Newspaper Page Text
unbounded joy by (he brother and (he lover,
and even through the father’.- apparent indiffer
ence 1 could perceive that his refusal to pailici
pate in the general joy would not be of long du
ration. The large forHine which Mr. William
Lloyd intimated his intention to bestow upon
his niece was anew and softening clement in
the affair.
Mr. Smith, senior, ordered his dinner ; and
Mr. Lloyd and Arthur Smith—but why need I
attempt to relate what they did ? I only know
that when, a long time afterwards, I ventured
to look in at Mr. 0 ven Lloyd’s cottage, all the
five inmates—brother, uncle, lover, niece and
wife—were talking, lajigbing. weeping, smil
ing, like distracted creatures, and seemeu utter
ly incapable of reasonable discourse. An
hour after that, as I stood screened by a >e!t of
forest trees in wait for Mr. Jones and compa
ny, I noticed, as they all strolled past me in the
clear moonlight, that the tears, the agitation
had passed away, leaving only smiles and grate
ful joy on the glad faces so lately clouded by
anxiety and sorrow. A mighty change in so
brief a space !
Mr. Jones arrived with his cart rind helpers
in due time. A man who sometimes assisted
in the timber-yard was deputed with an apology
for the absence of Mr. Lloyd, to deliver ttie
goods. The boxes, full of plate and oiher- val
uables, were soon hoisted in, and the cart mov
ed off. I let it proceed about u mile, and then,
with the help I had placed in readiness, easily
secured the astounded burglar and his assis
tants; and early the next morning Jones was
on his road to London. lie was tried at the
ensuing Old IJailey sessions, convicted, and
transported for life ; and the discretion I had
exerted in not executing the warrant against
Owen Lloyd, was decidedly approved of by the
authorities.
It was about two months after my first inter
view with Mr. Smith, that, on returning home
one evening, my wife placed bcfoie me a piece
of bride-cake, and two beautifully engraved
cards united with white satin ribbon, bearing
the name of Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Smith. 1
was more gratified by this little act of courte
sy for Emily's sake—as those who have tempo
rarily fallen from a certain position in society
will easily understand—than I should have
been by the costliest present. The service I
had rendered was purely accidental : it has
nevertheless been always kindly remembered
by ail parties whom it so critically served.
Advice to Young Men.— An Albany editor
gives the following piece of Sain Slick advice to
young men who would preserve sacred the band
of bachelorhood :
If you don’t wish to fall in love, keep away
from calico. You can no more play with girls
without losing your heart, than you can ply at
roulette without losing your money. As Dobbs
very justly ebserves, the heart strings of a wo
man, like the tendrils of a vine, are always
reaching out for something to cling to. The
consequence is, that before you know you are
going you are “gone,” like a one-legged stove at
a street auction.
The Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel
states that the contract for building another cot
ton mill in that city, has been closed. The Mill
is to contain the same number of spindles as the
one which has been in such successful operation
during the past year, and will be commenced
immediately. This is one ofthe most gratifying
evidences of the great success which has, and
will continue to attend manufacturing enterprise
in Georgia.
Dr. Channing says :
The greatest man is he who chooses the right
with invincible resolution, who resists the sorest
temptations from within and without, who bears
the heaviest burthens cheerfully, who is calmest
in storms, and most fearless under menace and
frowns, whose reliance on truth, on virtue, on
Cod, is most unfaltering.
Father Haynes and the Universalist.—
A Universalist preacher, who prided himself on
his ability to propound perplexing questions to or
thodox ministers, bad sought an interview’ with
the Rev. Lemuel Haynes. Upon being intro
dneed, Mr. Haynes said, somewhat abruptly,
“You are the man who teaches that men may
sw r ear, steal, get drunk, and do all other like
things, and yet go to heaven, ain’t you 7” “By
no means,” replied the preacher, “I teach no
such things.” “Well, you believe it, don’t you ?”
rejoined Air. Haynes. The man could not say
“No,” and there the debate ended.
Yankee Coolness. —A duellist who fancied him
self insulted by a Yankee who bad won the affectiwn
of his lady-love, left the room with the ominous
word*—
“ You’ll hear from me, sir!”
