The
committee cannot doubt that the Executive,
applying all proper means to prevent, to de
tect, and to punish the crime of piracy, and
pressing upon Spain, and her local authori
ties, that the honor and the interest of Spain
requires their best exertions for the same
purpose, will not fail lo confer with the great
commercial nations, on the extraordinary
measures to be used, if the object is not
speedily accomplised by the faithful exer
tion of the powers of Spain. ‘
The danger td which our commerce is ex
posed, and the injuries it has suffered from
i ——*-
privateers, acting under regular or irregular
commissions, are of a different character,
and require a different remedy. The com
mittee understand that outrages of this kind
have almost, if not entirely ceased; for those
which have been inflicted, or which may
hereafter be inflicted, Spain is directly re
sponsible. Reparation must be bad; by ne
gotiation, or by tbe exercise of such powers
as may, for that purpose, be vested in the
Executive by Congress.
To guard against future injury, the safest
resource is to enforce, probably, ample re
dress for that which has been suffered. The
committee have already referred to the inju
ries suffered in consequence of the procla
mation of Morales. Those injuries are not
yet redressed. The Government of Spain
has not attempted to justify a proclamation
declaring with a naval force insufficient to
shut up the smallest port on the coast, a sea
coast of twelve hundred miles in a state of
blockade, nor the absurd pretension that the
property of all neutral nations, is under the
colonial law of Spain, liable to confiscation,
if taken on its way to Spanish America; but
the property of American citizens captured
by privateers from the Islands of Porto Rico
and Cuba, and from Porto Cabello, is now
withheld under these pretensions. The
Spanish government having formally revok
ed the blockade, gives to the tribunals of
Spain an excuse for tlie condemnation of all
property seized prior to that revocation; an
excuse of which they do not hesitate to
avail themselves. Acting under instructions
from the President, ofthe 28th April, 1823,
the Minister of the United States at the
Court of Spain demanded satisfaction in Ja
nuary, 1824, from that Government, for .the
outrages committed from Porto Cabello, and
the islands of Porto Rico and Cuba, upon the
commerce of the United States, and for the
wanton murder of one of our gallant officers
in the harbor of St. John’s, by the officer
commanding the fort at its entrance. In Sep
tember, of the same year, Spain was again
called upon to indemnify those who had suf
fered in person or property under the pro
clamation of blockade, or from the interdic
tion of neutral commerce to the Spanish
Main. In October, the just reclamations of
our Government were, for the third time,
formally made to the Government of Spain.
No satisfaction has been given, no indemnity
has been promised, nor has there been even
a satisfactory excuse given for the delay, to
answer the just demands of the Minister of
the United States.
The character of the injury sustained, its
origin, to the period elapsed since it was in
flicted, the formal and fruitless demand for
reparation for more than twelve months, jus
tify reprisals. An anxious desire not to act
harshly to a Government embarrassed by in
ternal difficulties, and enfeebled by recent
revolutions, the distance of the seat of the
Spanish Government, from the places in
which the evils complained of originated—
the death of the Minister appointed by the
Spanish Government, on die eve of his de
fiarture to this country—and the recent se
ection of another Minister, whose appoint
ment and intended departure for the United
States, has been communicated in an official
letter, a translation of which is herewith pre
sented to the House—induce the committee
riot to propose any legislative enactment,
under the firm conviction that this forbear
ance will give to Spain anew motive to make,
speedily—ample reparation for the injuries
sustained, and that, if it does not produce
tliis desired effect, it will justify in the eyes
of all nations, any and every step Congress
may thereafter be compelled to take.
Department or State,
Washington, 24tA Jan. 1825.
Sib: I have the honor of enclosing, here*
with, a translation of the only answer yet re
ceived from the’Spanish Government, to Mr.
Nelson’s note on the subject of piracy and
outrages on our commerce. It has been re
ceived since the communications to Congress
of the previous documents were made.
I am, with great respect, sir, your very
humble and obedient servant,
JOHN Q. ADAMS.
John Foiisytu, Esq.
Chairman of the Com. of Foreign Relations.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U. S.
[translation.]
Mr Zea Bermudez to Mr. N*i.son.
Sir: From the middle of September last,
when I took possession of the appointment
which the kindness of the King, my august
master, deigned tome, I dedicated, by order
of His Majesty, my attention to the different
notes presented by you, relative to theclaims
of the Americas! subjects, who thought them
selves entitled to be indemnified by Spain for ;
the losses which the- have suffered in the (
seas of America. A business so complicated, ’
in which considerable interests are involved, |
presented so much more dfficulty, by how
much there were intermingled witp it other
I interests and otherclaims of Spanish subjects
| against the government and subjects of the’
~U. States.
