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lttasLufi on Copenhagen. —Few of
reacts, unless very young in poli
, but will recplleqjt the memorable
ject of the British attack up-
Copenhagep, for the purpose of
sting from tfie Danish Government
fleet, which, it’ #as alltdged, that
irernment-was ftbout to permit Na
eon to employ against His most con
itand formidable foe. And even
t few, will recollect soniething of
insult and contumely .which Were
ped upon Mr. Jackson, the British
lister to this country, in 1810, for
part which he sustained in that
tsaction. As the feeling, however,
ich agitated our community at that
iod of peculiar excitement, hste long
e by, we may perhaps advert* the
lumstance, without, inflaming any
nbustible materials. It is rare that
best men can look with an impar
eye upon passing events; but when
itemet has given way to sober
gement and calm reflection, the his
an steps in, and, if faithful, presents
with a view of things as they actual
vere.
he attack upon Copenhagen,and cap
eoftlie fleet, wasmade in 1808, and
the n eason assigned in justification
a transaction, which was, very
lerally considered an act of atrocious
idy towards a peaceable and unof
ing power, was cgnlained in the
owing passage of the speech with
chlhe King of Great Britain open-*
ihe session of Parliament in tha|jj
r:— > •
iWe are commanded by his Majes
nform you that no sooner hacl “the
ult of the negotiations at con
ned the influence &ndcontrfti of
ince over the powers of m* Contin
, than. His Majesty was apprised of
intentions of the enemy to copibihe
ie Powers in one gentgal confedera
-obe directed either to the gntire
jugation of this kingdom, or to the
losing upon his Majesty an inse
e and ignorninous peace. That, for
purpose, it was determine^
against his .Mftjesty,
es which had hitherto, been allow
>y France, to maintain or to pur
se their neutrality; and to bring tq t
r against different, points of Hisjtfa*
y’s dominions, the whole of the na
force of Europe, specifically the |
! sos Portugal and Denmark. •To
:e those fleets out ot the
1 a confederacy, became therefore,
indespensable duty of His Majesty.”
he reader will see in the sexual
it disclosure has revived *tnts sub
s'. at the present time, and occa
ed a discussion in the London pa;
3, which had called dur attention tb
nd furnished the materials tor this
The bombardment at Copen
en had already supplied the-op po
ll :.in England with new weapons
fwliich to assail the MinisVfff anti
ie in othflfe parts-of the world who
tideniifiecf their feelings with 7 the
se ofgNapoleon—wfip rejoiced at
SUccdfs, and mourned over - his de
s—while the feelings and. wishes of
ers were enlisted with equal warmth
behalf of England -espoused*the
te side of them uea don. The speech
he*K.ing quoted above, was the sig
of attack by the opposition in Par
nent; and tofthe debates tp which
question gave rise, Lord Grqmille
and the following language: ■
‘Ministers have: asserted-that there
re secret articles in the
the this
mit’y; and the tToveffiffiejit
c averted that there were none.—
“•e then wa&a challenge: and it was
unibent upon ministers to prove
ir former assertion.”
To this demand Lord Ilawkesbury,
present Earl of Liverjpol repli
llPhe evidence required of the Np-
Lord to prove this facf*Was of
ptioh whifeh’ could not possibly be
‘duced. * werg tq
Omunicate private infonnationanei’e
aid be an tend of all confidence.”
While the same stibject*was under
ctission in the House of Commons,
• Canning, in reply to Mr, Pon-
DARIEN GAZETTE.
sonby, made the following declara
tion:— r.