“ Well, do so,” replied the Yankee, “glad on’t;
write once on a while; should like to hear from you
as often as you have a mind to let me know how
you get along.”
U* “ Dick, you have pot a hole in your trowsers.”
“ Well, who cares, it will wear longer than a patch.”
“ Yes,” says Sam, “ and wider too.”
Telegraphed for the Savannah Georgian.
14 DAI S LATER FROM El ROPE.
ARRIVAL OF THE NIAGARA, AT HALIFAX.
Baltimore, Jan. 25— 8 o’clock A. M.
The steamship Niagara arrived at Halifax yester
day morning at one o’clock and brings Liverpool ac
counts to the 12th inst.
COTTON MARKET.
Cotton advanced a farthing since the sailing of
the Canada, on the 29th December. The sales not
given.
Flour ha* advanced six pence per barrel.
The political news is unimportant.
second despatch.
Further accounts by the Niagara.
Baltimore, Jan 25ih, 4P. M. ]
The sales of cotton at Liverpool for the wpek end
ing the 12th, amounted to 69,000 hales, of which
speculators took 49,000. The advance in all de
scriptions is fully
third despatch.
Still Farther Accounts by the Niagara.
Baltimore, Jan. 25th—9 o’clock P. M.
The accounts carried out from this country by the
steamship Hibernia, which arrived at Liverpool on
the 9th inst., caused a great excitement in the cot
ton market. Having given tiie sales in your last
despatch, I herewith present the quotations of the
Board of Brokers; fair Uplands and Mobile 6J, Or
leans 6s.
MONETARY AFFAIRS.
Consols closed at ninety-seven and three-eighths.
Money is extremely abundant-
POLITICAL.
In France proclamations have been issued against
all kinds of Clubs and Political associations ; twenty
live thousand French Troops have been ordered to
remain at Rome to support the Pope. The news
received up to this time contains nothing eLe of
intereat.
Special Message of the President on the
California Question.
To the House of Representatives
of the United Sta'es :
I transmit4o the House of Representatives, j
in answer to a resolution of that body, passed ;
on the 31st of December last, the accompany
ing reports of heads of departments, which con- j
tain all the official information in the posses- j
sion of the Executive, asked for by the resolu
tion.
On corning into office, l found the military !
commandant of’ rhe department of California ex- I
ercising the functions of civil governor in that
Teriitory ; and left, as I was, to act under the
treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, without the aid of
any legislative provision establishing a govern
ment in that Territory, I thought it best not to
disturb that arrangement, made under my pre
decessor, until Congress should take some ac-1
tion on thut subject. I therefore did not inter- |
sere with the powers of the military comman
dant, who continued to exercise the functions
of civil governor as before, but I made no such j
appointment, conferred no such authority, and
have allowed no increased compensation to the
commandant for his services.
With a view to the faithful execution of the
treaty, so far as lay in the power of the Exec
utive, and to enable Congress to act at the fire
sent session, with as full knowledge and as lit. j
tie difficulty ns possible on all matters of infer- j
est in these Territories, 1 sent the Hon. Thom
as Butler King as bearer of despatches to Cali
fornia, and certain officers to California and
New Mexico, whose duties are particularly de
fined in the accompanying letters of instruction
addressed to them severally by the proper de.
partments.
I did not hesitate to express to the people of
those Territories my desire that each Territo.
ry should, if prepared to comply with the requi
•sitions ofthe constitution of the United States,
form a plan of a State constitution, and submit
the same to Congress, with a prayer for admis
sion into the Union as a State; but I did not
anticipate, suggest, or authorize the establish
ment of any such government without the as
sent of Congress, nor did I authorize any gov
ernment agent or officer to interfere with or
exercise any influence or control over the elec
tion of delegates, or orer any convention, in
making or modifying their domestic institutions,
or any of the provisions of their proposed con
stitution. On the contrary, the instructions
given by my orders were that all measures of
domestic policy adopted by the people of Cali
foruia must originate solely with themselves;
that while the Executive of the U. S. was de
sirous to protect them in the formation ot any
government republican in its character, to be
at the proper time submitted to Congress, yet
it was to be distinctly understood that the plan
of such a government must at the same time be
; the result of their own deliberate choice, and
| originate with themselves, without the interfer
! ence of the Executive.