FI is Majesty, desirous of preserving the
friendship and good harmony which happily
subsists between both nations, and that, in !
faithful observance of existing treaties, both I
governments should terminate, in a friendly j
manner, this delicate question, the legitimate <
rights, and just pretensions of both being |
mutually conciliated, has thought that the
most proper means for gaining this desired
end, is to send immediately a Minister Pleni
potentiary, to reside near the American go
vernment, who, by his information, pruilence
and practical knowledge of the relations be
tween both countries, may be at the same
time, the interpreter and of the
just intentions of the King. In consequence,
His Majesty has been pleased to •‘ppoint
Don Josse de Heredia, his-Envoy Extraor
dinary and Minister Plenitotentiary in the
United States of America. He will set out
lor his new destination as soon as possible.
I hasten to inform you of this, that you
may be pleased to lay it before your Gov
ernment —and I avail myself of this occasion,
to repeat to you the assurances of my most
distinguished consideration. God preserve
you many years.
Your most obedient ervant,
FRANCISCO DE ZEA BERMUDEZ.
Sun Lorenzo, 19th Nov. 1824.
From Niles’ Register, February 19.
The state of the press. —ln the debate
on Mr. Clay’s appeal to the house, Mr. For
syth, of Georgia, is reported to have used the
following expressions:
“Such unhappily, in this country, is the
condition of the press, (that palladium of li
berty) that no man can appeal to it without a
sense of dishonor. He cannot come for
ward there and say, I join issue in this charge,
without exposing himself to derision, by en
tering into competition with newspapers
which utter falsehood and truth according to
the object in view. He was ashamed to state
it to the house, but the fact was so that,
pending any great election, such was the
prostitution of the public press, that there
was no knowing what to believe —and it was
sufficient to pronounce any charge, however
gravely made, an electioneering trick, to
stamp it instantly with the seal of falsehood.
That press which had been so long the boast
of liberty, wag in this country no longer a
protector of innocence—and it had long since
ceased to be the scourge even ofthe guilty,
gave as it served to excite the sting of a guil
ty conscience/’
(Ej’This is a wholesale condemnation, in
deed—and, in part, just. But still the press
is the “boast of liberty,” the “protector of
innocence,” and “tht scourge of the guilty.”
That it is oftentimes scurrrilous, and too
much given up to the promulgation of false
hood, especially for electioneering purposes,
is certainly true; but these are evils that al
most naturally grow out of its liberty; seeing
that every candidate for public office and
every seeker of public patronage, may buy
a press and employ persons to print newspa
pers, and carry on the whole business, as ea
sily as other mechanical businesses are car
ried on. To prevent this, wou’d the gentle
man establish a censorship, such as lately ex
isted in France? Certainly not. He would
as rightfully have a legal superintendence
over the blacksmiths of the nation, because
many of them lame horses when shod by
them. The remedy is, not to employ either
the publishers or smiths, that wound charac
ters or horses. Neither are any thing more
than men, and no better than lawyers, priests
or soldiers, who plead, preach or fight ac
cording to their pay, to please their clients,
gratify their parishoners, or support the go
vernment under whose standard they are ar
rayed. Would he have it that a gentleman
of the bar should never defend a villain in a
court of justice—that a priest should always
conform to the orthodoxy of some particular
church —that an enlisted soldier should in
quire into the merits of the matter at issue
between him and another, to whom he has
no personal enmity? No—no. The people
have a right to hire lawyers to plead any
thing, preachers to preach any thing, and
soldiers to fight for any thing, as well as pub
lishers to print any thing, provided persons
are willing so to be hired; and the offence is
more in the tempter than the tempted. But
as there are lawyers, and priests and soldiers
that are not mere mercenaries, so there are
editors of newspapers who will not publish
what they themselves deem unjust, and
blacksmiths that will not lame horses —for
pay. And every one who laments the “con
dition of the press,” and believes it to be
such that “no man can appeal to it without a
sense of dishonor,” ought to begin the work
of reformation by a serious examination of
himself, to ascertain how far he supports or
encourages that which he condemns. 1 have
no special allusion to the gentleman named,
or any particular newspaper. The remark
is a general one; and, in considering the
force of it, we should endeavor to find out
bow much we ourselves are favorable to the
promulgation of erroneous doctrines or the
distortion of facts, in seasons of great politi
cal excitement, or to subserve our particular
views of things; and we ought to discover
also, that what pleases us may inflict misery
on others. It requires a great effort of the
mind, wholly to divest ourselves of that rela-
Ition to others in which the boys stood to the
frogs, whom they stoned “for fun.” There
are two parties to almost every question, and
the misfortune is, that we
blindfy with our own, without a wil| ln
to allow to ihe opposite party an ey
to act blindly. YVfc may “stick to the i)jj
but are much vexed because othei*
“stick” to their’s. We iatigb in a good’
when made at an opponent; but not at a ]|
posed to be merry when we ourself
“Ait,” And what have we lately seeing
tlcmen esteemed by their respective f r ;
as the greatest and best men in the nj,
haye had almost every offence impute,
them. Take the late four
presidiTcy. for examples—Mr. Allan,,
been called a “tory,” general Jacksj
“murderer,” Mr. Crawford a “giant;
guer,” and Mr. Clay a professed “ganib|
Some persons may have verify believed
these gentlemen respectively were enti
to the infamous appellations given them,
the nation at hujge never supposed any,
, things of either of them, Still it
| well for every one who Ims been deeply
• gaged in the business of the election,
| the success of one of the candidates
larly, to inquire in his own heart how fa
| supported the personal
supposed to stand in the way of his(j V(Jri
by subscriptions to newspaperswwhit(.^ t( .