“Btit if*he (Mr. Ponponby) should,
for thte pm pose of removing, as he pre
sented i), the JputAl*iam thatfver at
ls?hjd to the anriafstl °f a fiy * nation,
mpvejor the unpn
which that expedition was undertaken,
as far as his judgment went, he.never
would have occular conviction.”—“He
! TOild assure the right honorable Gen-
as thejact now stodff, and
as it would-be pjade out in argument,
Ministers woulß trust to it for their
justifiedtinn, and never expose the
source of their secret
4‘Though the conduct of His
Mmisters, .held up in a few
speeches in that House to the execra
tion of the country they would run that
risk*, and incur that penalty, rather
than suffer secrets to be torn from their
bosoms^’
With .these declarations* the Minis
try sealed their lips and thus the, mat
ierb,as rested from that day’to this.-*-
.jjfywrs and years, man
ner of obloquy was heaped .upon the
British Government for a tjapsaction
which W|9 stigmatized as “the foulest
stain that ever attached to the annals
of any ndtiorf.'’’ Nor was the govetn
ment alone assailed, oPthe language
of ” confined tq Grfut
Britain, Tile American-press took an
in the question; ancl the me ;
morale dismissal of Mr. Jlfcksoiyfrom
his at Washington,
in 1810, received the discussion here
with more than its original heat and
bitterness. It is tiue that Mr. Jacksoh
had behaved indecoriously towardsdur
government,and had been dismissed f St
offering it an insult. And a-long series
of foreign aggressions, and of fruitless
negotiations, had wrought the public
mind up to a peculiar and highly fe
verish state o£ irritability. Mr. J. had
’been the British agent in
gen affair; jmd under the then prevail
ing opinion, it is no wonder that this
circumstance should have been sensed
upon as the most rteady means ofthrow
ing.upon him tl;q whole weight of pop
odium and itjdiguation. #
Sixteen years have since rolled away #
’and with them have passed liito oblivi
on those partialities and animosities,
and those feteliugs of;pr.ejudic%and bit
terness engendered^"by thefh. Ancl
what Changes have parked that event
ful period! Napoleon then in the ze
nith of his., glgry striding
the continent of Europe like a collof- .
sus, has detfe-onedj.his scep
tre broken,"and thecrowns which were!
HTi§ play things,-’-estoVed to the brows of
those from whom they were torn by
his cl run hand. Me slumbers with the
J mighty dead, of
tha* chieftains whose valor ,so largely
contributed to the qf his un
rivlffled career! Another X|apiet has
mqqntgfl his tly‘qnq,*|r s and des
cended in peace to tire tomb; and anoth
er now occupies his place. ‘But we are
wandering from <rur.subject,^’
. For sixteen years, wc were to
say, have the Bt itisfi Ministers;sacred-
thesecreyvvhich tiiey'al.ledged
themselves to possess, but the existence
of whicht doubted and denied.—
The fact, h 9 wtever, I.as’ beqn d is c 1 osed,-
and in a maftoer wjiicli leaves no room
for doubt\tflhe case.r Aijhp Memoirs
of Fouche^f. which, have been
during the pfast season, who vvas one
qfNapoleotTs Roisters,a|elheft)llow
ing memorable sub-
secret treaty of Tilsit
andcr and Napoleoih**diVicled between
themselveafthe constitSlferial world the
whole oltltoSomb of Europe was sut-
Napoleqp, already mas
tef of arbiter .of Germany-r
----pusitingusiting bis advanced posts as tar as
the Tistula, and elevating. Mantzick
into oi.e of his most
zines of arms.
qabouGvlhis time *it was that we
learned the success of the attack
upon Copenhagen by the’ English,
which vi?tl Ahefirf oj the
secret sTi/iulcitioiis of 7'ilsit } by virtue
of which , tm Danish Jlcet was to be
placed at the of France /
Since the death of PffflT, I never saw
JJtt&oleon reive himself tip to such vio
lent transports ol passion. Lhal which J
astounded iiinwlmost in that vigorous
stf o! <£fFsoinru%-cQitp fie main) >yas
the prompdtude witiv which the Eng
lish JM intslry4ook their resolution.—
Hte began to stispect some new treach
ery in the cabinet, and gave me orders
to ascertain if it had uoh.iing to donVitlr
DAIiIEN, ( g SoßPJ^7— <£qual anti TJJESDAY, MARCH 15, 1825.