I am unable to give any information as to
I laws passed by any supposed government in
California, or of any cpijsus taken in either of
I the Territories mentioned in the resolution, as
1 have no information on those subjects,
j As already stated, 1 have not disturbed the
| arrangements which 1 found had existed under
| my predecessor.
In advising an parly application by the peo
; oleos these Territories for admission as States,
1 was actuated principally by an earnest desire
to afford to the wisdom and patriotism of Con
gress the opportunity of avoiding occasions of
! bitter and angry dissensions among the people
of the U. States.
Unner the constitution, every State has the
i right of establishing and from lime to time a!-
tering its municipal laws and domestic institu
tions, independently of every other State and of
the general government, subject only to the
prohibitions and guaranties expressly set forth
in the constitution of the U. States. The sub.
jects thus left exclusively to the respective
! States were not designed or expected to be
j come topics of national agitation. Still, as tin
-1 der the constitution, Congress has power to
make all needful rules and regulations respect
ing the Territories ofthe U. S., every new ac
quisition of territory lias led to discussions on
the question whether the system of involuntary
servitude which prevails in many of the States
should or should not be prohibited in that Ter
ritory. The periods of excitement from this
cause which have heretofore occurred have
been safely passed ; but during the interval, of
whatever length, which may elapse before the
admission of the territories ceded by Mexico
as Slates, it appears probable that similar ex
citcment will prevail to an undue extent.
Under these circumstances, I thought, and
still think, that it was my duty to endeavor to
put it in the power of Congress, by the admis
sion of California and New Mexico as Slates,
to remove all occasion tor the unnecessary ag
itation of the public mind.
It is understood that the people of the wes.
tern part of California have formed a plan of a
State constitution, and will soon submit the
same to the judgment of Congress and apply
for admission as a State. This course on their
part, though in accordance with, was iiotadop.
ted exclsively in consequence of any expres.
sion of rny wishes, inasmuch as measures tend,
ing to this end had been promoted by the offi.
cers sent there by my predecessor, and were
already in active progress of execution before
any communication from me reached Califor
nia. If the proposed constitution shall, when
submitted to Congress, be found to be in com.
pliance with the requisition of the constitution
ofthe U. S , l earnestly recommend that it may
receive the sanction of Congress.
The part of California not included in the
proposed State of that name is believed to be
uninhabited, except in a settlement of our
countrymen in the vicinity of Salt Lake.
A claim has been advanced by the State of
Texas to a very large portion of the most popu
lous district of the Territory, commonly desig
nated by the name of New Mexico. If the
people of New Mexico had formed a plan of a :
State government for that Territory, as ceded
by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, and had
been admitted by Congress as a State, our con ;
gtitution would have afforded the means of nb. ;
tnining an adjustment of the question of boun. |
darv with Texas by a judicial decision. At
present, however, no judicial tribunal has the
power of deciding that question, and it remains
for Congress to devise some mode for its ad.
justment. Meanwhile I submit to Congress
the question, whether it would be expedient be-
§ ® (!D TF B3IIM itiffiOTTOffiOltLo
fore such adjustment to establish a territorial 1 ,
government, which, by including the district so j
claimed, would practically decide the question
adversely to the State of Texas, or, by exclu
ding it. would decide it in her favor.
In mv opinion, such a course would not be ex
pedient, especially as the people of this Territo
ry still enjoy the benefit and protection of their j
municipal laws, originally derived from Mexico,
and have a military 1 force stationed there to pro-1
tect them against the Indians. It is undoubted
ly true that the property, lives, liberties, and re
ligion ofthe people of New Mexico, are better,
protected than they ever were before the treaty
of cession.