ed with scurrilous articles. For theta
that publishers have no more love for,
! mation than other persons; nor are they,
i willing to defend scoundrels titan tl*
I yers are: and why the one should be bi
i for laboring in his “vocation,” and the i
! excused, is what Mr. Forsyth ought i
I us. Each has the same motive to aciim
1 the same responsibility to meet the t
quences of it: the desire to get mono
the loss of reputation for getting it*
thily.
If the press be “prostituted,” whati
it? The effect is manifest, —we feelit
let us not complain of it, while we oun
produce it. Our /lerAoiio/partialitiesi*
ijudicesare the cause of it. By the deli
one man, we look for the exaltation of
ther. VVe are more devoted to the an
of persons than the triumph of principl
arid, perhaps, hundreds of newspaper,)
been established for the express purjm
subserving the views of inteiested ui*
air. In such cases, the editors
obey their masters as a journeyman*;
printing-house follows the directionij
editor. The discretion is altogether*
hands of the junto or party which sup)
the paper—and, if that junto or part)
ceeds, “all’s well:” if not, the editor in
a “scape goat,” and abused by tbosei
he most faithfully served. And it isi
vous misfortune too, that,“pending any
election,” aspiring individuals, out t
perversity of their own nature, or by t
: retaliation, will have personalities: yet
who indulge in them are often the S
) complain of them. And there arei
who impeach an editor’s motives, andi
! his reputation and business, proviili
shows a resolution to pursue a temp
j course, because they themselves are not
perate. They will have every thingbn
, up to their own standard, and so theyg
I adding fuel to flame, until the “boiler bti
; and the killed and wounded are count!
j Then they wonder at the havoc they
.1 made and resolve to be more circun.spt
and are so, till again excited, when they
work on the “high pressure” pritcrj pie,
determine its merits by the result o\%
ertions, saying, “all’s fair in politicts”—i
ing up or -writing down whomsoever they
The gentleman is entirely mistaken.
] he blame the seduced more than the*
; cers? The press is now so condition!
the United States, that nearly every pul
er is compelled to take a side in personal
tioneering, for the reason that so ma
his supporters are engaged in it. Andi
the complaint is made that the press i
graded, let the complainant ask himself,
part have lin the degradation? This i
true way, the only way, to correct thee
general charges like those preferred li
Forsyth, will only increase it. The uni
ed object of every publisher is to plei
employers, and make a livelihood out i
business—and it is absolutely certain tl
most every one will greatly prefer rt
discussions of principles and sober exi
tions of the conduct of persons, to th
of disclamation and abuse of individi
they could succeed as well by the las
the former. But the fact is. that in the
tentions of political parties, moderatiot
garded as an offence, and respect for p
! character supposed to be the result oft
♦y-
Mr. Clat. From the Richmond En\
addressed to the editors —You will ob!i|
of your subscribers by inserting, in yo
per, the inclosed paragraph of a lettfi
Mr. Clay. He states, in terms so stro
frank and fearless, the grounds on wk
will vote for Mr. Adams, in the face
strhetions from a dominant party ii
tucky, a party who have prophaned tl>
pie of their liberty, by pulling tlowi
constitution; that it is impossible the si
ty of his motives can be doubted. Ik
ponsibility which he submits himselftt
place him very high In the esteem
who will not listen to the base chargri
party animosity, and disappointed a®
have forged against him. When *•
Clay a hunter after office? From t*
cessive administrations, he has refust
highest offices. Under Mr. Madisons
nistration, he might have been secret
war, or minister to Russia. Under
roe’s he refused the war departmen
the mission to England or any other p
The position of Mr. Clay in the wes
high standing as a statesman every
had given him justly an influence that
manded any office—indeed, but fbr the
bination of the friends of general J*
and Mr. Adams, in Louisiana, he would
stood on as high grounds, at this monte
either of those gentlemen. Filling the
in the house of representatives, with sol
ability as he does, if he looked to the
election of a president, he had nothu
bargain for. In the absence of all the
sonal hostility, either general Jackson 0
Adams, would, with eagerness, have s<
his aid in the administration, of the g°
ment. These are pledges for the inti
of Mr. Clay, if he had not given still “
security. This Is to be amply found \
long-tried character for unimpeached 1
rity and undeviating adherence to pr'®
Mr. Clay may be wrong, but it i*-i®
ble to believe that lie is guilty, if his O’
are to be tested by the varying opin' 01
the host of adversaries that unhappuJ