the ill-will created by a late removal;
that ofTatleyrand irom the office of
Foreigh Secretary.” ‘
Ifthere.be no reason to doubt the
facts contained in this singular disclo
sut^— and ,p^ceiv e none—a
veyy differenlpbmplexion is imparled
to thi| transaction; and it goes far to
wacfis, itit be not a complete jhstifica- 1
lion of the measure, however faithlsfs
aqd bloody it may have appeared'atfthe
lime, ft is” fair to presume that Den
mark wH not a stranger to the arrange
ment at- Tilsit^ and it so, she was in
fact an eneniy. But be this as it may,
it is not pnly lawful, but the duty.of
cverjr nation to protect itself, and to
employ the means nece&ry to such
protection, provided violates not
the rights ot if Nopole
on or “Alexander, or both, were about
to seize it pon the Danish to effect
the subjugation the
latter, unquestionably, had the right
to anticipate their designs,*anck seize
iipon it herself.
From the Fdinburg Review.
S TATE OF IRELAND-
It has been observed by lylt. Hume,
that there is, in human affairs, aft ex
treme point of depression, from which
they naturally begin to ascend in an
opposite direction. We thinlc this ob
servation must soon be verified in the
case ot Ireland. The excess of mise
ry in which the people of that tinfortu
natecountry are now involved, the
malPmude of their numbers, and
thteir growing fierseness and despe
ration, will, at no distant period, ’ com
pel that attention to be paid to iheir
claims for a redress of grievances,
which has been so long denied to the
calls of justice t and humanity. Ever
since the era of the conquest, Ireland
has, a few short intervals only excep
ted, been subject to a military regime.
Laws of the ‘most revolting and sangu
inary description have been enacted
and rigorously inforced. Instead of
investigating and removing the causes
of disorder, the rulers ot Ireland have
generally contented themselves with
endeavoring to suppress them by force.
Thegibliet and the bayoner, those sove
reign apd infallible specifics of weak
and vindictive legislators, have been
kept in a state of incessant activity, and
the whole country has been outraged
ahd disgaced by the ceaseless recur
rence of bloody aud barbarous execu-
But has this harsh treatment
eradicated, or at ail assuaged, the evil
passions of the people? Has it made
|th%m orderly, industrious, and submis
sive? Let the late insurrection acts,
.and the inhuman atrocities now perpe
trating in limerick and the adjoining
counties, answer these questions, Op
pression and misgoyernmein are not
the meap by which the tranquility -of
anywcountry can be secured. Peace
and prosperity do. not spring from the
sw%d. The of more
‘than four hundred years must surely
convince every reasonable person, that
the system on which the* government
has been, and still is conduc
ted, is radically vicious aiid*unsound:--
wfioje oLthat periqdTmar*
imirder, and
succeeded to insurrection,
in one unterrupted se
f verdant spots, no
bSses in this moral waste. Whenever
thestruggle between oppression and re
venge hasceased", the “rival parties hdve
employed the treacherous and delusive
Ifanqlifflily that followed to whet their
angfy feelings and passions,and have ne
ver rush with new fury into
their unnatural a%d parricidal contest.
The incentives to,crime have been suf
fered to gather strength and luxuriance
to scatter their seeds and spread their
roots on all qides; and crimes has, in
cSnsequcncftf become more prevalent
than ever.- - Oppression produced out
rage, and outrage .was alleged a suf
ficient teasoqfijr increasing the sever
ity of ihe IgwNfPhis again occasioned
fresh outrages, and gave to revenge a
deeper and a deadlier die. White
boys, T)ak-boys f Steel-boys, Peep-of*
day-boys, carders/Garavats, Thrashers,
Stc) &c. have all been
guilty of the very same excesses tlit
are llQiv perpetrating, and, without de
ferring others by theiWfate, have each,
l|n succession, expiated their crimes on
the scaffold^
Is this system never to have an end?