Should Congress, when California shall pre
sent herself for incorporation into the Union,
annex a condition to her admission as a State
affecting her domestic institutions contrary to
the. wishes of her people, and even compel her
temporarily to comply 1 with it, yet the. State j
could change her constitution at anytime alter!
admission, when to her it should seem expedi
ent. Any attempt to deny to the people ot the i
State the right of self-government in a matter’
which peculiarly affects themselves will infalii- j
bly be regarded by them as an invasion of their |
rights ; and upon the principles laid down in
our own declaration of independence, they will j
certainly he sustained by the great mass of the j
American people. To assert that they are a
conquered people, and must, as a State, submit j
to the will of their conquerors, in this regard, ,
will meet with no cordial response among Am- j
erican freemen. Great numbers of them are |
native citizens of the U. S. and not inferior to the
rest of our countrymen in intelligence and patri
otism ; and no language of menace to restrain
them in the exorcise of an undoubted right, sub
stantially guarantied to them by the treaty of
cession itself, shall ever be uttered by me, or
encouraged and sustained by 1 persons acting un
der my authority. It is to be expected that, in
the residue of the territory ceded to us by 1 Mexi
co, the people residing there will, at the time of
their incorporation into the Union as a State, set
j tie all questions of domestic policy to suit them
! selves.
No material inconvenience will result from
the want, for a short period, of a government
established by Congress over that part of the
territory which lies eastward of the new State
of California ; and the reasons for my opinions
that New Mexico will, at no very distant period,
ask for admission into the Union, are founded oil
unofficial information, which I suppose, is com
mon to all who have cared to make inquiries on
that subject.
Seeing, then, that the question which now
excites such painful sensations in the country
will in the end certainly be settled by the silent
effect of causes independent of the action of
j Congress, I again submit to your wisdom the
policy recommended in my annual message of
! awaiting the salutary operation of these causes,
i believing that we shall thus avoid the creation of
j geographical parties, and secure the harmony of
j feeling so necessary to the beneficial action of
; our political system. Connected, as the Union
is, with the remembrance of past happiness, the
sense of present blessings, and the hope of fu
ture peace and prosperity, every dictate of wis
dom, every feeling of duty, and every emotion of
patriotism, tend to inspire fidelity and devotion
to it, and admonish us cautiously to avoid any
unnecessary controversy which can either en
danger it or impair its strength, the chief ele
ment of which is to be found in the regard and
affection of the people for each other.
Z. TAYLOR.
Washington, January 21, 1850.
THE SOUTHERN SENTINEL,
THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 31, 1830.
Change of the Hour of Publication.—
The Sentinel will hereafter be published on
j Thursday Morning, instead of Thursday Even-
I ing. This change has been made for several
; reasons, all looking not less to the convenience
jof our readers, than to our own. Our friends
j from the country, who have been accustomed to
take their papers from the Office, will thus be
: able to get the paper in the forenoon of the
j same day on which it is published.
Our advertising patrons will confer a favor by
sending in their favors early on Wednesdays.
Wheeler’s Southern Monthly Magazine.
—The January number has just reached us. As
! a specimen of typographical art, it is equal to
any Monthly in the country, and from the array
of talent presented by the list of contributors,
we expect a rich treat in its reading matter.
This number is embellished with a neat engrav
ing, and a likeness of Judge Lumpkin is prom
ised in the next. Published in Athens, Ga., by
Charles L. Wheeler, at 81 in advance.
Psychology — Or the Science of the Soul Phy
siologically and Philosophically Considered ....
We are indebted to the publishers, Messrs. Fow
lers & Wells, of N. Y., for this interesting pub
lication. The Essays of which the work is
composed, were originally delivered in a series
of lectures in Europe, and are now for the first
time republished in this country. Os all the
Ologies to which scientific research has given
birth dui ing the iast century, Psychology (which
is another name for Mesmerism) is the most
marvellous. The object of this work is to explain
its mysteries, and to its pages we direct the at.
tention of those who are curious enough to in
form themselves on the subject. For sale by
deGrajfcnricd Robinson.
A New Savannah Daily. —The Savannah
Acorn has changed hands, and will hereafter ap
pear daily under the title of the “Morning
News,” with W. T. Thompson as its Editor.
Mr. Thompson’s reputation as an Editor has al
ready been established, and we welcome his re
turn to the press of Georgia, with the best wish
es for his success in his new enterprise. The
“News” will be a commercial paper, neutral in
national and State politics.
Mr. Calhoun has for several days been
confined to his room with a severe attack of
Pneumonia. We are happy in being able to
state, however, that he is now convalescent, and
will be able at an early day to resume his seat
in the Senate ; a post al which he is eminently
needed at this juncture.
The Documents accompanying the Pres
ident’s Special Message have been crowded
out of this number.
The Catilornia Message.
M e publish to-day the special message of
President Taylor, with the accompanying doc
uments, recently transmitted to the House, in re
ply to its resolution, calling for information as to
executive interference in the formation of the
California Government. We confess that we j
are unable, from any disclosures made in these j
documents, to determine any thing about the
guilt or innocence of the Executive, in the prem
ises. We see nothing in them, to warrant the
imputation of toul play on the one hand, nor do
we discover any ground for rejoicing, on the oth
er hand, that the President lias been able to dis
charge himself of that imputation. In fact we
regard the message of the President, and the
despatch of Mr. Clayton, as very innocent
things, affording no very great advantage either
to his friends or his opponents. But we do not
think the inference, that the President is acquit
ted of the charge, is properly deducible from
the fact, that he has not been implicated by these
papers. It certainly would have been a most
egregious blunder in the Administration to have
so managed this affair, as to have entrapped it
se It. II ow many secret conferences were held
with the emissary, Mr. King, before his de
parture for California ? Who imagines that this
despatch from the Secretary of Stale, contains
ail the instructions with which that Envoy Ex
traordinary was charged on the eve of entering
upon the duties of his responsible mission ? We
are to look elsewhere than to State papers for
the evidences ot Executive interference in
this matter. We do not say that this a Hedged
interference is well charged, but if it is, certain
ly Gen. Taylor and his advisers arc not such
blockheads as to convict themselves of the of
fence. It is true, that by these documents, the
President is convicted of deep solicitude on the
subject, and of a disposition to have the difficult
question settled outside of the Halls of Con
gress. This anxiety, so far from being crimi
nal, is natural to every one, who properly
appreciates the danger of attempting to settle it
by legislative action in Congress. So far, there
fore, as these expressions of a desire, to have the
people of California, determine for themselves
this alarming issue, is concerned, we see noth
ing reprehensible in them ; but at the same
time it may not be denied that they favor the
presumption of actual interference, when taken
in conjunction with other circumstances attend
ing the mission of Mr. King. Again, we think
the inference -of such an interference by the
Executive is allowable, from the extreme anxiety
which it is known, the President entertains, to
escape the responsibility of executive action on
the Wilmot Proviso. That Gen. Taylor owes
his elevation to the Presidency, to his successful
juggling, by which both sections of the Union
were flattered, no body will question. That the
unity of the Whig party, and consequently the
! quiet of the present Administration and the
chances of securing the next, depend upon the
President’s ability to avoid the responsibility of
this sectional issue, is equally unquestionable.
We do not for a moment suppose that Gen. Tay
lor would deliberately set on foot a scheme for
depriving the South of her rights in the Terri
j tories, or that such was, by any means, the ob
ject of Mr. King’s mission; but wo do be
j lieve that Gen. Taylor, in his anxiety to screen
j himself from the consequences of settling this
j question, as well as to avoid the danger attend
! ing its agitation in Congress, was ready to adopt
! any expedient which promised to dispose of
it without these unpleasant consequences, even
if it was necessary to sacrifice the rights of the
South in doing so. This expedient, he thought,
was presented in the formation of a State (for
ernment by the people of California, before Con
gress had time to act upon the subject. To fa
cilitate this movement, we do not hesitate in
the conclusion, that Mr. King was despatched
with secret instructions to use every exertion in
the way of personal influence, and the promise
of executive favor, to urge the people to the im
mediate formation of a State Constitution. These
facts, we say, favor the presumption of executive
interferences, and how is that presumption sus
tained by the subsequent history of this mission ?