Arq,not the numberless’ victims that
have been sacrificed; are not Centuries
Os national degradation, distraction, and
Civil \y sf, e})oitgh \o convince the Par-
liament of England, that coertion , that
mere brute force, is not the mq|ins by
Much fte tranquility of lreland can be
established on a solid basis ? The I
rish are not ruffians. Theie
is nothing either incurably bad or vi- “
cionS in their character—they have the.
same feelings and affections as the peo
ple of England. It is the circum
stance in which they placed, their
squalid and abject poverty, theit gross
ignorance, and the violence that has
been done to their rights, feelings, pre
judices, and opinions, that have render
w^|hem.cruel, savage, I %nd Vindictive.
Pe enemies of Ireland do not pretend
say that the present discontents have
originated in politicial* motives. Cath
olic and Protestajit, Whig and Tory,
seem to have been equally %e object
of popular vengence The present is,
in fact, a real bellum servile , an insur
rection of an oppressed ancl starving
peasantry landi
lords, middlemen, Orangemen, and*
tiihept'octovs; against all, in a word,
whom thty consider asi their oppressors,
The and the privatioafeto which
they have been exposed, In||e driven
them sq despair, and in tneir fuiy
they have apparently resolved to
vvreajk their vengeance, witlumt distinc
tion, on the upper classes, aneffif pos
sible, to reduce high and low to one
commonjevel of wretchedness. Is it
not high time that a radical change
should be made in ajsystern of govern-
Jiient under which so monstrous a state
things has attained to a baleful ma
turity? When we look at the edndi
tion in which Ireland is now placed, are
we iMt entitled to say, that the period
has arrived when a serious and delibe-r I
rate enquiry must be instituted into the :
real the multiplied outrages
and aggressions ot which she is, and
has been, so,long the theatre, and that
a vigorous and persevering effort must
he made to remove them? This is no
longer a matter of choice, or of expedi
ency, but of necessity! So long as Ire
land was only occupied by a million or
a million and a half of starving wretch
es, it was a comparatively easy task to
hold them in servitude, and to force
them to submit to injustice. But,
thanks to the Poiatoe and the Cottage
system, Ireland contains at this mo
ment nearly seven millions pf inhabi
tants, of which, at the very, least, six
millions are in a state of tielousm and
extreme destitution! And can any man,
out of the precincts of the Dublin Cor
poration, think that any number of
troops which this country can affordjo
send to Ireland, should be able assfi
stamly to retain such a mighty*ancl ra
pidly increasing mass of discontent and
disaffection in unwilling subjection?—
The idea is utterly visionary and ridicu
lous. Although we weye now in pos
session of the countle'ss millions we
have expended in upholding and secur
ing the power ol the Boqrbons, the
Pope, and the Grand Seignqr, we
should not be able to maintain a gar
rison in every village in Ireland; nor
would the dominion of, that country,
though it were a thousand times ridrer,
and more fertile than it really is, be
worth preserving on-such terms. But.
we continue our present system, noth
ing less than this will be sufficient to se
cure our ascendency; And, therefore,
if we are really desirous of preserving
the connexion between the two coun
tries, we must endeavor to render it
‘what it has never hitherto been,, pro
ductive of advantage to Ireland. The
‘lrish people, not the priests, corpora
tors and middlemen, v but t|ie people ,
that is, thevcuttlers and occupiers of
mud-cottages and cabbins, must be
taught to feel that we have a stake in
the hedge , and thatit is their interest to
respect the laws, and to support the in
stitutions and government of the coun
try. Until this be done, we shall look
in vain either for tranquility or Im
provement in Ireland. White boys
aSts and insurrection acts may repress
disorder for a time; but do not
touch the causes whence it springs, and
realjjH>erve only to give a dai ker shade
of atrocity to the outrages which they
alternately put down and provoke.
It is not easy to write dispassionately
on such a subject; but our warmth, on
the present occasion, * certainly is not
reinforced by any party or factious feel
ing. This is ft question far bey o'nd the
little hqstilities of whig and lory; and
possesses an interest which must, in all
good minds, extinguish and efface the
distinctions of ministry and opposition.