Mr. King proceeds to California. Immediately
after his arrival, Gen. Riley issued his military
proclamation, calling a convention, for the pur
pose of forming a State Government. That
convention assembled, and Gen. Itiley presided
over its deliberations, and Mr. King was con
stantly in attendance, using his influence to pro
| mote the formation of the constitution. Just
I here we would remark the repeated emphasis
J with which Mr. Clayton, enforces upon Mr.
j King’s attention the idea that “these measures
must of course originate solely with themselves,”
(the people of California.) He seems very ap
| prehensive lest the Administration should be
j wrongfully charged with improper interference,
| and to our mind, the apprehension seems very
much the creature of a knowledge that there
was reason for the charges being preferred.
But we cannot comment longer at present on
this matter. We shall recur to it on a future oc
casion, and will commit the documents them*
1 selves to our readers, with the following prefa
tory extract from the recont speech of Mr. Foote,
in the U. S. Senate. A speech made in the
presence of Gen. Taylor’s friends, and its state
ments permitted to pass without contradiction :
“It is a part of the proceedings of the Califorma
convention, that a leading member of that body, Mr.
Botts, by name—a distinguished Virginia Democrat,
and an old acquaintance of my own—rose up, and in
a speech which has circulated in a printed form, and
which 1 can hand to the honorable Senator if he de
sires to see it—l say lie rose up in his place, at the
precise moment when Gen. Ri'ey quirted the chair
of the convention, which he had occupied during the
whole course of the deliberative proceedings which
had been going on, and said he felt bound to state
the fact, and challenge denial, that coercive power
had been employed to bring about the present state of
‘hings; that the Constitution of California about to
be adopted had been forced upon them. He charged
further, that assurances had been given in the most
imposing manner, by the powers in Washington, that,
unless such a constitution was adopted as was suited
to the tastes of certain high personages here—per
haps including the honorable Senator from Connec
ticut for he may have admonished them upon the
subject bv a circular, for aught I know, and including
the President and his cabinet—all the influence of
the Executive would be thrown against the admission
of California as a sovereign State ; but that, in the
event of the adoption of a constitution agreeable to
them,then that the influence would be exerted—
through the honorable Senator from Connecticut, I
presume, not I suppose intended to be employed in
any but legitimate modes—for her admission.”
Gen. Cass.
In a preceding column will be found a synop
sis of the speech recently delivered in the Sen
ate by this eminent statesman, on the great ques
tion of the day. If we had space enough we
: would gladly spread it entire before our readers.
It is interesting as a specimen of the ablest
forensic eloquence; it is more interesting, as
the exposition ot the views, entertained by one
of our most profound statesmen, on the gravest
question which has over been raised in our leg
islative halls ; but it is more thrillingly interest
ing still, when regarded as the mighty effort of
i the patriot, to save his country from the desola
j tion which he knows to threaten its existence.
Whatever may have been said of Mr. Cass,
i amid the unthinking excitement of party warfare,
i no one has ever yet denied him u place among
the first men of America ; whatever may have
j been thought of him by those maddened with
the fumes of faction, no one will now, question
j his patriotism. We wish every Democrat to
} read this speech, that he may have the happy
i satisfaction, of being again assured, of the in
tegrity of his standard bearer in the recent po
litical struggle ; we wish every Whig to read it,
that he may be convinced of the injustice with
which he has assailed this friend of the South ;
we hope every Southern man will read it, that
his heart may be cheered with the reflection,
that there is at least one man at the North,
whose patriotism extends beyond the limits of
! his section, whose soul is large enough to cm
| brace his entire country; we hope every North
j ern man will read it, that he may learn from one,
| identified with the North, to appreciate the rights
■of the South ; we wish every American may
read it, that his heart may yet swell, with hope
| for his country.
Gen. Cass takes the unequivocal position that
Congress has no authority under the Constitu
tion, to legislate on the subject of slavery in the
territories. Me denies not only the Constitu
tionality, but the expediency of the Wilmot
Proviso. He adverts to the fact that he has
been instructed by the Michigan Legislature, to
vote for the Wilmot Proviso, and recognizes the
right of the Legislature to instruct him, but de
clares that he can no more disregard his con
scientious obligations, than he can those which
he owes to his State, and that when the time
comes to act upon the question, he shall resign
his seat, rather than violate either. His posi
tion is a proud one; one that must command the
respect of all, friends as well as opponents. It
is just the position we had assigned him, in fact
the only one consistent with his sentiments during
the campaign, and although in this speech, he
has done no more than we believed he would do,
yet we publish his views, proud of the reflection
that wo have found him to be all that our partial
ity had represented him. We cannot dismiss
this subject, without painfully reflecting upon the
singularity of Gen. Cass’ position, as a Northern
man, on this subject, lie stands out almost
alone, like some full promontory to which the
j eve of the almost forlorn mariner, may yet turn
in hope, amid the raging ofthe elements around
him. Besides him, there are perhaps two Sena
tors from the North, to whom we may look fora
recognition of Southern rights. Mr. Dickinson
of N. York, and Mr. Douglass of Illinois, have
proved themselves superior to the proscriptive
spirit of Northern fanaticism, and fii ends ofthe
South in this crusade against her right*. But it
is to Mr. Cass, that we are to look mainly, to
| stay this fell spirit of invasion ; he it is, xvho is
i to preserve the beautiful fabric of this Govern
j incut, when the violent hand of the spoiler shall
j commence its work of desolation.
We dislike exceedingly to mingle in matters
lof this sort, any considerations of party. The
question is above party, and can only be brought
to a successful termination when party distinc
tions shall have been forgotten ; but we can not
be insensible to convictions, which are every clay
forced upon us, in spite of our disinclination to
adopt them. The inquiry is as natural as it is
painful, where is the Northern Whig who has
ever stood by the side of the South, the cause of
justice, the cause of the Union, in this sectional
issue ? Where are the Whig Senators who are
willing to aid Mr. Cass and Mr. Dickinson and
Mr. Douglass in their efforts to arrest the-flood of
fanaticism 7 Where is the Whig North of Mary
land who has ever dreamed that the South had
any rights ? Echo answers, where 7 Certain
it is, that such an one is not to be found in the
halls of Congress. We lament these party dis
criminations in a matter, where there ought to
be no party. They do exist, however, and justice
demands they should be accorded.
Gen. Taylor on the Proviso.
It is rather remarkable that the country should
at this day, be left to infer the position of the
President, on a question f such general and in
tense interest, as the Wilmot Proviso. And yet
such is the fact. Gen. Taylor has never inten
tionally given to the public, a clue to bis views
on the Constitutionality of this measure. We ‘
are left therefore entirely to inference, in loca
ting him. True, we may be able occasionally
to infer a very strong suspicion of his where
abouts, and xve think, in the following extract j
from the President’s Special California Message,
we are furnished with a very unmistakeable in- j
dication of his opinion on this subject. Speaking
of the exclusive jurisdiction, vested by the Con
stitution, in the States, over local and domestic
matters, he says: ‘
“The subjects thus left exclusively to the respec
tive Stages were not designed or expected to become
topics of national legislation. Still, as under the con
stitution, Congress has power to make all needful
rules and regulations reflecting the Territories of
ihe U. S. every new acquisition of territory has led
to discussions on the question whether the system of
involuntary servitude which prevails in many of the
States should or should not be prohibited in that Ter
ritory.”
The first impression that would strike the
mind ofthe most inattentive reader of this para,
graph, is the President’s strange misapprehen
sion of the letter, as well as of the spirit of the
constitution. He says “Congress haspow-erto
make all needful rules and regulations respect
ing the Territories of the L T . S.” The word
“Territories ” is not to be found in the constitu
tion, nor is there a clause in that instrument,
which vests Congress with any such authority
as would be embraced by Gen. Taylor’s version.
There is to the most ordinary mind, a vast dif
ference between the ‘'territory” belonging to the
government and the “ Territories ” ot the U. S r
The one carries with it the idea of property
alone ; the other is exclusively of political im
port. Again ; it is evidently the object of the
President in the passage quoted above, to insti
tute a comparison between the powers of Con
gress over the domestic institutions of the States,
and those of the Territories. The former, he
says, “wore not designed to become topics of
national agitation,” but the latter, it is implied,
may constitutionally become so; and indeed we
defy a refutation of the inference, that the pow.
er is conceded to Congress, to settle the ques
tion which arises “on erery new acquisition of
territory, whether the system of involuntary
servitude which prevails in many of the States,
should or should not be prohibited in that Terri
tory.” (Jen. Taylor expressly says that “under
the Constitution, Congress has power to make
all needful rules,” kc., and that this subsequent
question of admitting or excluding slavery is a
natural and legitimate question, growing out of
the exercise of the power thus conferred upon
Congress. The conclusion is inevitable that
Congress has the power to determine the ques
tion. Couple this with (Jen. Taylor’s previous
exposition ofthe veto power, in which he limits
its exercise to constitutional questions, and we
have proved that this Southern President, will
not save the. South, by his negative upon North
ern encroachment. Q. e. and.