The misgovernment and consequent
misery of Ireland is chargeable, not
. . m ‘ I tv
upon the present ministry, but upon
the English nation generally, and upon
all the statesmen of every persuation,
who have administered its affairs for
the last two centuries. We entreat,
‘then, that no one may shut his ears to
our representation, under an impres
sion that they are in any degree distor
tered or aggi abated by party feelings,
They are addressed with all imagina
ble earnestness and humility to men of
stense and influence of all patties, and
chiefly to those who have most powel* ,
to give effect to our suggestions. IF
jtiie ministers would but listen to them,
we no objection that their
reign’ shoube and as wo
shall refer for our facts, in a great meas
ure to ministerial and official author
ities, wc shall endeavor so to word ? our
observattonffTas to avoid revolting any
of those, without whose co-operation*
we are aware that no speedy or effi
cient is to be expected.
* It would require a fifrge volume to
and point outt he precise influence
and effect of the various“canse9 whlctx
have conspired to sink (he people of
Ireland to that extreme of poverty and
wretchedness to which they have ar
rived, and which have rendered that
country a vast arena for the display df
the must implacable animosities, and of
the most brutal and sanguinary atroci
ties. But, in an article like this, we
cast do no more than sfate what we con
cSvc to bte the heading causes ot this
unexampled distress and irritation, and
the remedies which appear most neces
sary and indispensable to promote the
return to a better state of things. }£?-
vmg, discussion of the
I lesser, grievances, and the details of
: many subordinate remedial measures
to another opportunity, we shall now
proceed to gffer a few remarks on the
grand subjects ot Catholic emancipa
tion, church establishment and tithes,
government and magisi racy, education,
revenue laws, and population In the
discussion of these topics, we flatter
ourselves we shall be able to discover
both the causes which have Counterac
ted and prevented the prosperity of Ire
land, and the means by which it may
yet be restored.
Catholic Emancipation. —There
cap be no question, we think that the
■ master grievance which has depressed
Ireland, and the great source from
which the test have been derived, is to
be found in the circumstance of the
government of thatcountry having been
hitherto vested in, and administered
, for the particular advantage of, a small
njinonty of her inhabitants. The aven
.ues to power and emolument have
been always shut agaipst the great raa-,
jority of the people of Iceland, . They
have been forced to support the bur
den of an extravagant and corrupt gov
ernment, but they have not been per
mitted to exercise its functions, or even
to enjoy its protection. “The govern
ment of Ireland,” said Mr. Giant, in a
speech that did equal honor to his head
and heart, “had never sympathized with
the people: It had been supported by
foreign force or foreign franc!; It had
not been thrown on its own resources.
There was a tendency in all govern
ments,” added the Right Honotable
Gentleman, “to adapt themselves to
the wants and wishes of the people;
but, from the time of Henry 11. up to
1782.—(why not 1822?) —there was
not a month in which the government
of Ireland could have stood without
foreign aid.” Previously to the Re
formation, the English settlers, or those
, within the pale , alone enjoyed power
’ and authority. The mere Irish, as
every body knows, were held and repu
ted aliens or rather enemies to the
1 crown of England in-so-much, that it
was adjudged no felony to kill an Irish
man in time of peace! Since the Re
formation, and more especially since
the breach of the articles agreed upon
i at Limerick beiwen the Catholic adher
ents of James 11. and William 111. all
the influence of governmet had been
engrossed by the Protestants. Statute
after statute was passed, for the avow
ed purpose of preventing the growth
of Popery, but with the real intention of
rooting out and suppressing that reli
-1 gion. The Catholics were, in conse
; quence, reduced to the lowest possible
state o(degfaclation. “The laws made
1 in this kingdom sgainst Papists,” said
1 Mr. Burke, “were as bloody as any of
l those which had been enacted by the
: Popish Princes and States; and where
. those laws were not bloody, they were
t wotse, they were slow, cruel, outrage
t ous in their nature, ami kept meo al •
Ab. it.