Opinion oi. J. C. Calhoun.
A great deal has been said of late, about thfl
right of a people desirous of forming a State
Government, to adopt such fundamental laws as
they think will most likely promote their pros
perity and happiness. The especial friends of
Mr. Calhoun have, if we understand them,
stoutly denied this right, and seem to think that
they arc following in his footsteps in persisting
in this denial. \a between them and him we
have no inclination to volunteer an arbitration,
but if he has not changed his opinions within a
year or two, he differs from them most material
ly. In February, 1847, Mr,. Calhoun offered
io the Senate of the United States the following
resolution. His followers will do well to study
its meaning carefully, before they commit them,
selves.— Col. Enquirer.
“Resolved. That as a fundamental principle in our
political creed, a people in forming a consffto
tion, have the unconditional right to.form and adopt
the Government which they may think best calcula
ted to secure their liberty, prosperity, and happiness ;
and in conformity thereto no other condition is im
posed by the Federal Constitution on a State, in or
der to be admitted into this Union, except that its
constitution shall he‘Republican,’and that the im
position of any oilier by Congress would not only he
in violation of the constitution, but in direct coitifliot
with the principle on which our political system
rests.”
As one of ‘ the especial friends of Mr. Cal
houn,” we must correct our neighbor’s under
standing of the position we occupy on this ques
lion. The resolution appended to the remarks
of the ‘Enquirer,’ embodied the views entertain
ed by Mr. C. at the time it was introduced in the
Senate, and those views, we feel warranted iu
saying, have not undergone any change. Mr.
Calhoun still holds the opinion that the people
ofthe Territories when they have met in con
vention for the purpose of forming a Stale con
stitution, “have the unconditional right to form
and adopt the Government which they may
think best calculated to secure their liberty,
prosperity and happiness,” and in this opinion we
do not think there is any discrepancy between
himself and his friends. Does not the ‘Enqui
rer’ understand how this position may lie per
fectly consistent with opposition to the admis
sion of California ?
Northern Sympathy,
Tho able Editor of the Augusta Republic, in
commenting upon certain resolutions of the N.
Y. Legislature which were intended to be unu
sually forbearing, uses the following well timed;
language:
“ There never was a Judge who had a soul, that did
not condemn a criminal to be bung in language full of
fueling and sympathy, but it is a poor consolation to be
sent io the gallows with sweet sounding word* utti-rrd
amidst the fragrance of the heart’s sympathies. ‘Dint
docs not prevent the fatal tightening of the cord nor tho
ignominy of the death ; nor, on the other hand, can tho
mild words of (he New York, or any other Legislature,
prevent the width, the depth, ortho malignancy of tho
wound which would be inflicted upon the South, should
the object of these resolutions be effected. The feast in
tended for the South is one at which she could not drink
to a noble freeman's sentiments, were she abjectly to at
tend it. She would then be more degaded than h**
slaves.
Thcso. resolutions were sought to be modified in some
degree by a few of the Democratic members, but their
pervading spirit met the sanction of all.
COMMERCIAL.
Columbus Cotton Market,
Columbus, Jan. 30.
> Receipts this week very light. The market is not ac
tive still prices are about the same as at our last report.
! We quote 10 J to 12c.
Cotton Statement.
Columbus, Jan. 26, 1850.
j Stock on band Sept. 1, 1849, - - - 516:
Received this week, - - 2,323
Received previously’, - - 47,897 -50,220
50,736
Shipped this week, - - 1,727
Shipped previously, ... 31,716 33,443
Stock on band, - - - ’ > * 17,293